Suchergebnisse

Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.

In this paper, the author analyzes the key stages in the development of the Republic of Srpska, since its formation in 9 January 1992. In this context, it elaborates the process of genesis of the Republic of Srpska, its international verification by the Dayton Peace Agreement, post-conflict consolidation as a process of trial of the constitutional reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina that would redistribute responsibilities between the entity and state authorities. However, the paper points out that the Republic of Serbian unquestionable categories and that the current attempt by the U.S. and the EU for the amendment of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina did not imply denial of two-entity structure of the state. In the future, how would you rate the author will attempt leading actors in world politics to redesign the institutional framework at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as to strengthening its negotiating capacity to assume the obligations related to membership of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

After the cold war, when the Eastern block collapsed, considerable changes were made in the world security architecture. Althought it seemed like a beginning of more certain and secure era, cold war ending didn't fulfill expectations neither the main actors in the cold war conflict, nor the expectations of the rest of the world. Besides, collapse of one block, didn't stop growth dynamic of new power centers. Tendencies for power are not new and unfamiliar to human. When bypolar system collapsed, other subjects started fighting for the positions. PRC role with her enormous people potential, growing economy and strengthened military is evident. Soviet Union, accordingly Russian Federation, believed that there was no more need for strenghtening the other block, especially when the opposite doesn't exist. But, former partners included the opposite side, and that made more tensions between Russia and United States. Rest of the world didn't get better chance to create own future. On the contrary, especially for the peripheral and semiperipheral countries, new threats appeared that destabilized individual and collective security. Efforts to make human community rational, were always idealism and those efforts were considered utopian, but under the given circumstances, for the international stability, the most accseptable model is model of global triangle - China, Russia, USA. Reason why this three countries is ther specific potention: USA is powerful technological, military and political center, RF is worlds warehouse' and China is the worlds manufacture. In the globalism domination over nationalism era that model could be the optimal 'braking and balance' system in the international relations- political ideal that all liberal schools wanted to acchievestarting Lock, Montesquieu, Rousseau till today.

"Hurtling between Weltschmerz and wit, drollness and diatribe, entropy and enchantment, it's the juxtaposition at the heart of Dubravka Ugresic's writings that saw Ruth Franklin dub her "the fantasy cultural studies professor you never had." In Europe in Sepia, Ugresic, ever the flâneur, wanders from the Midwest to Zuccotti Park, the Irish Aran Islands to Jerusalem's Mea Shearim, from the tristesse of Dutch housing estates to the riots of south London, charting everything from the listlessness of Central Europe to the ennui of the Low Countries. One finger on the pulse of an exhausted Europe, another in the wounds of postindustrial America, Ugresic trawls the fallout of political failure and the detritus of popular culture, mining each for revelation. Infused with compassion and melancholic doubt, Europe in Sepia centers on the disappearance of the future, the anxiety that no new utopian visions have emerged from the ruins of communism; that ours is a time of irreducible nostalgia, our surrender to pastism complete. Punctuated by the levity of Ugresic's raucous instinct for the absurd, despair has seldom been so beguiling"

The relations with Russia rank among the most important and most complex issues in the US and UK foreign policy. The years after the Second World War have been marked by an exhausting arms race between the Western and Eastern bloc that ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the break-up of the Soviet Union and the victory of the United States and its Western allies. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the relations between the US and the United Kingdom on the one hand, and Russia, on the other, during the mandate of President Trump and after Brexit and point to possible directions that these relations may take in the aftermath of Biden's victory in the 2020 US Presidential elections. The author proceeds from a hypothesis that the efforts of President Trump, who, contrary to his predecessors, felt that the relations with Russia should be based on interests rather than ideology, have failed. He has not been successful primarily due to the huge resistance mounted by the state structures, mainstream media and anti-Russian coalition forged by the Republican and Democratic parties. The relations between the UK and Russia remain cold after