Suchergebnisse

"Scholarship on ethnicity in modern Latin America has traditionally understood the region's various societies as fusions of people of European, indigenous, and/or African descent. These are often deployed as stable categories, with European or "white" as a monolith against which studies of indigeneity or blackness are set. The role of post-independence immigration from eastern and western Europe-as well as from Asia, Africa, and other Latin-American countries-in constructing the national ethnic landscape remains understudied. The contributors of this volume focus their attention on Jewish, Arab, non-Latin European, Asian, and Latin American immigrants and their experiences in their "new" homes. Rejecting exceptionalist and homogenizing tendencies within immigration history, contributors advocate instead an approach that emphasizes the locally- and nationally-embedded nature of ethnic identification"--

In a clear break from its past, Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), particularly South America, experienced a growth spurt with equity during the first decade of the 21st century. One policy area that has moved back to center stage is regional integration. Indeed, since at least the 1960s, LAC has experimented with various forms of regional integration with the hope that fostering regional economic ties can yield the type of economic success that the region has long sought. The current push toward regional integration has been influenced by the success of the East Asia and Pacific (EAP) region, where intraregional trade, exports to the rest of the world, and incomes have risen together as the region continues to catch up to the income levels of the United States. The goal of leveraging formal trade arrangements to accelerate growth is evident in many of the trade agreements that are in place in the region. This report revisits the concept of OR and presents evidence supporting the idea that a revitalized OR strategy can contribute to growth with stability by exploiting the complementarities between regional and global economic integration. It presents a five pronged strategy, including: (i) reducing external most-favored-nation (MFN) tariffs; (ii) deepening economic integration between South America and Central and North America; (iii) harmonizing rules and procedures governing the exchange of goods, services, and factors of production; (iv) stepping up efforts to reduce LAC's high trade costs; and (v) integrating labor and capital markets in the Americas. The report draws upon two prominent strands of economic theory. The first is the idea that the gains from trade depend on differences between countries. The second is the idea that trade facilitates learning, either through the experience of exporting or from the exposure to new products and ideas that are embodied in imports

"Before the revolution, the Chesapeake made up one of the most prosperous and politically important regions in the mainland colonies. This book lays out the origins of, the source of earliest material success (tobacco exports) in, social developments in, and growing disparities and jealousies between the two 'sisters' of the Chesapeake: Virginia and Maryland. No one before has attempted this kind of twin 'biography,' and yet it helps enormously to see these two colonies and their growth in the same viewfinder. Protestant Virginia, the larger colony, claiming far reaches of North America, eventually believed itself the rightful leader in colonial politics, especially in resistance to Parliamentary violations of cherished liberties. Catholic-Protestant Maryland, a proprietary province, more diverse and ambitious in its own ways, soon developed along its own economic path and kept a watchful eye on the older sister while complaining also of Calvert-family restrictions and privileges. Differences aside, these colonies 'invented' staple-crop agriculture and African-American slavery in the mainland colonies. They thus contributed heavily to the formation of American interests and character"--

"Historical analysis of theories of interdependence in US policy since World War II. Examines their application toward Central America from 1950s-80s"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

"Series of eight papers on the prospects for consolidated democracy in Latin America prepared in 1993 by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center in conjunction with the Olof Palme International Foundation. Selected essays focus on: 1) obstacles to the democratization process; 2) the political consequences of economic reform programs; and 3) the external context for democratization. In a perceptive chapter on 'transitology,' Schmitter argues that the increased reliance on multilateral diplomacy and international organizations in the aftermath of the Cold War has brought pressure to bear on the remaining non-democracies and recidivist democracies in the region. Authors express concern about the negative impact of some economic reforms on democratic consolidation"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

The tribunal of the holy office of the inquisition in colonial Spanish America / José Toribio Medina -- The inquisition in colonial Peru / Henry Charles Lea -- The church and the inquisition in the Spanish American colonies / Salvador de Madariaga -- Visitas and books / Irving A. Leonard -- The struggle between an archbishop and a viceroy in seventeenth-century new Spain / Hubert Howe Bancroft -- The debate over Indian policy in seventeenth-century Brazil : the Jesuits vs. the colonists and local government officials / Mathias C. Kiemen -- Catholicism and the national tradition / Aurelio Espinosa Polit -- Intellectual opposition to the tradition of Catholicism / William Rex Crawford -- The conflict in Mexico between the civil power and the clergy, 1854-1876 : defense of the civil power / Emilio Portes Gil -- The conflict in Mexico between the civil power and the clergy, 1854-1876 : defense of the clergy / Félix Navarrete -- Church and state in Peru during the first century of independence / Francis Merriman Stanger

