Latin America and the new aspects of the oil question, by Pierre Gilhodes There are three possible oil policies open to Venezuela: give complete liberty to free enterprise, i.e. the American oil companies, eliminate the latter and assume direct responsibility for oil drilling, or take up an intermediate position and attempt to retain as much as possible of the wealth generated by oil in the country. It is the latter policy that has been pursued by the three constitutional governments in Venezuela since 1958. Today American companies are faced with the possibility that Venezuela and the other oil producing countries in Latin America may imitate certain Arab States and radicalize this reformist policy. [Revue française de science politique XXII (6), décembre 1972, pp. 1308-1328.]
Le conflit entre la Colombie et le Venezuela, par Pierre Gilhodes La Colombie et le Venezuela sont en conflit pour la délimitation de la plateforme continentale du golfe du Venezuela. Depuis juin 1970, la querelle est publique et des préparatifs militaires considérables font craindre le pire. Va-t-on vers une multiplication des conflits de ce type en Amérique latine ? [Revue française de science politique XXI (6), décembre 1971, pp 1273-1289] COLOMBIA VENEZUELA PIERRE uILHODES Colombia and Venezuela are in conflict over delimitating the continental platform of the Venezuelian Gulf This controversy has come out into the open since June 1970 and -following important military preparations on either side the worst must be feared Is this the type of dispute likely to spread throughout Latin America .Revue -fran aise de science politique XXI 6) décembre 1971 pp 1273-1289
Révolutions militaires et indépendance nationale en Amerique Latine (1968-1971), par Alain Rouquié Les trois nouveaux régimes militaires établis en Amérique latine depuis 1968 (Pérou, Panama, Bolivie) ont pour caractéristiques communes la volonté de récupérer leurs richesses nationales et de prendre leurs distances vis-à-vis des Etats-Unis. Par une politique de développement accéléré et de réformes audacieuses, les militaires au pouvoir dans ces trois pays cherchent moins à effectuer une transformation révolutionnaire de la société qu'à renforcer la capacité de décision autonome de l'Etat national. Sans sous-estimer le rôle des facteurs internes dans l'émergence de ces attitudes nationalistes, en rupture avec le passé contre-révolutionnaire récent des armées latino-américaines, il apparaît qu'une telle mutation, de portée continentale, a été rendue possible par un changement de conjoncture extérieure et l'évolution du système militaire interaméricain. [Revue française de science politique XXI (5), octobre 1971, pp. 1045-1069, et XXI (6), décembre 1971, pp. 1234-1259] MILITARY REVOLUTIONS AND NATIONAL INDEPENDANCE IN LATIN AMERICA 1968-1971 ALAIN ROUQUI The three new military regimes set up in Latin America since 1968 Peru Panama have in common desire to retreive their national wealth and to break away from the United States Their policy of accelerated deve lopment and daring reforme aims not at revolutionizing the society but at reinforcing the possibility of autonomous decision-making of the nation-State Without underestimating the rolei played by internal factors in the forming of these nationalist attitudes which go against the recent counter-revolutionary past of Latin American armies it seems that such change of vital importance to the whole continent was rendered possible by change in the external situation and by the evolution of the inter-American military system Revue fran aise de science politique XXI 5) octobre 1971 pp 1045-1069 et XXI 6) décembre 1971 pp 1234-1259
The US 1968 elections represent a departure from the traditional Amer pattern. For the first time since the Civil War, 3 presidential candidates presented themselves to the voters in all the States of the Union. This points to a malaise in Amer pot & to a feeling that the 2 big parties do not adequately represent the electorate. 3rd parties in Amer history have played the role of promoting new ideas that were eventually enacted by one of the 2 big parties. But they faced overwhelming odds & did not last more than a few yrs. A picture of the 2 big parties in America is presented: their composition, org & the soc & pol'al forces they represent. The history of Amer 3rd parties is traced from the early 19th' cent until the 1968 election. The parties at the present time, org'al changes that have taken place in recent yrs, new cleavages in Amer society & new problems & new concerns of the electorate are examined. The final section examines the electoral Coll & its effect on pol'al life in America. The fact that Amer elections have traditionally been decided by a narrow margin of votes, it is concluded, shows that the 2 parties are very similar & that they are pragmatic rather than ideological. The broad soc composition of each party maintained the unity of the republic. But the past few yrs have witnessed a fragmentation of Amer society, & movements of the right & left demand to be heard, whether within each of the 2 parties & or by the electorate itself. The G. Wallace campaign & the votes he obtained showed that the demand for change cannot be ignored by pol'al leaders. The discussions in the Democratic Party about a democratization of the decision-making process prove that a reevaluation is already under way. Radical changes in the Democratic Party will be bound to be followed by similar changes in the Republican Party. It is quite possible that in the future state- & nation-wide primaries will decide the choice of the President, thus changing & democratizing the system of presidential elections. A. Peskin.