Brexit as well due to the severe problems between the two countries. The first part will deal with the strained relations between the United States and Russia following the West's victory in the Cold War, the efforts of President Trump to improve these relations and his failure to do so. The second part of the paper will address the relationship between the United Kingdom and Russia, which is in many respects even more complicated than that between Russia and the US. After Brexit, the relations between the two countries continue to be plagued by the activities of the Russian agents in Great Britain, the crisis in Ukraine and different views on the war in Syria. In the third part, the concluding part of the paper, the author tried to answer the question of how the relations between the US and Russia will develop after Joseph Biden won the 2020 US Presidential elections. According to him, the new President will continue to pursue the traditional policy towards Russia agreed upon by both US parties. It can be expected that Biden will, despite the policy of sanctions pursued by his predecessors, Obama and Trump, engage more in supporting the opposition and civilian sector in Russia. Given the cold and strained relations between these two states, it may be assumed that Great Britain will readily follow a new, tougher course of action pursued by President Biden towards Russia and Putin. It is especially important for UK politics that Biden returns to the ideas of liberalism because, as we have seen on previous pages, in London, in addition to the actions of Russian agents on the UK territory, Putin is most resented precisely for his activities to overthrow the ruling liberal order. Despite the good ties between Prime Minister Johnson and the former US President who supported Brexit, Biden's victory will bring relief to the UK because of his commitment, as opposed to Trump, to bring back America to the world political stage, where London is likely to expect to find space for its new global role after leaving the EU. On the other hand, Moscow will probably continue with its past foreign policy strategy in anticipation of the moves to be taken by the new US President without high expectations regarding the future relations between the two countries. Russia has even fewer expectations when it comes to relations with the UK, given the gravity of the problems that burden the relations between the two countries.

Hladni rat je predstavljao rat ideologija bez presedana u istoriji. Nijedan drugi rat, ni pre ni posle ovog višedecenijskog hladnog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Saveza Sovjetskih Socijalističkih Republika, nije bio rat koji se vodio u tolikoj meri u sferi meke moći kao Hladni rat. Odsustvo neposrednog oružanog sukoba između Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i Sovjetskog Saveza učinilo je da se Hladni rat odvija kao takmičenje u sferi ekonomije, tehnologije i nauke, kao trka u nuklearnom i konvencionalnom naoružanju i kao svemirsko nadmetanje. Pored takmičenja u sferi tvrde moći, Sjedinjene Američke Države i Sovjetski Savez vodili su intenzivnu bitku u oblasti meke moći. Ovo je bio sukob između američke liberalno-demokratske ideologije i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Svaka od ove dve zemlje težila je tome da ubedi građane one druge zemlje da je njen društveni i ekonomski sistem idealan i da je bolji i pravedniji od sistema njenog glavnog suparnika. Uzrok propasti Sovjetskog Saveza i komunizma u istočnoj Evropi nikada sa sgurnošću neće moći da bude određen. Okolnosti koje su dovele do raspada Sovjetskog Saveza, pada Berlinskog zida 1989. godine i urušavanja komunizma u Evropi ne mogu se svesti na skup vojnih, političkih, ekonomskih i društvenih činilaca koji su, nezavisno jedni od drugih, doveli do tektonskih promena u međunarodnim odnosima. Svi ovi činioci zajedno, isprepletani u kompleksnu mrežu poluga, učinili su da se Sovjetski Savez uruši i da Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama prepusti ulogu pobednika u Hladnom ratu. Pritom, Amerika nije bila samo vojni i ekonomski pobednik. Amerika je iz Hladnog rata izašla kao moralni i ideološki pobednik. Hladni rat predstavlja temu izuzetno velikog broja radova, ali mali broj tih radova se bavi analizom američko-sovjetskog sukoba u sferi meke moći. Stoga je cilj ovog istraživanja i rada rasvetljavanje, objašnjene i tumačenje poluga meke moći koje su Sjedinjene Američke Države institucionalizovale, pokrenule i upotrebile u ideološkoj borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza u vreme Hladnog rata. Međutim, Sjedinjene Američke Države nisu od svog nastanka u drugoj polovini 18. veka do Hladnog rata osmišljeno primenjivale svoju meku moć. Do Hladnog rata upotreba poluga meke moći bila praksa kojom su se Sjedinjene Američke Države bavile isključivo u vreme učešća u oružanim sukobima. Tek sa Hladnim ratom u Americi se javlja potreba za namenskom i osmišljenom upotrebom poluga meke moći. Odmah nakon Drugog svetskog rata Sovjetski Savez je počeo da vrši uticaj na druge zemlje šireći marksističku ideologiju i komunističke ideje. Osim širenja marksističke ideologije Sovjetski Savez je vodio i dobro osmišljenu kampanju protiv Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i američkog načina