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Foreign aid from China is often characterized as "rogue aid" that is not guided by recipient need but by China"s national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China"s aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China"s allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China"s allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China"s aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China"s allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as "rogue aid" seems unjustified. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Foreign aid from China is often characterized as rogue aid that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical teams and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as rogue aid seems unjustified.

Foreign aid from China is often characterized as 'rogue aid' that is not guided by recipient need but by China's national interests alone. However, no econometric study so far confronts this claim with data. We make use of various datasets, covering the 1956-2006 period, to empirically test to which extent political and commercial interests shape China's aid allocation decisions. We estimate the determinants of China's allocation of project aid, food aid, medical staff and total aid money to developing countries, comparing its allocation decisions with traditional and other so-called emerging donors. We find that political considerations are an important determinant of China's allocation of aid. However, in comparison to other donors, China does not pay substantially more attention to politics. In contrast to widespread perceptions, we find no evidence that China's aid allocation is dominated by natural resource endowments. Moreover, China's allocation of aid seems to be widely independent of democracy and governance in recipient countries. Overall, denominating aid from China as 'rogue aid' seems unjustified.

Australia is a global citizen with an interest in enhancing regional stability and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region and improving the lives of the world's poorest people, particularly in Africa. To that end, Australia maintains an international aid program which this year is spending almost 5 billion on development assistance. This amount represents 0.35% of Gross National Income; Australia's future aid commitment is set to increase to 0.5% of GNI within the next 3-4 years. This book reviews the Australian government's current aid commitments and reforms, exploring a range of factors incl.

First published in 1975, in conjunction with the Overseas Development Institute, this study examines the case for and against aid for developing nations, taking the specific example of British aid to Malawi's economic development since independence in 1964

It is argued that in recent years, a variety of wealthy, nondemocratic regimes, including China, Venezuela, and Saudi Arabia, have begun to undermine development policy through their own activist aid programs. These countries have a greater interest not in helping to develop other countries, but to further their own national and financial interests, and their own ideological agendas. The 'rogue' agenda threatens the world with greater corruption and authoritarianism. Adapted from the source document.

Foreign aid looms large in the public discourse; and international development assistance remains squarely on most policy agendas concerned with growth, poverty and inequality in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. The present review takes a retrospective look at how foreign aid has evolved since World War II in response to a dramatically changing global political and economic context. I review the aid process and associated trends in the volume and distribution of aid and categorize some of the key goals, principles and institutions of the aid system. The evidence on whether aid has been effective in furthering economic growth and development is discussed in some detail. I add perspective and identify some critical unresolved issues. I finally turn to the current development debate and discuss some key concerns, which I believe should be kept in mind in formulating any agenda for aid in the future