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Taking the different case studies of the book together, one general observation stands out: Key agents of socioeconomic contention, including movements by organized labor and the unemployed that were important in the run-up to the uprisings and that saw their political opportunities open up in the immediate aftermath of the revolutions, have since been effectively marginalized as political actors. The concluding chapter reflects on the causes of this weakness of socioeconomic contention by identifying comparative insights that emerge from the contributions to this volume and by situating them in the context of broader comparative and theoretical debates on the relationship between social movements and political change. More specifically, the chapter first discusses Egypt's and Tunisia's post-revolutionary trajectories from a comparative perspective. Second, it discusses these comparative findings in the light of experiences in Latin America. Third, drawing again on comparative scholarship on Latin America, the chapter offers a theoretical interpretation of some of the main dynamics observed in Egypt and Tunisia based on the notion of a popular-sector incorporation crisis. Fourth and finally, the chapter concludes with general implications and an outlook.

In the first part the article offers a preliminary synoptic approach to Buddhism in South America in general. The latter part is based on a combination of different kinds of references, including academic sources, official statistics of religion launched by governmental and research agencies Buddhist directories, estimations of the statistical relevance of Buddhism by continent, by country or in a city, and homepages run by Buddhists institutions active in South America. Since research on Buddhism in Brazil is well advanced, the reader can expect more details in the second part of this essay dedicated to a description and interpretation of the situation in the only Portuguese speaking country in South América.

The globalized Western culture of innovation, as propagated by major aid institutions, does not necessarily lead to empowerment or improvement of the well-being of the stakeholders. On the contrary, it often blocks viable indigenous innovation cultures. In African societies and African Diasporas in Latin America, cultures of innovation largely accrue from the informal, not the formal sector. Crucial for their proper understanding is a threefold structural differentiation: between the formal and informal sector, within the informal sector, according to class, gender or religion, and between different transnational social spaces. Different innovation cultures may be complementary, mutually reinforcing, or conflicting, leading in extreme cases even to a 'clash of cultures' at the local level. The repercussions of competing, even antagonistic agencies of innovative strategic groups are demonstrated, analyzing the case of the African poor in Benin and the African Diasporas of Brazil and Haiti.

The article focuses on the important role of financial institutions in encouraging social security reform in Latin America. According to the article, financial institutions have had an indirect influence in Latin America, primarily through their support of the diffusion of structural adjustment policies & financial liberalization. References. B. Boyce

In this reprint from Parameters (Spring 2001), the author examines the future of democracy in Latin America. Discussion is divided into three parts. The first section focuses on the following issues: the importance of democracy for U.S. interests; the various forms of democracy in Latin America, & how the U.S. can encourage further democratization; & finally destabilization & de-democratizing trends in the region. The second section explores the growing presence "authoritarian democracy" in the region, & part three offers policy recommendations for U.S. & Latin American leaders. J. Harwell

The author discusses the development of US policy towards Latin America. US policy has always been driven by three concerns; the pressure of domestic politics, the promotion of US economic growth & well-being, & the protection of US security. The latter concern is the focus of this paper. The author addresses the evolution of US policy from the 19th century to the present, exploring the significance of the Monroe Doctrine, Cold War military alliances, & the supposed security concerns posed by drug trafficking & illegal immigration. The discussion concludes with an analysis of the most important issues in current US-Latin American relations, the travel & trade embargos against Cuba & the continuing conflict in Columbia. J. Harwell

To place the Marxist observation that ". the country that is more developed industrially only shows the country that is less developed, the image of its own future" in its proper context requires reading the preface to that phrase that "social antagonisms that spring from the natural laws of capitalist production (of)." Read in this way, the incompleteness of the development of capitalist production that Marx noted throughout the European continent can be applied to "signs of the times" in Latin America. The author explores three aspects of the internal reorganization of the state in Latin America, & the evidence of an emphatic turn across the region to the systematic pursuit of international competitiveness & the opening up of a new phase of class struggle. Competition authorities have proliferated across the region over the last decade, reflecting a fundamental reorientation in the political economy of the region. Current hyperactivity around the issue competitiveness is demonstrably a reaction to the "palpable evidence" of rapid development in East Asia, & the poor performance of the region. The international organizations are engaged in a shared project of building "competition cultures" at global & regional levels. The current projects of "market led development based on international competition" in Latin America goes beyond the adjustment oriented policies promoted by the IMF to internalize at a national level the logic of capitalist reproduction & hegemony. US empire in the region is concluded to be part of the rivalry between the advanced capitalist countries that extends the social relations of capitalism across the multiplicity of nation-states. Imperialism, it turns out, is the pioneer of capitalism after all. References. J. Harwell

Part of the Morality & Society Series (Alan Wolfe, editor), shows how citizens of Latin America established strong democratic traditions in their countries through the practice of democracy in their everyday lives. Considers the development of democratic life in Mexico & Peru from independence to the late 1890s & traces the emergence of political, economic, & civic associations run by citizens in both nations & shows how these organizations became models for democracy in the face of dictatorship & economic hardship. Looks beneath institutions of government to uncover local & civil organizations in public life & reveals a tradition of edification & inculcation that shaped democratic practices in Latin America. Adapted from the source document.

