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This book demonstrates the vast range of philosophical approaches, regional issues and problems, perspectives, and historical and theoretical frameworks that together constitute feminist philosophy in Latin America and Spain. It makes available to English-Speaking readers recent feminist thought in Latin America and Spain to facilitate dialogue among Latin American, North American, and European thinkers.

The Pilgrims and Puritans did not arrive on the shores of New England alone. Nor did African men and women, brought to the Americas as slaves. Though it would be hard to tell from the historical record, European colonists and African slaves had children, as did the indigenous families whom they encountered, and those children's life experiences enrich and complicate our understanding of colonial America.Through essays, primary documents, and contemporary illustrations, Children in Colonial America examines the unique aspects of childhood in the American colonies between the late sixteenth and late eighteenth centuries. The twelve original essays observe a diverse cross-section of children-from indigenous peoples of the east coast and Mexico to Dutch-born children of the Plymouth colony and African-born offspring of slaves in the Caribbean-and explore themes including parenting and childrearing practices, children's health and education, sibling relations, child abuse, mental health, gender, play, and rites of passage.Taken together, the essays and documents in Children in Colonial America shed light on the ways in which the process of colonization shaped childhood, and in turn how the experience of children affected life in colonial America

Sociologist Manuel Antonio Garreton discusses contemporary challenges to democratization in Latin America in this work. He pays particular attention to the example of Chile, analysing the country's return to democracy and its hopes for continued prosperity following the 1973 coup.

1 The Day after the Death of a Revolution -- 2 Disenchanted and Triumphant toward the 21st Century: A Prospect of Cultural Moods in South America -- 3 Neither Apocalyptic nor Integrated (Eight Debatable Paradoxes) -- 4 Realism and Revolt, Twenty Years Later (Paris 1968-Santiago de Chile 1988) -- 5 What is Left Positive from Negative Thought? A Latin American Perspective -- 6 Postmodernism and Neoliberalism in Latin America -- 7 The Crisis of Legitimacy of the Planning State -- 8 Is the Social Thinkable without Metanarratives? -- 9 Utopia against Crisis, or How to Awake from a Long Insomnia.

"In Populist Seduction in Latin America, Carlos de la Torre shows that populism did not disappear, as expected, with the modernization of society. Combining the study of populist discourse with an analysis of the social and political setting for the emergence and persistence of populism. Professor de la Torre argues that the durability of populism is explained by the deficient incorporation of the popular sectors into Latin American democracies."--Jacket

"Historical analysis of theories of interdependence in US policy since World War II. Examines their application toward Central America from 1950s-80s"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

"Series of eight papers on the prospects for consolidated democracy in Latin America prepared in 1993 by the Latin American Program of the Woodrow Wilson International Center in conjunction with the Olof Palme International Foundation. Selected essays focus on: 1) obstacles to the democratization process; 2) the political consequences of economic reform programs; and 3) the external context for democratization. In a perceptive chapter on 'transitology,' Schmitter argues that the increased reliance on multilateral diplomacy and international organizations in the aftermath of the Cold War has brought pressure to bear on the remaining non-democracies and recidivist democracies in the region. Authors express concern about the negative impact of some economic reforms on democratic consolidation"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 57

The tribunal of the holy office of the inquisition in colonial Spanish America / José Toribio Medina -- The inquisition in colonial Peru / Henry Charles Lea -- The church and the inquisition in the Spanish American colonies / Salvador de Madariaga -- Visitas and books / Irving A. Leonard -- The struggle between an archbishop and a viceroy in seventeenth-century new Spain / Hubert Howe Bancroft -- The debate over Indian policy in seventeenth-century Brazil : the Jesuits vs. the colonists and local government officials / Mathias C. Kiemen -- Catholicism and the national tradition / Aurelio Espinosa Polit -- Intellectual opposition to the tradition of Catholicism / William Rex Crawford -- The conflict in Mexico between the civil power and the clergy, 1854-1876 : defense of the civil power / Emilio Portes Gil -- The conflict in Mexico between the civil power and the clergy, 1854-1876 : defense of the clergy / Félix Navarrete -- Church and state in Peru during the first century of independence / Francis Merriman Stanger

This article explores the early history of Association Football in South America through the case study of the first translations of the rules of the game from English into Portuguese and Spanish. It demonstrates, by means of a comparison of the different temporalities and contexts of these documents, the connected and transnational nature of the sport. This has often been neglected in national paradigm studies of football pioneers and the first matches, clubs and leagues. The study of the translators suggests new avenues for the study of the interlinked histories of sport, politics and culture.

Cross-national differences in adolescent life satisfaction in Europe and North America are consistent, but remain poorly understood. While previous studies have predominantly focused on the explanatory role of economic factors, such as national wealth and income equality, they revealed weak associations, at most. This study examines whether societal gender equality can explain the observed cross-national variability in adolescent life satisfaction. Based on the assumption that gender equality fosters a supportive social context, for example within families through a more equal involvement of fathers and mothers in child care tasks, adolescent life satisfaction was expected to be higher in more gender-equal countries. To test this hypothesis, national-level data of gender equality (i.e., women's share in political participation, decision making power, economic participation and command over resources) were linked to data from 175,470 adolescents aged 11-16 years old (M (age) = 13.6, SD = 1.64, 52% girls) from 34 European and North American countries involved in the 2009/10 Health Behaviour in School-aged Children (HBSC) study. Results of linear multilevel regression analyses indicate that adolescents in countries with relatively high levels of gender equality report higher life satisfaction than their peers in countries with lower levels of gender equality. The association between gender equality and adolescent life satisfaction remained significant after controlling for national wealth and income equality. It was equally strong for boys and girls. Moreover, the association between gender equality and life satisfaction was explained by social support in the family, peer and school context. This analysis suggests that gender equality fosters social support among members of a society, which in turn contributes to adolescent life satisfaction. Thus, promoting gender equality is likely to benefit all members of a society; not just by giving equal rights to women and girls, but also by fostering a supportive social climate for all.

