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Nearly all East Central European states provided land reforms in the interwar period and changed the ethno-demographic and social composition of their populations by forced expropriation and redistribution of agrarian land. This and the impact on state economy and the system of property to land led to a broad interest of the decision making elites in Western Europe. The author presents several cases of diplomatic interferences by Great Powers which led to special exceptions in the legal implementation of the reforms. The article also focuses on the political background of academic and newspaper publications in English, French, and German on this topic. Nearly all scholars presented partial views which were motivated by national or social perspectives on the reform process. They mainly referred to civilization and progress as points of reference. Therefore contemporary scholars should take more care when they underline their arguments with contemporary literature. ; Nearly all East Central European states provided land reforms in the interwar period and changed the ethno-demographic and social composition of their populations by forced expropriation and redistribution of agrarian land. This and the impact on state economy and the system of property to land led to a broad interest of the decision making elites in Western Europe. The author presents several cases of diplomatic interferences by Great Powers which led to special exceptions in the legal implementation of the reforms. The article also focuses on the political background of academic and newspaper publications in English, French, and German on this topic. Nearly all scholars presented partial views which were motivated by national or social perspectives on the reform process. They mainly referred to civilization and progress as points of reference. Therefore contemporary scholars should take more care when they underline their arguments with contemporary literature.

Frustrated by their debts and out of opposition to the authoritarian Catholic government many protestant farmers in the district joined the illegal NSDAP after 1930. They hoped for debt-relief, subsidies and a land-reform program, hopes that were not to be fulfilled. After the ,Anschluß' in 1938 all large farms were declared "Erbhöfe", i. e. to constitute impartible, unmortgagable property of the "Sippe" - a revived germanic concept similar to a clan - within which the property was to go to the next male relative. This resulted in the immediate coll.i.pse of agrarian credit markets. In Burgenland - with its partible-heritage tradition - thousands of second- and later-born children left for industrial regions, causing a severe shortage of labour during harvest time. In many villages up to a 100 percent of the farmers signed up for the debt-relief programs, only to withraw their application for fear of the severe economic regulations that went with it. Small and part-time farmers did not qualify for the program. Although many manorial estates were taken over by the Deutsche Ansiedlungsgesellschaft (German Settlement Society) for land-reform purposes, the land was never distributed among farmers. Nazi agicultural policy did not - and as some authors claim never was really meant to - achieve its propagated goals, having been designed as a means to control agrarian production and adjust it to the needs of German military industry. Only mechanisation and enforced product specialisation had lasting effects on post-war agricultural developments. ; Frustrated by their debts and out of opposition to the authoritarian Catholic government many protestant farmers in the district joined the illegal NSDAP after 1930. They hoped for debt-relief, subsidies and a land-reform program, hopes that were not to be fulfilled. After the ,Anschluß' in 1938 all large farms were declared "Erbhöfe", i. e. to constitute impartible, unmortgagable property of the "Sippe" - a revived germanic concept similar to a clan - within which the property was to go to the next male relative. This resulted in the immediate coll.i.pse of agrarian credit markets. In Burgenland - with its partible-heritage tradition - thousands of second- and later-born children left for industrial regions, causing a severe shortage of labour during harvest time. In many villages up to a 100 percent of the farmers signed up for the debt-relief programs, only to withraw their application for fear of the severe economic regulations that went with it. Small and part-time farmers did not qualify for the program. Although many manorial estates were taken over by the Deutsche Ansiedlungsgesellschaft (German Settlement Society) for land-reform purposes, the land was never distributed among farmers. Nazi agicultural policy did not - and as some authors claim never was really meant to - achieve its propagated goals, having been designed as a means to control agrarian production and adjust it to the needs of German military industry. Only mechanisation and enforced product specialisation had lasting effects on post-war agricultural developments.