A partir des résultats d'un sondage parmi les syndiqués de Pittsburgh en 1959 , l'analyse cherche à déterminer 1° à quel point la montée des prix préoccupe les syndiqués ; 2° dans quelle mesure ils rendent les syndicats responsables de l'inflation ; 3° si la conviction que les syndicats provoquent l'inflation les dispose à renoncer aux augmentations de salaires. Les résultats révèlent que les syndiqués étaient réellement préoccupés de la montée des prix. Ils croyaient même en majorité que les prix montaient plus vite que les salaires, contrairement à ce que montrent les statistiques. De plus, deux tiers des syndiqués attribuaient au moins partiellement la responsabilité de l'inflation aux syndicats. Les ouvriers de l'acier avaient bien davantage tendance à incriminer leur propre syndicat : presque la moitié d'entre eux croyaient que le syndicat de l'acier (United Steelworkers of America) avait joué un rôle dans l'inflation. Enfin, les syndiqués qui croyaient à la responsabilité des syndicats dans l'inflation, avaient tendance à accepter de renoncer aux augmentations de salaires, particulièrement s'ils incriminaient leur propre syndicat. Les résultats de l'étude justifieraient un nouvel examen de l'idée courante que les syndiqués sont indifférents aux effets des augmentations de salaires sur les prix à la consommation. Ils conduisent aussi à mettre en question la théorie économique selon laquelle les syndiqués revendiquent des augmentations de salaires quand les prix montent. Il est très vraisemblable — et on peut produire des arguments à l'appui de cette affirmation — que les idées exposées dans la presse et les grands moyens d'information tendent à briser la spirale des salaires et des prix en convaincant les travailleurs que les syndicats ont une responsabilité dans l'inflation.
The 2 chief works of de Tocqueville: ON DEMOCRACY IN AMERICA & the ANCIENT REGIME AND THE REVOLUTION both start with the same question: the supreme ideal of society is egalitarianism; can it also include freedom? For de Tocqueville, democracy is before everything, a soc fact, an equality of conditions which implies the sovereignty of the people & their participation in public affairs within its framework, & which, in its econ aspect, tends toward the reduction of inequality. However, the democratic society is not necessarily a liberal one; de Tocqueville considers liberty to be the security of everyone under the protection of the law, to the extent that the citizens have themselves, contributed to the establishment of the laws, & to the extent to which they themselves are free. De Tocqueville's problem, therefore, is: Under what circumstances does a democratic society have the best opportunity for not becoming despotic? In examining 2 separate instances-the US & France-he replies by elaborating the viewpoint of Montesquieu, develops the principle of modern industrial & commercial societies, with their clear understanding of their own interests & their respect for the law; & at the same time, makes clear the relationship between soc types & types of Gov. The opportunities of democracy seem more possible for him in the US than in France, since there we can see a historic continuity, communal & regional liberty, religious beliefs lacking a participation in an established church, & indifference to general theories. A cent ago, de Tocqueville had clearly envisaged the coming of a democratic regime; the hostility & indifference which greeted his views came from 2 directions: the historians have extensively criticized the generalities in which his views are couched & the inadequacies of his documentation, & the sociol'ts, up to the break between totalitarianism & pluralistic democracy, have misunderstood the historical import of the problem which he has posed. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
Of all the soc sci's, pol'al sci has, to date, been the 1 that has taken the least part in the efforts of UNESCO toward peaceful cooperation. This situation impairs the study of pol'al phenomena in countries outside of Western Europe & North America & contributes to the Ideological diff's which are already reflected in the double terminology: peaceful cooperation in the West & peaceful coexistence in the East. For the attempts at internat'l cooperation of the sci'sts to become positive contributions, it will be necessary to conduct limited studies in connection with the other soc sci's (eg, studies of the admin'ive, gov'al & pol'al aspects of the effects of technical transformations) & to seek an improvement in the understanding of the actual functions of inter-gov'al org's & of internat'l aid programs. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.
"Cette brochure est basée sur le livre "Notre Constiution et notre Gouvernement", de Cathryn [sic] Seckler-Hudson ."p. [ii]. ; Translation of: The United States of America, a government by the people. ; Map on p. 2 of cover. ; Mode of access: Internet.
Appeared in the Revue de Paris of September 1916. The publicity department of the British government issued the English text as a pamphlet entitled "Plain words from America." The American edition (Goerge H. Doran co., N. Y.) has title "My German correspondence" and contains also "The letter from a German professor." ; Mode of access: Internet. ; "Compliments of Douglas W. Johnson" in manuscript on cover.
An historical and descriptive account of the Pacific Coast of North America. ; "Bibliographie chronologique des ouvrages cités ou consultés": v. 2, p. 485-500. ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Military Service Inst.
Revised and considerably enlarged edition, prepared by a new and unnamed editor, of Choix des lettres, etc., ed. by J. B. Montmignon, 8 v., Paris, Maradan, 1808-09. V.6. p. 1-331 contains a new introductory account of the discovery of America and of Canada, and letters from missions, as in the Lyons 1819 ed. ; Mode of access: Internet.
