Suchergebnisse

Die USA unter Präsident Obama stehen vor globalen Herausforderungen, wie Klimawandel, nukleare Proliferation, Terrorismus, Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise, Energieversorgung, regionale Konflikte mit globalen Auswirkungen u.a. Die traditionellen transatlantischen Beziehungen, die auf gemeinsamen Werten und wirtschaftlicher Interdependenz beruhen, sind wichtig, reichen aber zur Lösung dieser Probleme nicht mehr aus. Genauso wie die USA muss Europa seine Rolle neu definieren. Es muss sich fragen, welchen Beitrag es in einer globalisierten Welt leisten will und kann. Amerika und Europa sind wichtige Akteure, die Einbeziehung anderer ist notwendig. Auf institutioneller Ebene werden beispielsweise die G-20 immer bedeutender und lösen selbst zunehmend die G-7/8 ab.

"Integration theories usually either implicitly or explicitly assume that regional integration is driven by intraregional economic interdependence, which allows for the utilisation of economies of scale or comparative cost advantages within the region. However, following the new regionalism of the 1990s, it has become clear that regional integration may also be used by the respective member states to improve their standing in the global economy, to become more attractive for foreign direct investment and development aid, or to be more powerful in international trade negotiations. In this paper, we argue that the latter motive is more important for developing countries than the former two, because developing countries are more dependent on economic relationships with other regions than on those with their neighbours. Thus, in order to understand regional integration in the Southern hemisphere, integration theory needs to incorporate interregional relationships and the resulting positive feedback for regional integration projects among developing countries. To support this argument, we present network analyses of intraregional and interregional trade of the European Community (EC), the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the Association of Southeast-Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Common Market of South America (MERCOSUR) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC)." (author's abstract)

"Electoral turnout is shown to be higher and less socially skewed in member states of the enlarged European Union than in the United States. The differences in the levels of turnout can partly be related to differences in election procedures, but since the procedural rules provide similar incentives or disincentives to all social groups they cannot explain the much higher inequality of electoral participation in America. There is some evidence to sustain the notion that the higher inclusiveness of the West European welfare state fosters political integration and the equality of electoral participation. In line with this notion differences between Europe and America diminish considerably when the analysis is confined to the pensioner generation whose integration into welfare state schemes is largely similar on both sides of the Atlantic." (author's abstract)

"Zwei zentrale Fragen beschäftigen politische Beobachter in Europa: Führen das außenpolitische Debakel im Irak und die zunehmende innenpolitische Kritik in den USA zu einer grundlegenden Neubewertung des internationalen Engagements der Weltmacht? In welcher Form wird Amerika künftig global agieren? Spielen die Vereinten Nationen eine Rolle in der zu erwartenden amerikanischen Außenpolitik?" (Autorenreferat)

This article explores the relationship between the 'hero' and the celebrity culture of the 19th-century United States. Even by the 1820s, the activities of print media and entrepreneurial manufacturers meant that individuals widely recognised and worshipped as 'heroes' almost inevitably became part of the nascent celebrity culture of the age, while some actively courted this connection to pursue their own political or financial agendas. However, using the receptions of three foreign heroes, the Marquis de Lafayette, Lajos Kossuth, and John Bright, the article contends that we can still make valid distinctions between the two states through the analysis of cultural practice and discourse. In turn, by conceptualising 'hero' and 'celebrity' as two axes on the graph of fame, it is possible to use such analysis to assess more accurately a given individual's public reputation.

'In diesem Artikel wird versucht, den Entwicklungsstand der Pflegeprofession in den USA anhand neuer amerikanischer Zeitschriftenliteratur aufzuzeigen. Dabei ergibt sich, daß die Ausbildungsinstitutionen, hauptsächlich in Form von Studiengängen an Universitäten, gut ausgebaut sind. Der Pflegewissenschaft fehlt jedoch noch eine solide Grundlegung. Ebenso ist die Diskussion über eine verbindliche Pflegeethik noch nicht abgeschlossen. Das Prestige ist zweigeteilt. Auf der einen Seite genießen die akademisch gebildeten Pflegekräfte volle akademische Anerkennung, andererseits sind Ansehen und Einkommen der Pflegeberufe an der 'Bettkante' gering. Nur durch die Beseitigung dieser Defizite und durch eine stärkere politische Beteiligung, insbesondere durch die Berufsverbände, wird die volle Professionalisierung der Pflegeberufe möglich.' (Autorenreferat, IAB-Doku)

