Suchergebnisse

Introduction: Cardenas, the Mexican Revolution, and Yucatan -- 1 Agrarian Cardenismo, the Rise of the CGT, and the Fall of Governor Alayola, 1934-1935 -- 2 Left-Cardenismo and the Lopez Cardenas Administration, 1935-1936 -- 3 Cardenismo in Crisis: Gualbertismo, the Fall of Lopez Cardenas, and the Rise of the Official Camarilla -- 4 The Crusade of the Mayab: Cardenismo from Above -- 5 Alliance Failed: Cardenas, Urban Labor, and the Open Door Election of 1937 -- 6 The Retreat of Cardenas: The Great Ejido Plan and the New Political Equilibrium in Yucatan -- 7 Cardenas Compromised: Cardenismo's Legacy in Yucatan.

Introduction : how do we measure change in rural Russia? -- A macro-level view of change in the Russian countryside -- Central government reforms in agriculture -- Regional responses to reforms -- The transformation of Russian agriculture -- The adaptation of villages and households to the new economy -- The impact of reforms on the social organization of the Russian village -- Household capital and agricultural sales -- Household capital and income inequality -- Evaluating the quality of village life -- Rural poverty -- Material goods and services -- Mental health and subjective quality of life -- Building sustainable rural communities -- The future of rural Russia -- What can we learn from the experiment in Russian agrarian reform?

Comparing the Zimbabwean and Japanese agrarian experience may sound impossible. Still, the similarities in the socio-economic and political realities of their respective radical land reforms and grain policies provide scope for such an endeavour. This book examines the aftermath of Japan's radical land reform and the development of her cooperatives. It then compares it to the nature and character of the Zimbabwe post-land reform agrarian structure. The author collected and analysed data from three villages in Japan, and three in Zimbabwe to understand different types of cooperatives, their growths, and constraints. Three distinct types of cooperatives emerged from Japan's 70-year experience in cooperative development. One of these three was identified as providing more relevant lessons necessary for restructuring the British-Indian type of cooperatives currently obtaining in Zimbabwe. The central argument is that the radical Fast-Track Land Reform Programme provided a rare platform (as it did in Japan) to develop robust, genuine grassroots cooperatives from below. Based on a global political economy reading of agricultural production, the book sieves the pros and cons of the Japanese agricultural cooperative system with knowledge systems from the Zimbabwe movement to advance a new agricultural cooperative development framework for Zimbabwe and other post-colonial states.

The agrarian reform dynamics in southern Africa have to be understood within the framework of colonial land policies and legislation that were designed essentially to expropriate land and natural resource property rights from the indigenous people in favour of the white settlers. Colonial land policies institutionalised racial inequity with regard to land although conditions are not homogeneous there are broad themes that cut across the southern Africa region. Colonialism dispossessed and impoverished the people by taking away the most productive lands. Neoliberal globalization has undermined the people's well-being through direct influences on agriculture and rural economies in conjunction with policies promoted by national governments and international agencies. Another shared feature is to be found in the high rates of unemployment, poor returns to small-scale agriculture, lack of access to social services such as health and education all of which serve to erode existing livelihood activities and perpetuate relative and absolute poverty in rural areas. This comparative study on Zimbabwe's agrarian reforms may provide countries such as South Africa and Namibia with valuable lessons, as they attempt their own land reforms. Conflicts between colonialists and the indigenous people in the then Rhodesia centred mainly on the land question. This inequitable distribution of land resulted in Africans waging liberation struggles in order to reclaim their land from the colonialists. In most post-colonial countries, calls have been made for land redistribution as a way of redressing colonial injustices in land tenure systems. The process of reclamation of land and redistributing it to the indigenous people is fraught with problems and has resulted in the present-day land crisis in many parts of Africa and other continents. These are some of the issues this book examines, attempts to understand and explain from a gender perspective. Gender relations are viewed in terms of land use and ownership in pre-colonial, colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe. These socially constructed roles have been found to be unequal in terms of power and decision making. It is argued that lessening of social inequalities between men and women reduces poverty, raises farm efficiency and improves natural resource management. The book emphasises that once women are empowered, the quality of life of their households improves