Argentina's agrarian lobby slowly reaches into the realm of social movement, taking over its methods of protest, as well as its partiality of commercial mass media. A nationwide rearrangement of its enormous world market will thus be prevented. This development opens up the discussion surrounding democratization of the country's broadcast legislation, dating from the era of military dictature. Thus hoping, that this debate will push belated media reforms toward complete freedom of press and opinion. Photographs, References. O. van Zijl

In Usbekistan ist ein Desertifikationsprozess zu beobachten, der häufig durch ungeeignete landwirtschaftliche Produktionsmethoden verursacht wird. Die meisten der heute in der usbekischen Landwirtschaft bestehenden nicht nachhaltigen Nutzungsmuster haben ihren Ursprung in den institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen der sowjetischen Zeit. Der mit der Unabhängigkeit Usbekistans verbundene Transformations- und Reformprozess stellt eine Gelegenheit dar, diese Nutzungsmuster zugunsten nachhaltiger Strukturen und Produktionsmethoden zu ändern. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die Studie den gegenwärtigen Stand der Reformen einschließlich der institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen und zeigt einige Perspektiven für mögliche weitere Schritte auf. Die Arbeit beruht hauptsächlich auf der Auswertung von Sekundärquellen. Daneben werden 2003/2004 Interviews sowohl mit Vertretern der Wissenschaft als auch der entwicklungspolitischen Praxis geführt. Der erste Schritt dient der Darstellung der konzeptionellen Herangehensweise. Dabei wird auf das Konzept der nachhaltigen Entwicklung zurückgegriffen, dessen drei Dimensionen ökonomische Effizienz, ökologische Nachhaltigkeit und soziale Gerechtigkeit durch die politische Dimension ergänzt werden. Um die institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen bewerten zu können, die erheblichen Einfluss auf den gesamten Entwicklungsprozess und seinen Erfolg haben, werden institutionenökonomische Überlegungen einbezogen. In einem zweiten Schritt folgt zunächst eine allgemeine Charakterisierung des usbekischen Agrarsektors. Anschließend wird der Transformationsprozess, der bisher in der usbekischen Landwirtschaft stattgefunden hat, dargestellt. In diesem Zusammenhang liegt besonderes Gewicht auf der Entwicklung der institutionellen Rahmenbedingungen und der beteiligten Akteure. Der dritte Schritt dokumentiert die Folgen der jahrzehntelangen Übernutzung der Ressourcen. Diese Übernutzung wirkt sich nicht nur in der ökologischen Sphäre, sondern auch auf die Bereiche Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Politik aus. Im vierten Schritt werden die Resultate der vorherigen Kapitel zusammengetragen und der Reformprozess wird bewertet. Der Fokus liegt auf dem Beitrag der Reformen zu einem Wandel in Richtung auf eine ressourcenschonende Landwirtschaft. Als Orientierungspunkte werden die Dimensionen der nachhaltigen Entwicklung sowie die institutionenökonomischen Voraussetzungen für effiziente Märkte herangezogen. Der fünfte Schritt fasst die wichtigsten Ergebnisse noch einmal zusammen und gibt Empfehlungen für die weitere Gestaltung der entwicklungspolitischen Zusammenarbeit mit Usbekistan im Bereich der Landwirtschaftsreformen. (ICG2)

Before 1914, Venezuela was an agrarian country with extremely underdeveloped political and economic structures. General Gomez (1908-1935) favoured foreign monopolies to explore the Venezuelan oil, thereby evading reform and strengthening the political and economic power of his family and friends. They monopolized the important branches of agriculture and industry in the country. After 1928, groups of the bourgeoisie, who tended to modernize, step by step, the economic and political structures, participated in power. Until December 1935, however, the opposition failed to overthrow the dictator