života. Američka administracija je kao odgovor na sovjetsku spoljnu politiku u periodu od 1946. do 1950. godine stvorila politiku obuzdavanja Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetskog uticaja u svetu svim sredstvima. Ovo je podrazumevalo kako upotrebu poluga tvrde moći tako i primenu poluga meke moći. U to vreme u američkom društvu postojao je konsenzus o upotrebi političkih, vojnih i ekonomskih oruđa u borbi protiv Sovjetskog Saveza, ali je upotreba poluga meke moći bila predmet duge javne rasprave. Jedna od izuzetno važnih poluga meke moći su državni programi informisanja, odnosno ono što se u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama smatra propagandom, a propaganda se od nastanka Sjedinjenih Američkih Država do danas smatra nečasnom delatnošću autokratskih režima. Sjedinjene Američke Države su u periodu neposredno nakon Drugog svetskog rata sprovele zakonske, institucionalne i strukturalne promene koje su omogućile trajno ustanovljavanje poluga meke moći zarad širenja američkih vrednosti, ideja i kulture i zarad ideološke borbe protiv Sovjetskog Saveza i sovjetske marksističke ideologije. Zakoni doneti u to vreme su na snazi i danas i pružaju okvir za mnogobrojne programe i aktivnosti na polju primene poluga meke moći po celom svetu. ; The Cold War was a war without precedent in the history. No war before this prolonged cold conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union was waged that much in the realm of soft power as the Cold War. In the absence of an immediate armed conflict between the United States and the Soviet Union, the Cold War was conducted as a competition in the areas of economy, technology and science, nuclear and conventional weapons, as well as the space race. Besides the competition in the realm of hard power, the United States and the Soviet Union pursued an intensive battle in the realm of soft power. This was a conflict between the American ideology of a liberal democracy and the Soviet Marxist ideology. Each of the two attempted to persuade the citizens of the other country that its social and economic practice was an ideal one, better and more just than the other one. The source of the collapse of the Soviet Union and communism in Eastern Europe will never be fully determined. The circumstances that brought about the break-up of the Soviet Union, the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, and the fall down of communism in Europe cannot be summarized as an aggregation of military, political, economic and social factors that independently from each other led to the colossal changes in the world order. All of these factors, entangled together in a complex net, caused the implosion of the Soviet Union which left the United States as the winner in the Cold War. Yet, the United States was not only a military and economic victor, it resurfaced as a moral and ideological champion, as well. The Cold Was has been a theme of numerous papers but only a handful of these papers tackled the American-Soviet conflict in the realm of soft power. Thus, the objective of this research and dissertation is to shed the light, explain and construe the instruments of soft power that the United States institutionalized, put into motion and deployed in the ideological battle against Soviet Union in the Cold War. However, since its birth in the 18th century until the Cold War, the United States had not wielded its soft power strategically. Up to the Cold War, the soft power instruments were used exclusively during the times when the United States was involved in an armed conflict. Only in the Cold War, the need for intentional and thoughtful use of soft power instruments emerged. Soon after the end of the Second World War, the Soviet Union got set off to exert its influence by diffusing its Marxist ideology and communist values. In addition to spreading its ideology, the Soviet Union led a well-planned campaign against the United States and the American way of life. From 1946 to 1950, in response to the Soviet policy towards the United States, the American administration coined the policy of containment of the Soviet Union and the Soviet influence in the world. The policy of containment included both the use of the instruments of hard power and of soft power. At that time, there was a consensus in the American society on the use of political, military and economic means in fighting the Soviet Union, while the use of soft power instruments was a subject of a prolonged public discourse. Government information programs, perceived as propaganda in the United States, have always been a very important soft power instrument, and propaganda has been considered by Americans to be a dishonest activity of autocratic governments. In the period right after the Second World War, the United States implemented legislative, institutional and structural changes that allowed for permanent establishment of the soft power instruments. These foreign policy instruments made it possible for the United States government to diffuse American values, ideas and culture and to wage an ideological war against the Soviet Union and its Marxist principles. The acts adopted at that time are in place nowadays, and provide a legal framework for numerous programs and activities in the realm of soft power.