From 1942 to 1964, a bilateral agreement known as the Bracero Program allowed Mexican men to work in the United States as seasonal contract laborers. During the program's 22-year duration, Mexican officials distributed 4.64 million contracts. This dissertation examines two interrelated questions. First, how did the Mexican government distribute contracts? And second, what motivated rural workers from the center-western states of Guanajuato, Jalisco, and Michoacán – the states that sent the most braceros, between one-third and one-half of the total, to the U.S. – to want to migrate as braceros.Political factors linked to the implementation of and conservative Catholic opposition to the government-sponsored agrarian reform heavily influenced demand for bracero contracts. During the 1920s and 1930s, the federal government expropriated millions of hectares of land in the center-west and redistributed them among hundreds of thousands of rural workers. But numerous agrarian reform beneficiaries were granted insufficient or poor-quality lands, and the statutes that governed agrarian reform communities limited what beneficiaries could do with their lands. Those beneficiaries who had been adversely affected by the agrarian reform's structures expressed an interest in migrating through the Bracero Program. The land redistribution process also drew the ire of conservative Catholics who believed that private property was sacrosanct and who were also upset with a series of anticlerical measures implemented by federal- and state-level administrations. This discontent led to open rebellion between 1926 and 1929, and Guanajuato, Jalisco, and Michoacán were the epicenter of the conflict. Community-level clashes between conservative Catholic and pro-government factions continued into the years of the Bracero Program and center-western rural workers who were pushed off their lands because of these conflicts also became interested in migrating as braceros. Federal officials acknowledged this demand by sending a significant number of contracts to center-western state governments. But because they had failed when they tried to directly recruit and select braceros, and because state-level officials did not want to risk losing control of that process, it was municipal-level officials that ultimately determined who received bracero contracts. Municipal authorities then used the bracero recruitment and selection process to enrich themselves, reward local allies, or remove local opponents. Thus, this dissertation shows that bracero migration was a deeply politicized process.

The article is devoted to the study of the problem of distribution of powers between councils of different levels. First of all, between district councils and local councils of the basic level. The issues of resource provision of the powers that local councils of the basic level received during the local self- government reform were also studied. Disproportions between the scope of powers and their resource provision were revealed. The results of the systematization of the powers received by village, settlement and city councils in the process of decentralization of public administration are given. At the same time, attention is drawn to the challenges faced by territorial communities in connection with the need for them to perform fundamentally new tasks. The unwillingness of local authorities to use the benefits obtained with the powers, the inability to predict lost opportunities was noted. Comparing the structure of the apparatus of the village council of the current territorial community with the pre- reform one made it possible to reveal the scope of new powers, to reveal disproportions between the received powers and their resource provision. Attention is drawn to the fact that, to a large extent, the organizational failure of local self-government bodies at the basic level is due to the lack of highly professional personnel. This circumstance requires constant training and retraining of specialists and employees of local self-government bodies. The specifics of improving the qualifications of specialists of the modern council apparatus have been determined. Proposals have been made to improve the performance of the powers granted to them by local self-government bodies, in particular by increasing the professional level of the staff of the councils. It is noted that in the context of ensuring the proper level of performance of powers by local councils, the digitization of management becomes important. The gradual transfer of management functions to the electronic format, in turn, contributes to increasing the requirements for the professionalism of specialists and employees of local councils. It was concluded that thanks to the improvement of the qualifications of management apparatus specialists, the formation of strategic thinking among the leaders of the community, the decentralization of powers can have the expected effect.

This paper follows one local agrarian communities and tequila industrialist Eladio Sauza through the bureaucratic avenues of Mexico's post-revolutionary land reform. Over 14,115 hectares of land were redistributed as ejidos—landholding communities endowed by the agrarian reform—in the municipality of Tequila between 1927-41. The uphill battle agrarian reformists waged against Sauza to assert their right to land is not simply a story of victimization or economic setbacks. It is also an inquiry into the lives of individuals who through the state sponsored ejido system became empowered and integrated into the nation's revolutionary project. Before the land reform tequila companies produced the agaves needed for the process of distillation; shortly thereafter they became dependent on ejidatarios for their supply of agave. Using the correspondences, memos, and letters of Sauza, as well of those of the agraristas of El Medineño, I show that their stories are not only indicative of the change that the industry faced; their stories are also part of a larger national narrative on the development and implementation of agrarian and labor legislation in the Mexican countryside. What was ordained into law by decrees, more than often unfolded on the ground in different ways than the law intended. Although the legislative frameworks for land reform were provided from above, they remained mute as to how to implement them and were highly susceptible to the pressure from landowners and local communities. Very little is known about the community leaders and those early participants in local agrarian reform movements that did not achieve national notoriety. We may never know the full extent of the backgrounds of the agraristas, but what the sources and this paper do convey are that among them were natural-born leaders adept in the politics of reform who sought justice in the name of the Revolution. Overwhelmed by revolution in land ownership that threatened to cripple his tequila business, Eladio Sauza fought for his definition of justice while trying to dictate the terms of his surrender to the revolutionary process. This story explores and historicizes the origins of conflict and reform in post-revolutionary Mexico—assessing its impact on the ground, to its people, and an industry.