Comparative constitutional studies rank the US president as relatively weak and most Latin American presidents as strong. However, specialized studies suggest that US presidents have great abilities to implement their agendas. We argue that presidents with weak formal powers "reinforce" their ability to impose an agenda (scope), as well as their ability to make those decisions stick (force). These reinforced powers, however, have diminishing returns as formal powers rise. As a result, the sum of presidential powers ranges from high (the US) to very high (Latin America). Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, South America has witnessed a large increase in arms purchases. Nonetheless, there are important intraregional differences in terms of the allocation of resources for weapons acquisitions. How can we account for these disparities? Mainstream literature suggests that levels of arms importation depend on either the size of the defense budget or the perception of threat. In contrast, this article contends that the level of spending on arms is mainly determined by: (a) the expansive or nonexpansive nature of the strategic assessment of defense, (b) the available resources allocated by the defense budget, and (c) the level of political attention to defense issues. Thus, the aim of this article is to account for and assess the determinants of the different levels of arms importation in South America from 2000 to 2011. Adapted from the source document.

The books under review all deal with the same fundamental phenomenon: mobilization against neoliberal policies by South American indigenous groups. These works fall into two groups: those that focus on the Mapuche struggle in Chile, and those that consider anti-neoliberal indigenous mobilization in the region more broadly. Just as literature in the former group fails to draw any linkages between the Mapuche and other South American indigenous struggles, the latter body of literature does not engage with Chile as a case worthy of consideration. This essay delineates the arguments made by scholars from both groups and argues that they must be brought into dialogue with one another in order to develop both a more holistic conceptualization of the Mapuche struggle in Chile and a more complete understanding of indigenous mobilization in the region. Further empirical work is needed on how Mapuche mobilization relates to other indigenous, anti-neoliberal mobilizations in South America. Adapted from the source document.

This essay calls for a more nuanced analysis of the evolution of party systems in Latin America. I contend that the general impression that party systems are collapsing in Latin America and that processes of partisan and electoral dealignment are affecting most countries in the region is incorrect. I also argue that the process of moderation and de-ideologization of the main political parties in many Latin American party systems often facilitates processes of democratic consolidation. Finally, he discusses the positive impact recent transformations of Latin American party systems had on political representation in the region, by showing that formerly excluded groups -- especially indigenous groups -- have been integrated into the political system. Adapted from the source document.

Drawing from well-known theories of democracy and democratic transition, this essay considers the transition to local democracy in Latin America. It raises a central question: Given the landmark decentralization of the past three decades, what constitutes local democracy in the region today and in which countries can we say it exists? Core considerations in comparing local democracy and national democracy are discussed. I present the concept of "minimum decentralization" and, using this framework, posit six procedural and institutional conditions for defining local democracy. Eighteen systems are evaluated against these conditions at the municipal and intermediate levels of government. Despite the real transfer of authority in many countries, and though several Latin American countries have established or nearly established local democracies, only a few of the local systems can be considered democratic. Though the conclusion is somewhat counterintuitive, explanations for the slow development of decentralization and local democracy are considered. Adapted from the source document.

Over the past decade, there has been a surge of "new Left" governments in Latin America, yet polling data shows no comparable shift to the left among the general Latin American population. If electorates have not followed their political leaders to the left, then it is likely that new right- wing political actors will emerge to compensate for the leftward shift in Latin American politics. I propose a research agenda for studying right-wing politics in light of the current wave of left-leaning governments in the region. I argue that we should focus on four main areas of right-wing politics: the political agenda of right-wing groups; their political organization; their power capability; and the institutional environment in which they operate. This agenda requires that we move beyond the traditional focus on right- wing political parties and focus on right-wing organizations at all levels of formal politics, as well as groups that operate outside the formal political arena. Adapted from the source document.

A wave of leftist governments has swept Latin America in recent years, attracting a great deal of scholarly attention. Yet a number of new conservative parties have attained considerable electoral success, as well. This paper argues that a conservative party can succeed electorally & consolidate organizationally when it is supported by two strong groups in society: the business community & the neoliberal technocrats. To assess the argument, I explore the successful trajectory of the rightist Alianza Republicana Nacionalista (ARENA) in El Salvador. I then evaluate the generalizability of the argument by comparing ARENA's trajectory with another conservative party in the region, Union Democrata Independiente (UDI) in Chile. In addition to proposing a new theory for conservative party success in Latin America, the paper calls for the revival of socioeconomic explanations in political science. Adapted from the source document.

Representative democracy hinges upon the notion of accountability. We examine the mediating effects of political context on economic accountability in a hostile environment - the developing democracies of Central America. We test whether clarity of responsibility mediates the economy's effects on citizens' support for a president using approval ratings. In general, we find that a good economy increases public support for a president significantly more under unified government, but surprisingly, we find that a bad economy decreases public support for a president far more under divided government Dynamic simulations show that these effects become more pronounced during sustained periods of economic expansion or contraction. Adapted from the source document.