virusnog porekla, čije pojavljivanje ima izuzetno veliki zdravstveni, socijalni i ekonomski uticaj. U mnogim delovima sveta, veliki napori i sredstva se ulažu u sprečavanje pojavljivanje bolesti i smanjenja ekonomskih troškova izazvanih KKS a sve u cilju njenog potpunog iskorenjivanja. Bolest se pojavljuje u većem broju zemalja Azije, centralne i južne Amerike, delovima Afrike i Evrope. Uspeh u iskorenjivanju postignut je u većem broju država, uključujući Severnu Ameriku, Australaziju i Severnu Evropu, gde se status zemalja slobodnih od KKS održava bez primene vakcinacije. U Zapadnoj Evropi, ostvarena je progresivna eradikacija u toku poslednje dve dekade 20. veka uz zabranu vakcinacije u zemljama članicama EU od 1990. godine. Međutim, periodično je dolazilo do unošenja virusa KKS u populaciju domaćih svinja preko divljih svinja ili uvozom domaćih svinja iz inostranstva. Pojava KKS u zemljama koje ne primenjuju preventivnu vakcinaciju ili su slobodne od bolesti može dovesti do velikih epizootija jer je celokupna populacija domaćih svinja veoma prijemčiva na virus. Zbog toga je kontinuirano vršenje aktivnog i pasivnog nadzora nad KKS od fundamentalnog značaja za sprečavanje pojave i širenja ove zaraze jer doprinosi da se eventualno izbijanje bolesti otkrije na vreme kao i da se brzo uspostave kontrolne mere u cilju sprečavanja daljeg širenja virusa KKS. Za efikasno sprovođenje potpunog iskorenjivanja KKS, pored definisanja principa kontrole KKS, kratkoročnih, srednjoročnih i dugoročnih prioritetnih aktivnosti, obezbeđivanja odgovarajućeg pravnog okvira, dijaloga i podele odgovornosti između najvažnijih institucija, službi i poslovnih subjekata, potrebno je osigurati odgovarajuće finansijske, kadrovske i druge resurse, kao i kontinuiranu edukaciju i jačanje kapaciteta nadležnih službi. U ispitivanjima su opisani epizootiološki i ekonomski aspekti Programa kontrole KKS uz primenu vakcinacije koji se sprovodio od 2006. do 2012. godine, pravni okvir i strateške mere koju državna veterinarska administracija i operativne veterinarske službe sprovode u cilju kontrole i potpunog iskorenjivanja KKS u Srbiji, kao i efekti primene tih mera. ; Classical swine fever (Pestis suum clasica, Hog cholera, Schweinepest, CSF) is a highly contagious viral disease of domestic pigs and wild boar, which has huge health, social and economic impact worldwide. In many parts of the world, significant efforts and resources were employed in order to prevent outbreaks and reduce losses and costs, with overall objective to eradicate it. Outbreaks of CSF are notified in many contries in Asia, central and southern part of Americas, some areas in Africa and Europe. Some countries has experienced success in eradication, namely in North America, Australasia and North Europe, and in keeping the country's status as free of CSF without vaccination. In Western Europe, progressive eradication without vacciantion is achieved in last two decades of 20th century, with total ban of vaccination declared from 1990. However, some perodical epizodes of introduction of CSF virus from wild boar to domestic pig population, or by import of live pigs, were reported. Emerging cases of CSF, particularly in countries where vaccination is not in place or in countires declared the status as free from the disease, can cause large epizootics, since the naive pig population is very susceptible to the virus. Therefore, the continuous active and pasive surveillance is of utmost importance for prevention of spreading the diseases which will improve capacities for timely detection of possible outbreaks and effective implementation of relevant control measures to prevent further spreading of disease. For effective imlementetion of total elimination of CSF, beside clear definition of main control principles, short-term, and long-term priority activities, adequate legal framework, and effective dialogue for sharing responsibilities among main interested parites, it is necessary to ensure financial, human and other resources, as well as continuous education and capacity building of competent authorities. In this investigation, economical and epidemiological aspects of CSF eradication program with vaccination policy implemented from 2006 to 2012, were described, with the current legal base and strategic actvities carried out by the state veterinary administration and field veterinary services with the aim to control and totaly eradicate CSF in Serbia, with effects of implementation such measures.