Представлено анализ работ польских историков социалистического периода и современности, посвященных аграрным отношениям в Галиции 1921-1939 гг, Выделены объективные и субъективные факторы, которые повлияли на характер польской историографии исследуемой проблемы. Намечены вопросы, которые требуют дальнейших научных исследований. ; Представлено аналіз праць польських істориків соціалістичної доби і сучасності, присвячених аграрним відносинам в Галичині 1921-1939 рр. Виокремлено об'єктивні і суб'єктивні чинники, що вплинули на характер польської історіографії досліджуваної проблеми. Намічено питання, які потребують подальших наукових досліджень. ; The paper presents the analysis of works of Polish historians socialist era and the present, devoted agrarian relations in Galicia 1921-1939. The study of agrarian relations in Galicia will deepen our understanding of the socio-economic processes which occurred during the interwar period, will allow to estimate the consequences of agricultural policy of the Polish government.Actuality of historiographical understanding of Agrarian Policy of the Second Rzeczpospolita in Galicia interwar period is determined primarily by the need to study and how deep rethinking of past experience in the context of current social and economic development as well as resolving the land issue as indispensable condition the efficiency of the agricultural sector in the state.The character of Polish historiography was caused by both objective and subjective factors. The objective we include the state of development science, socio-cultural preconditions development of the economy finally, the historical conditions and so on.After World War II Polish historiography was continued to be enriched historical research period of the Second Rzeczpospolita. It is characterized by increased attention to socioeconomic processes, the accumulation of factological material from this problem. In light of the history of the interwar period until end of 60-ies was compulsory be criticized actions of the so-called bourgeois Poland.The analysis shows that scientists publishing Polish socialist era were devoted mainly socio-political processes interwar Poland, certain aspects of the development of the Second Rzeczpospolita. Considerable part economic problems was omitted by or regarded superficially.The turning point in Polish historiography came after 1956, with the revival of intellectual and spiritual life of the country. Was revived the trend towards an objective analysis of social phenomena and events, and by the end of the 1970s it became dominant. It was also increasing interest of historians to the initial stages of the Second Rzeczpospolita, its interwar history.In the post-war Polish researchers considerable interest aroused relations in the agricultural sector of the Second Rzeczpospolita. Defined contribution in coverage of specific issues of agricultural policy in Poland in the interwar period did the labor Polish agrarian. Among these are works Ch. Madaychyka «bourgeois-landlord agrarian reform in Poland (1918-1939)», A. Aynenkelya «The legal situation agricultural workers in Poland (1918-1939), M. Myeshchankovskoho» Agrarian structure interwar Poland».Scientists M. Papyezhynska-Turek, T. Dombkovsky, R. Tozhetsky, M. Vankovich, M. Drozdowsky, V. Moravian. made an attempt analyzed Ukrainian issue not only in political but also in social and economic aspects.At the 1980s, Polish historians E. Coco, K. Yontsa, Z. Landau, J. Tomaszewski, E. Holembyovskyy, J. Borkowski, A. Shubinskyy continued to develop problems which examined various aspects of life of the peasantry interwar period.Thorough analysis of the economic development of Poland in the interwar period include collective works of Polish economists Jeziorsko A. and S. Leschynskoyi «History of the Polish economy» and Kalinskoho J. and S. Landau, «Poland's economy in the twentieth century». Substantial historical work on the problem of the military regime prepared Y. Stovbnyak-Smohozhevska.The study of agrarian relations is facilitated by regular contacts between the scientists of both countries, conferences, symposia, roundtables, training and more. Problems of relations between the two Eastern European nations for many centuries have been discussed at the International Conference «Ukraine-Poland: historical heritage and social consciousness» (Kamyanets-Podilsky, 1992). [19] «Ukrainian-Polish relations in Galicia in the twentieth century» (Ivano-Frankivsk, 1996). [20] and others. At these conferences the reform was analyzed of the Polish authorities concerning Ukrainian, including farmers. Proceedings of «Historical research in Ukraine», Issue 13 – «Ukraine-Poland: History and Modernity» highlights the problem of Polish-Ukrainian relations, as well as historiography and source» [21]. The reports and emails that were compiled in the compilation «Above the Dnieper and the Vistula» [22] scholars of both countries consider political, economic and cultural aspects of Ukrainian-Polish relations, ways to strengthen the friendship between the neighboring nations.Thus, the focus of historians PNR has focused on politics Polish governments and parties, international and Polish-Ukrainian relations, instead of agrarian relations on «Eastern Kress» highlighted very casually. Substantiation of principles of agrarian policy of Poland requires further study both Ukrainian and Polish historians to rethinking of deeper lessons of the past to establishing the Polish-Ukrainian partnership in the modern world.