Within Latin America, about 319 volcanoes have been active in the Holocene, but 202 of these volcanoes have no seismic, deformation or gas monitoring. Following the 2012 Santorini Report on satellite Earth Observation and Geohazards, the Committee on Earth Observation Satellites (CEOS) developed a 4-year pilot project (2013-2017) to demonstrate how satellite observations can be used to monitor large numbers of volcanoes cost-effectively, particularly in areas with scarce instrumentation and/or difficult access. The pilot aims to improve disaster risk management (DRM) by working directly with the volcano observatories that are governmentally responsible for volcano monitoring as well as with the international space agencies (ESA, CSA, ASI, DLR, JAXA, NASA, CNES). The goal is to make sure that the most useful data are collected at each volcano following the guidelines of the Santorini report that observation frequency is related to volcano activity, and to communicate the results to the local institutions in a timely fashion. Here we highlight how coordinated multi-satellite observations have been used by volcano observatories to monitor volcanoes and respond to crises. Our primary tool is measurements of ground deformation made by Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR), which have been used in conjunction with other observations to determine the alert level at these volcanoes, served as an independent check on ground sensors, guided the deployment of ground instruments, and aided situational awareness. During this time period, we find 26 volcanoes deforming, including 18 of the 28 volcanoes that erupted – those eruptions without deformation were less than 2 on the VEI scale. Another 7 volcanoes were restless and the volcano observatories requested satellite observations, but no deformation was detected. We describe the lessons learned about the data products and information that are most needed by the volcano observatories in the different countries using information collected by questionnaires. We ...

Violent conflicts between indigenous groups, multinational companies, and governments over the control of lands potentially containing valuable minerals and hydrocarbons are proliferating in Latin America, as well as elsewhere around the world too. In 1989 the International Labor Organization (ILO) approved ILO Convention 169, which mandates the implementation of prior consultation (PC) with indigenous peoples about any project that could potentially affect their territory. Many interpretations regarding the aims and scopes of PC exist. Some environmental sectors see PC as a mechanism to prevent the implementation of ecologically unsustainable projects in indigenous territories. Part of the indigenous rights sector, however, sees PC as a platform via which to negotiate financial resources for indigenous communities. On the side of governments and multinational companies, PC represents a means to diminish violence and advance projects under more stable political conditions. By examining mining and hydrocarbon projects in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico, the authors compare cases in which PC takes place and ones where it is not applied. A typology of the outcomes in relation to 1) the prevention of industrialized resource extraction on indigenous lands, 2) redistribution of economic benefits produced by extractive projects, and 3) diminishment of the state repression associated with extractive projects is offered. Findings show that in many cases all three of these results are not simultaneously achieved; the authors explain why some outcomes might be obtained in certain instances and not in others. Finally, the article offers an overall assessment of PC results in light of participation theories.

'Emancipation' remains marginal as a theme within Latin American studies (LAS) with the focus on questions of institutional politics, democracy, democratization, citizenship and development. Yet for the past two decades social movements have been articulating new imaginaries, ideas and practices beyond traditionally conceived frameworks of social change. They are anticipating alternative arrangements towards a dignified collective life. In these alternative possibilities, emancipation does not allude to a revolutionary process to take the power of the state, but denotes other horizons that in principle transcend the state as the main locus of struggle. These movements pose methodological, theoretical and epistemological challenges to the study of Latin America.

Over the past two decades, the armed forces have increasingly been asked to take an active role in the fight against the rampant crime in Latin America. Since the militaries in this region are not always trained to conduct themselves with restraint, the possibility of excesses and human rights violations is always latent. Despite that prospect, there is a high level of public support for military counter-crime interventions throughout the region. The key argument in this article is that when the Latin American public supports military interventions to combat crime, it makes a comparative judgment call about the relative efficacy of military vs. police conduct in domestic security roles. Latin American citizens have very low confidence in the capacity of the police to fight crime effectively and to respect human rights. They place more trust in the armed forces as an institution capable of performing effectively and in accordance with human rights standards and the rule of law. This study develops these arguments in greater detail and then turns to recent Americas Barometer surveys that clearly show that Latin American citizens place more trust in the armed forces than the police as an institution capable of effectively and humanely fighting criminal violence.

This article explores Latin American genomic studies of mestizaje and the way mestizaje's inherent contradiction between equality and hierarchy—a contradiction typical of liberalism—is managed in genomics. In Latin America, ideologies and practices of mestizaje may be seen as an antidote to hierarchies of race and class, but also as a terrain for the enactment of these hierarchies. Mestizaje mediates this contradiction between equality and hierarchy first by deploying the idea of sexual intimacy and family kinship across racial difference; and second by representing blackness and indigeneity as spatially peripheral and temporally backward-looking, thus naturalizing them as other. Multiculturalism can be seen as a recent variant on these themes, as well as a departure from them. Recent genomics research in Latin America strongly reiterates these ideas, while also adding some new twists. Despite its apparent connection with progressive politics and policies (anti-racism, better health for all, protection of human rights for victims of oppression), genomics here appears as a mainly conservative force.