Rapidly developing nations like China, India, or Brazil are demanding greater economic liberalization, nurture global ambitions, & will economically surpass the existing industrial nation within forty years. The growth of China & India in particular give globalization a non-western face. Like Russia, Brazil, India, & China exert undeniable political & economic influence on a regional level. China in particular has grown dramatically with a market full of potential, although China needs to close the gap between economic reform & political modernization. The specific demographic factors in India are driving it to be the third largest economy by 2020, although economic policy & dragging implementation of reforms remain a concern & India remains a relatively closed economy. Still largely agrarian, Brazil is becoming an increasing regional & international power, yet one-third of its population lives in poverty, & the country faces enormous economic debt, bureaucracy, corruption, & lack of international competitiveness & infrastructure. Economic, demographic, & geographic power make these nations universal partners for resolution of global problems, but they must take responsibility at an international level & help lift their neighbors from poverty. L. Kehl

"Neun Monate nach seinem Amtsantritt ist die stabilitätsorientierte Wirtschaftspolitik des brasilianischen Präsidenten Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva durchaus erfolgreich, die sozialpolitischen Maßnahmen jedoch bleiben aufgrund der engen Budgetrestriktionen hinter den Erwartungen zurück. Auf wachsenden Druck der sozialen Bewegungen reagierte Lula nun mit einem Befreiungsschlag: Er entließ den Präsidenten der Agrarreformbehörde INCRA und drängte den Präsidenten der Indigenenschutzbehörde FUNAI zum Rücktritt. Damit betreffen die beiden ersten Entlassungen der Regierung Lula ausgerechnet jene Bereiche, die in der Vergangenheit Zentrum der virulentesten sozialen Konflikte waren und in denen Lula sich bei der Präsidentschaftswahl im Oktober 2002 am glaubwürdigsten zu profilieren wusste. Bedeutet dies den Anfang vom Endes des sozialen Vertrauensvorschusses, den Lula bisher genießen konnte? Kommt es bereits im ersten Regierungsjahr zu einer Zerreißprobe zwischen Lula und den sozialen Bewegungen? Stellt insbesondere die Landlosenbewegung MST mit ihrem Kampf gegen den "sozialen Autoritarismus" der Agraroligarchie eine Unterstützung für die Regierung dar oder ist sie eher ein Hindernis für das von Lula angestrebte Wachstums- und Entwicklungsmodell? Ist der Stabilitätskurs der Regierung gefährdet? Diesen Fragen wird vor dem Hintergrund längerfristiger Trends in den Beziehungen zwischen dem MST und der brasilianischen Regierung nachgegangen, um anschließend die Ansätze und Perspektiven der Regierung Lula darzustellen." (Brennpkt. Lat.am/DÜI)

Besides the detrimental impact of an aging population on state pay-as-you-go pension schemes, Asia's rapid industrialization as well as urbanization continues to decrease the importance of the traditional family-based (informal) old-age support substantially. Especially, predominantly agrarian societies like China and Indonesia have to build-up formal pension systems. Except for Japan, state pay-as-you-go pension scheme are not common. In most countries corporate pension schemes exist, while only in Malaysia and Singapore individual retirement accounts managed by a national agency are mandatory; therefore, its capital stock being of economic relevance. Due to higher returns of privately run pension funds, recent reforms in Asia have led to a spreading of (mandatory) occupational pension schemes on a defined-contribution basis, leaving only the supervision and regulation in the hands of the government. At the same time, less strict portfolio regulation as well as a general trend towards increasing the retirement age is observable. Nevertheless, these reforms provide only first steps towards the construction of fully formal pension systems in Asia.

Under the pressure of NAFTA negotiations the Mexican government changed the agrarian legislation at the beginning of the 1990. This reform meant turning away from the former leitmotiv of social justice brought up in the revolution towards the neoliberal paradigm of economic efficiency. The old system of subsidies & & institutional support was replaced by a market- & export orientation, the priority of community land was replaced by the primacy of private property rights in order to capitalize the Mexican agriculture. This paper analyses whether the goals of increasing productivity & changing the production structure where achieved. There are three basic outcomes from the reforms: small scale farmers have lost market shares & depend on non-agricultural incomes. Secondly, the trading of land is marginal, as export goods are produced on a small share of productive land & the agricultural corporations have many alternative to the purchase of land. The capitalization of agricultural enterprises has also been minimal. These results cause a regional concentration of agricultural corporations & lead to a further marginalization of small scale farmers. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.