This article focuses on the methodological lessons from Sam Moyo's scholarship. Sam's research is characterised by a combination of detailed empirical investigation, deep knowledge of the technical and practical aspects of agricultural production and farming livelihoods, and bigpicture political economy analysis and theory. Sam's method is an insightful contemporary application of the method originally set out in Marx's Grundrisse. Many contemporary explorations of agrarian political economy fail to sustain the important tension and dialectical debate, between diverse empirical realities and their 'multiple determinations and relations' and wider theorisation of the 'concrete' features of emergent processes of change. The implications of Sam's methodological approach for the analysis of Zimbabwe's land reform are discussed, especially in relation to the land occupations and the politics of agrarian reform since 2000.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Dedication -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction -- Groups in this Study -- Military Hegemonic Political System -- Dominant Party Political System -- Notes -- 2 Military, Bureaucracy, and Party Politics -- Pre-Military-Hegemonic Period -- Bureaucratic Elites and Economic Decision-Making -- Bureaucratic Elites and Political Decision-Making -- Military Hegemony -- Basic Democracies and Rural Works Program -- Financial Industrial Groups and Economic Institutions -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 3 Breakdown of the Military-Hegemonic System and the Emergence of the Pakistan People's Party -- Ayub's Fall and the Emergence of the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) -- PPP: Three Phases of Development -- Party Media and the Image Makers -- Mass Mobilization: Bhutto's Political Style -- General Yahya Kahn and the Military Elites -- Ideological Debate Within the PPP -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 4 Patterns of Conflict in a Post-Military Hegemonic Political System -- The Politics of Personal Antagonism -- The Politics of Ideological Conflict -- The Politics of Regional Conflict -- The JUI-NAP Leadership -- Wali Khan's Strategy of Regime Confrontation -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 5 The Politics of Economic Reform and Resistance -- Reform and Reformist Leadership -- Bhutto as a Reformist Leader -- Economic Power of the Financial-Industrial Groups -- Nationalizations and Their Effects on the Financial-Industrial Groups -- Labor Policy, Unrest, and the Financial-Industrial Groups -- Policies of Agrarian Reform -- Bhutto and the Promise of Land Reform -- Contradictory Goals: Radical Agrarian Reform and the Politics of Accommodation -- Conclusion -- Notes -- 6 Patterns of Civil-Military Relations: The Military, Political Parties, and Public Opinion -- Constitutional Constraints.

This article analyses the background, origins and elaboration of the Extreme North development plan 1977–1990. This plan was another attempt by the Soviet state to elaborate a programme for the development of the Far North territories, involving local, indigenous peoples in economic activities. Such an attempt had first been made under Nikita Khrushchev, but it was eventually abandoned due to the reform of industrial and construction management in 1957. In the late 1970s, with the changed foreign trade balance in the country, the need to develop the northern territories, integrating the indigenous population into the existing economic processes, arose. The state wanted to ensure that the traditional rural economy of the indigenous peoples of the North could reach the level of an industrial society. To this end, a new plan was drawn up. However, no indigenous people participated in the drafting process. The plan embodied the main characteristics of Soviet management: agency, planning and centralism. It envisaged an extensive modernization of all aspects of society in these areas. Its implementation was prevented by the reforms of 1980s and the following break-up of the USSR

1. Opening Laos : the Nam Theun 2 hydropower project -- 2. The Congress for People's Agrarian Reform in the Philippines -- 3. New kid on the block : Chinese development assistance in Asia -- 4. Lessons in regional economic cooperation : the case of the Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) -- 5. Whither the trees and the forests? : the Task Force Total Commercial Log Ban in the Philippines -- 6. Protecting the domestic worker : the case of Sri Lanka -- 7. Myanmar's development : an opportunity for genuine transformation.

Prologue : witnesses -- The era of Ubico -- The presidency of Juan José Arévalo -- The death of Francisco Arana -- The election of Jacobo Arbenz -- The United States and Arévalo : Arévalo's sins -- The United States and Arévalo : the U.S. response -- The world of Jacobo Arbenz -- The agrarian reform -- The revolutionary forces -- The "Christian" opposition -- The international conspiracy against Guatemala -- The Caracas conference -- The agony of the regime -- The fall of Arbenz -- Conclusion -- The fate of the defeated.