Diskussionen über die Repräsentation von People of Color in TV-Serien und anderen medialen Erzeugnissen sind präsent und stellen die Gesellschaft aktuell vor eine Herausforderung. Wenig überraschend sind auch Superhelden-Geschichten wie die des Marvel-Universums davon betroffen. Die Serie The Falcon and The Winter Soldier (2021) thematisiert Rassismus in einer zuvor ungekannt expliziten Weise. Mit der Figur des Falcon wird erstmals ein Afroamerikaner für die emblematische Rolle des Captain America berufen. Derartige Entwicklungen, die eine Kontinuität mindestens seit dem Civil Rights Movement der 1960er-Jahre zeigen, lösen harsche Diskussionen innerhalb des Fandom aus. Verbale Auseinandersetzungen finden gegenwärtig in erster Linie online statt. Der vorliegende Artikel bettet diese Diskurse in die Critical Race Theory, insbesondere innerhalb der Medienrezeption, ein, erklärt die besonderen Bedingungen des Fandoms und illustriert Entwicklungen und aktuelle Diskussionen über Repräsentation und (Cyber-)Rassismus im Marvel-Universum.

Anknüpfend an aktuelle Forschungen, die Intersektionalität für jüdische Studien und Antisemitisforschung adaptieren, zeigt dieser Essay die Verflechtung zwischen europäisch-jüdischer Erfahrung und der Entstehung der Black Women's history in den USA zu Beginn der 1970er Jahre. Dabei fokussiert er Leben und Wirken Gerda Lerners, eine der maßgeblichen Protagonistinnen der Frauengeschichte in den USA und darüber hinaus. Am Fall von Lerners "Black Women in White America" (1972), eine der ersten Anthologien zur Geschichte Schwarzer Frauen in den USA, erweitert der Beitrag zum einen bisherige Genealogien von Intersektionalität, indem herausgearbeitet wird, wie eine aschkenasische-jüdische Frau Wiener Herkunft eine race und class bewusste Frauengeschichte entwickelte und damit eine intersektionale Frauengeschichte avant la lettre praktizierte. Zum anderen zeigt es "Black Women in White America" als einen der ersten Austragungsorte von Konflikten um die Legitimität von Sprechpositionen und das Eigentum an intellektueller Arbeit, wie sie heute prominent verhandelt und mit aller Schärfe geführt werden.

Looking back on extremely modest beginnings as a boatyard in Aumund near Bremen, the Fr. Lürssen boatyard founded in 1875 is today a Bremen-Vege-sack-based shipbuilding group specializing in the construction of naval vessels and large motor-yachts. Before World War I, it was one of Germany's leading builders of motorized boats, offering a wide assortment of boat types including motor-yachts of up to 20 metres in length. After the war, the company went on to develop new business segments. It began seeking contact to the U.S. in 1922/23, and the first yacht went to Boston in 1924. Between 1924 and 1932, it supplied American customers with altogether twenty-eight motor-yachts of widely differing types, measuring between 12 and 30 metres, along with a large number of tenders. As many of these vessels were driven with Maybach engines, Friedrich Wilhelm von Meister (1903-1978) - the New York representative of that well-known engine manufacturer of Friedrichshafen - provided sales support. And finally, between 1923 and 1931 Lürssen supplied the Fr. Krupp Germaniawerft in Kiel with 37 tenders for the large-scale yachts built there, likewise for American customers. The boatbuilding company owed this business success in great part to its technical competence as well as to the sales talents of its owner Otto Lürssen (1880-1932), who travelled to the States himself in 1927 and 1928. Yet there were also external factors: the Roaring Twenties boom in the U.S. played an important role, especially in conjunction with a vibrant yachting tradition there that went back to the nineteenth century. The majority of the customers were on the east coast, a veritable water sports Eldorado offering a wide range of yachting waters between Canada and Florida. The good political relations between Berlin and Washington during the Weimar Republic undoubtedly also had a favourable impact on the business dealings. Other yacht-building yards - in Germany and elsewhere in Europe - likewise cultivated business relations with the U.S. in those years. A change in customs regulations in 1928 and the Great Depression sparked by the New York stock market crash of 1929 put an end to Lürssen's America business in the interwar period.