Foreign investment fund in the world has multiplied several times in the last twodecades. However, growing trend of foreign investments fl ow has been broken by the recentfi nancial crisis in the world. Lower infl ow of foreign investments into the developingcountries has made the funding of their current accounts diffi cult, because it becamemore diffi cult for them to get loans in the international capital market. Most net importersof capital are net debtors in the international capital market, which made them increaseinvestment attractiveness for international investors. Thus they tried to decrease theirexposure to the loan market. Although foreign investments are desirable source of fundingthe current account defi cit, net infl ow of these funds generates negative balance in theincome account and puts pressure on the balance of payments of the country. World investmentfl ows have returned to the upward trend in 2013.This paper analyses foreign investments fl ow in the world, by groups of countries.The groups of countries, the subject analysis of this paper, are: Asia, Latin America,Africa, countries in transition and developed countries. The most signifi cant countriesthat are net exporters of capital in the world are the European Union and USA, while thebiggest importers are the growing Asian countries. Starting period for this analysis is1990, and ending period is 2013. Therefore, time series of the analysis covers economiccycles, i.e. rise from the nineties of the last century, then the period of global fi nancial andeconomical crisis that lasted all the ay until the end of 2012.

Prema definiciji Interseks zajednice Severne Amerike, pojam interseks koristi se za osobe rođene sa hormonskim, hromozomskim ili anatomskim polnim obrascima koji ne odgovaraju društvenim i medicinskim očekivanjima muških ili ženskih polnih karakteristika. Između 0,05 i 1,7% stanovništva rađa se sa nekim od interseks stanja koji imaju veliki broj oblika. Standardna medicinska procedura postupanja sa interseksualnim licima podrazumeva postupak normalizacije pola, odnosno korektivne genitalne hirurške intervencije i horomonsku terapiju, sa ciljem da definiše polne organe u skladu sa jednim od dva priznata pola i odgovori na opresivne zahteve heteronormativnosti u kojoj je interseksualno telo devijacija od "normalne telesnosti". Rasprave o interseksualnosti posebno su aktualizovane na polju bioetike kroz radove E. Feder i A. Dreger. Uvidom u određeni broj teorijskih i empirijskih radova na temu interseksulanosti u oblasti obrazovanja, zaključujemo da je njihova zastupljenost zanemarljiva. Cilj rada bio je da se, pošavši od konceptualnog okvira kvir studija kao analitičkog modela koji locira i eksploatiše nekoherentnost hromozomskog pola, roda i seksualne želje, formulišu smernice za unapređivanje obrazovnog zakonodavstva i obrazovne prakse kojima se na bolji način reguliše status interseks dece i mladih. Osnovu za teorijsku analizu predstavljali su rezultati studije "Interseks – ka stvaranju intersekcionalne platforme" organizacije Geten LGBTIQA iz 2019. godine čiji se globalni zaključak tiče pravne nevidljivosti interseks lica u Srbiji koju prati patologizujući medicinski diskurs. Na osnovu naše možemo zaključiti da je neophodno unaprediti obrazovne politike i prakse koje prepoznajemo i kao ključne predlažemo: vidljivost interseksualnih lica u obrazovnoj legislaturi počevši od predškolskog obrazovanja, informisanje aktera školskog života o stanju interseksualnosti i njegovim varijacijama, prevencija nasilja i diskriminacije prema interseks deci i mladima, ohrabrivanje prava interseks dece i mladih na samoodređenje. Ističe se potreba za osmišljavanjem i sprovođenjem kvalitativnih pedagoških istraživanja intreseksualnosti iz dečje perspektive koja mogu destabilizovati normativni diskurs polnosti/telesnosti i depatologizovati interseksualnost. Inkorporiranost zahteva iz dokumenta Promišljanje obrazovanja: ka zajedničkom globalnom dobru (UNESCO, 2015) vidimo kao dobru startnu osnovu za građenje nacrta obrazovne politike koja se temelji na humanističkim nasuprot utilitarističkim vrednostima. ; According to definition of the Intersex Society of North America, the term intersex is used to refer to persons