The aim of the article is to compare the development of the villages of Kautzen and Český Rudolec in Lower Austria and Moravia after the Second World War. Both villages served as minor trade and industrial centres for the surrounding agrarian regions. Although situated only fifteen kilometres from each other, both were totally separated in the latter half of the twentieth century, not only by the state border between Austria and Czechoslovakia, but even more so by the 'system border' between East and West. After the Second World War, the situation in Český Rudolec was characterized by severe discontinuity, caused by the expulsion of the majority population, the historically German speaking inhabitants, and the forceful establishment of a new incoming Czech speaking population. After the Communists took over power in Czechoslovakia 1948, the collectivisation of the agrarian and industrial sector had taken place against the opposition of the remaining small group of so called 'old settlers', who stayed on after Second World War. A new socialist lifestyle with entirely new structures was established. In Kautzen, the continuity after the war was much more preserved. The Austrian Peoples Party became now the political home of not only their supporters from amongst the Catholic farmers, but also integrated the majority of former National Socialist Party members from the local middle classes. It dominated the political sphere while the everyday life was dominated by the Catholic Church. The processes of modernization in both communities during the 1970ts show similar characteristics, beginning with the communal reform and culminating in the construction of new infrastructure. In the 1980s the development again diverged severely. The Communist regime was unable to integrate the new social discourses of the middle-classes into the system and finally collapsed, while in Kautzen the continuity of the community and its continuous social development proved stronger. ; The aim of the article is to compare the development of the villages of Kautzen and Český Rudolec in Lower Austria and Moravia after the Second World War. Both villages served as minor trade and industrial centres for the surrounding agrarian regions. Although situated only fifteen kilometres from each other, both were totally separated in the latter half of the twentieth century, not only by the state border between Austria and Czechoslovakia, but even more so by the 'system border' between East and West. After the Second World War, the situation in Český Rudolec was characterized by severe discontinuity, caused by the expulsion of the majority population, the historically German speaking inhabitants, and the forceful establishment of a new incoming Czech speaking population. After the Communists took over power in Czechoslovakia 1948, the collectivisation of the agrarian and industrial sector had taken place against the opposition of the remaining small group of so called 'old settlers', who stayed on after Second World War. A new socialist lifestyle with entirely new structures was established. In Kautzen, the continuity after the war was much more preserved. The Austrian Peoples Party became now the political home of not only their supporters from amongst the Catholic farmers, but also integrated the majority of former National Socialist Party members from the local middle classes. It dominated the political sphere while the everyday life was dominated by the Catholic Church. The processes of modernization in both communities during the 1970ts show similar characteristics, beginning with the communal reform and culminating in the construction of new infrastructure. In the 1980s the development again diverged severely. The Communist regime was unable to integrate the new social discourses of the middle-classes into the system and finally collapsed, while in Kautzen the continuity of the community and its continuous social development proved stronger.

This paper analyzes the transition of the agricultural sector in East Germany from 1990 to 1997. One preliminary finding is that the East German agrarian structure differs in several respects from the one in the western part of the country. The author argues that it was due to the strategic behavior of the political actors during the transition that conflicts of interest caused by structural divergency were avoided. Most important in this respect was the policy choice of the West German farmers' interest organization. In order to maintain its representational monopoly, it managed to integrate East German farmers by modifying the ideological basis of membership integration and the instruments of rhetoric used in the past. By integrating East German farmers into the sectoral policy network, intranational conflicts over state transfers were avoided and East German agriculture found itself in a good position to improve its competitiveness and its influence on the reform of national and European agricultural policies. (Prokla / FUB)