In his article on Albert Ballin appearing in the "Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv" No. 15, 1992, pp. 135-158, Frank Broeze advocates two theses: (1) that contrary to popular opinion Albert Ballin used ruthless tactics to pursue his policy of expansion and (2) that he practiced a dubious financial policy and frequently did not know exactly what he wanted. Broeze bases his argumentation primarily on the observations of Johannes Merck and Max von Schinckel who both regarded Ballin from a critical distance. The author of the present article focuses chiefly on Broeze's accusations concerning the personal and business integrity of Albert Ballin and arrives at conclusions quite different from Broeze's: 1. In addition to the construction of the IMPERATOR class, Ball in also had internationally outstanding ships built for the South America routes (east and west coast) as well as for the East Asia service- a carefully targetted business policy, the success of which was hindered only by the First World War. Ballin's restraint in regard to austral traffic, which would have remained deficitary for Hapag because of the absolute predominance of the British, also points to a faculty for clever decision-making. 2. The low dividend payments of the Hapag in comparison to other shipping companies are not an indication of the negative effects of Ballin's business policies but of the reinvestment of a larger proportion of the profits. 3. The increase in the cost of the IMPERATOR's construction from the 25 million Marks first projected to a final total of 38 million Marks were not caused by Ballin's having habitually ordered ships in a "totally unbusiness-like" manner, but by the fact that the original plans were for a 30,000 ton vessel whereas the ship finally ordered weighed 51,000 tons. 4. There is no evidence to support Broeze's assertions that Ballin's behaviour was inconsiderate, violent, dictatorial, antagonistic and uncompromising . On the contrary, his main competitors in Bremen, England and among his pool partners have never expressed any such criticism. This is in itself a remarkable fact and speaks clearly for Ballin's integrity.

This book is open access under a CC BY 4.0 license. This edited volume examines how economic processes have worked upon social lives and social realities in Latin America during the past decades. Through tracing the effects of the neoliberal epoch into the era of the so-called pink tide, the book seeks to understand to what extent the turn to the left at the start of the millennium managed to challenge historically constituted configurations of inequality. A central argument in the book is that in spite of economic reforms and social advances on a range of arenas, the fundamental tenants of socio-economic inequalities have not been challenged substantially. As several countries are now experiencing a return to right-wing politics, this collection helps us better understand why inequalities are so entrenched in the Latin American continent, but also the complex and creative ways that it is continuously contested. The book directs itself to students, scholars and anyone interested in Latin America, economic anthropology, political anthropology, left-wing politics, poverty and socio-economic inequalities.

Intro -- Front Matter -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Aging in Latin America and the Caribbean in Global Perspective -- 3 Health Status, Disability, and Mortality -- 4 Health Care Systems, Access, and Quality -- 5 Labor Market Participation/Retirement -- 6 Family and Social Transfers -- 7 Resilience and Aspects of Well-Being in Older Age -- 8 Opportunities to Generate Evidence on Older Adults and Move the Research Agenda Forward -- References -- Appendix A WORKSHOP AGENDA

Acknowledgments -- The Project on Ethnicity and Race in Latin America (PERLA) : hard data and what is at stake -- The different faces of mestizaje : ethnicity and race in Mexico -- Colombia : from whitened miscegenation to triethnic multiculturalism -- "El pa's de todas las sangres? : race and ethnicity in contemporary Peru -- Mixed and unequal : new perspectives on brazilian ethnoracial relations -- A comparative analysis of ethnicity, race, and color based on PERLA findings -- Notes -- References -- About the authors -- Index.

The causes and consequences of high inequality in incomes, assets, and many aspects of well-being in Latin America have recently (re-)emerged as a central research and policy issue. However, many open questions remain that will be dealt with in the contributions to this volume. First, the linkages between growth, inequality, and poverty in Latin America need further clarification. More analyses at the country and even sub-national level are required to understand these complex relationships and their most important determinants. Of particular relevance is to examine these relationships in the Latin American context of high economic instability with recurrent economic and financial crises, particularly in the 1990s. Secondly, measuring and addressing poverty remains a critical research area, in particular non-monetary including subjective indicators of well-being often tell a different story that needs to be considered when analyzing poverty trends and determinants. Lastly, the poverty/inequality issues need to be considered in an economic environment, where trade, migration, and economic integration are of particular importance. Thus the role of trade and migration in generating, sustaining, or reducing inequalities between and within countries is an area that requires further analysis.