born with hormonal, chromosomal or anatomical gender patterns which do not correspond with social and medical concepts of male or female gender characteristics. Between 0.05% and 1.7% of the population is born with an intersex condition that may take numerous forms. The standard medical procedure for dealing with intersex persons involves the gender normalizing procedure, i.e. corrective genital surgery and hormone therapy whose aim is to define sexual organs according to one of the two recognized genders and respond to oppressive demands of heteronormativity in which intersex body is a deviation from a "normal corporeality". Discussions about intersexuality have been particularly topical in the field of bioethics through the works of E. Feder and A. Dreger. By examining a number of theoretical and empirical papers on intersexuality in the field of education, we conclude that their representation is meagre. The aim of the paper is, starting from the conceptual framework of queer studies as analytical model that locates and exploits the incoherence of chromosomal sex, gender and sexual desire, to formulate guidelines for improvement of education legislation and practice so as to regulate the status of intersex children and young people better. The starting point for theoretical analysis is the result of the 2019 Geten LGBTIQA study: "Intersex – Towards Building an Intersectional Platform" whose global conclusion concerns the legal invisibility of the intersex persons in Serbia, followed by pathologizing medical discourse. Upon our analysis, we can conclude that it is necessary to improve educational policies and practices. The key improvements we propose are the following: visibility of intersex persons in education legislation starting from the pre-school education, informing the participants of school life about the state of intersexuality and its variations, prevention of violence and discrimination against intersex children and youth, encouraging the right of intersex children and young people to self-determination. The need to design and conduct qualitative pedagogic researches of intersexuality from the children's perspective that can destabilize normative discourse of sexuality/corporeality and depatologize intersexuality is emphasized. Inclusion of requirements from the document: Rethinking education: towards a common global good (UNESCO, 2015) is perceived as a good starting point for creating a draft of education policy which is based on humanistic and not utilitarian values. ; Zbornik rezimea / 24. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa ; Book of abstracts / 24th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

The author constrasts the normativity of Europe with the center-periphery issue. He argues that the normativity of Europe has been challenged by the center-periphery problem. In the first part of the article, the author discusses the normativity of Europe and proposes a new concept – embeded normativity. In the second part, he presents several theories on the center-perifery relations and stresses the relevance of structural assymetries. In the third part, Central and Eastern Europe is compared to Latin America in three historic sequences. The last part is a summary of the arguemts and their relevance for the present crisis that can be understood as an ensemble of structural and systemic tendencies. ; U članku se kontrastira normativnost Evrope sa problematikom centar/periferija. Tvrdi se da je normativnost Evrope izazvana pomenutom problematikom. Shodno tome, u prvom delu se razmatraju elementi normativnosti u Evropi i pokušava se promisliti kategorija utkane normativnosti. U drugom delu se tretiraju teorije o odnosima između centra i periferije, te naglašava se relevantnost teorija koje artikulišu strukturalne asimetrije. U trećem delu se logikom komparativne metode stavljaju u odnos postignuća Srednje i Istočne Evrope i Latinske Amerike, i tematizuje se analitička relevantnost pomenute komparacije s obzirom na tri izabrane istorijske sekvence. U poslednjem delu se rezimira izvedena argumentacija s obzirom na sadašnju krizu i pokazuje da se reperiferijalizacija krize može razumeti kao sklop između strukturalnih i sistematskih tendencija.

Crime and violence pose a serious challenge to Mexico. The problem appears to be growing worse, with 2011 on pace to become the most violent year on record. The rising violence in Mexico has resulted in a sharply heightened sense of fear among citizens, who now feel the presence of cartels in their every day lives. The use of extortion and kidnapping by cartels combined with a lack of trust in security forces terrorizes the population and makes them feel like they have no where to turn. Despite this fact, crime rates in Mexico remain lower than in other parts of Latin America. Venezuela, for example, has among the highest homicide rates in the world. Yet the pervasive infiltration of cartels into public life gives Mexicans a heightened sense of the severity of violent crime in their own country. Although accurate statistics are hard to come by, it is quite possible that 60,000 people have died in the last six-plus years as a result of armed conflict between the Mexican cartels and the Mexican government, amongst cartels fighting each other, and as a result of cartels targeting citizens. Mexico has been struggling with drug production and drug transit through its territory from South America to the U.S. for many decades, given the fact that it is the most important transit country for drug production originating from South America. In recent years, the escalating violence in Mexico has led to dramatic deterioration of the security situation. Recent wave of drug-war violence is associated with the beginning of the term of President Felipe Calderón in December 2006. The immediate implications of his assumption of the presidency and his hard-line policy, which he has applied against drug cartels and organized criminal groups across the country, were the deployment of Mexican army to fight cartels and the gradual weakening of the influence of local and state police at the expense of federal troops. This was done in order to combat corruption and collaboration of local law-enforcement institutions with drug trafficking organizations (DTOs). The consequence of such a policy, however, has been increased violence among rival cartels and between them and the federal police and military, resulting in a dramatic increase of the number of victims. The future of US-Mexican counter drug cooperation, as well as of the whole bilateral relation in the area of security, depends on the outcome of US presidential elections. As for Mexico, Enrique Peña Nieto takes the office on December 1, 2012 that will mark a comeback of his party PRI after 12 years in opposition. As far as the security strategy of the future Mexican President is concerned, there are no significant changes to be expected. Peña Nieto seems to be aware of the current situation and its consequences as well as of the inevitability of an extremely close and dynamic mutual cooperation with the US.

Freedom of expression enjoys a particular protection in the case-law of the European Court of Human Rights. According to the Court, freedom of expression constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic society, and one of the basic conditions for its progress and for the development of every man. Moreover, it is applicable not only to 'information' or 'ideas' that are favorably received or regarded as inoffensive or as a matter of indifference, but also to those that offend, shock or disturb the State or any sector of the population, since these are the demands of that pluralism, tolerance and broadmindedness without which there is no 'democratic society'. This high valuing of freedom of expression is particularly striking when it comes to the political speech, the free political debate being a distinctive feature of a democratic society. Nevertheless, the European Court considers that whoever exercises his freedom of expression undertakes 'duties and responsibilities', and that the freedom of political debate is undoubtedly not absolute in nature. More concretely, when the hate speech is at issue the Court underlines that the tolerance and respect of equal dignity of all human beings constitutes one of the essential foundations of a democratic and pluralist society, and that in a democratic society, in principle, it may be considered necessary to punish and even to prevent all forms of expression which propagate, incite, promote, or justify the hate based on intolerance. Taking into account the notion of prohibition of hate speech in the constitutional system of the Republic of Serbia, and the place of the European Convention on Human Rights in its hierarchy of legal sources, this paper follows the evolution of the European Court's case-law as to the understanding and definition of conditions under which it may be considered necessary in a democratic society to restrict freedom of expression because of hate speech. This legal standard - necessary in a democratic society, is then compared to the clear and present danger test, which has been developed for almost a century in the case-law of the Supreme Court of the United States of America, and which application is sometimes recommended in Europe.