Analyzes the increasing urban violence in Latin America & the Caribbean as a social problem that has been created by economic, cultural, & structural factors, & therefore can be prevented, controlled, & eradicated. Victims are defined as persons who have suffered "physical, mental, or emotional injury; economic loss; or substantial damage to their fundamental rights, individually or collectively, through acts or omissions that violate laws that operate in each state." A description of the magnitude & dimensions of the problem looks at the homicide rate in countries in Latin America & the Caribbean, as well as incidences of violence against children, adolescents, & women. The impact of rapid urban growth on violence is explored along with different perceptions of violence & insecurity. A classification of violence by type, motive, victimizers, & victims is offered as a tool for recognizing the different factors that generate or facilitate its occurrence. Strategies for confronting violence are outlined, maintaining that prevention should be favored over repression, & special attention is given to vulnerable groups. 3 Tables. J. Lindroth

It is argued that emotions -- particularly "moral outrage" -- were the dominant factors in shaping the formation of the US movement against human rights abuses in Central America in the 1980s. Though structural factors were critical in determining who gained access to information about such abuses as it began to appear, the motivation to actively form a Central American peace movement varied as a function of emotional factors, including those linked to network, organizational, & interpersonal ties. Data obtained via surveys & interviews with peace activists reveal the central role of the Christian religious community in the creation of this movement. This is explained in terms of its particular combination of offering cognitive accessibility to information about the abuses, personal encounters with refugees from Central America, a religious commitment to social justice & peace, & the theological belief that such atrocities violated moral norms. These factors contributed to the development of a sense of "moral outrage" & the feeling that activism was required. K. Hyatt Stewart

It is argued that emotions -- particularly "moral outrage" -- were the dominant factors in shaping the formation of the US movement against human rights abuses in Central America in the 1980s. Though structural factors were critical in determining who gained access to information about such abuses as it began to appear, the motivation to actively form a Central American peace movement varied as a function of emotional factors, including those linked to network, organizational, & interpersonal ties. Data obtained via surveys & interviews with peace activists reveal the central role of the Christian religious community in the creation of this movement. This is explained in terms of its particular combination of offering cognitive accessibility to information about the abuses, personal encounters with refugees from Central America, a religious commitment to social justice & peace, & the theological belief that such atrocities violated moral norms. These factors contributed to the development of a sense of "moral outrage" & the feeling that activism was required. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines protests carried out by the popular classes in Latin America to oppose austerity measures implemented by international creditors or imposed by state governments to alleviate foreign debts. A description of the debt crisis facing many Latin American countries emphasizes its magnitude & its roots in global patterns of accumulation & developmental goals of dependent states. The economic situation in Latin America is analyzed in relation to interacting states & international actors, including the International Monetary Fund. Austerity measures undertaken by various nations are described, along with the wave of popular protests that emerged in response. It is noted that, between 1976 & 1986, over half of the major countries of Latin America & the Caribbean experienced social upheavals as the result of austerity measures. The motives, forms, membership, & consequences of these popular protests are examined, & it is argued that their importance must not be viewed as a separate determinant of change, but as part of the multiple forces involved in reshaping state & society. 2 Tables, 22 References. J. Lindroth

Examines protests carried out by the popular classes in Latin America to oppose austerity measures implemented by international creditors or imposed by state governments to alleviate foreign debts. A description of the debt crisis facing many Latin American countries emphasizes its magnitude & its roots in global patterns of accumulation & developmental goals of dependent states. The economic situation in Latin America is analyzed in relation to interacting states & international actors, including the International Monetary Fund. Austerity measures undertaken by various nations are described, along with the wave of popular protests that emerged in response. It is noted that, between 1976 & 1986, over half of the major countries of Latin America & the Caribbean experienced social upheavals as the result of austerity measures. The motives, forms, membership, & consequences of these popular protests are examined, & it is argued that their importance must not be viewed as a separate determinant of change, but as part of the multiple forces involved in reshaping state & society. 2 Tables, 22 References. J. Lindroth

Focuses on the contrasting cases of Brazil & Colombia to examine how lower-class movements grounded in liberation theology differ depending on specific national &/or local conditions. Although linking religion & structures of political protest is not a new phenomenon, the emergence of "base communities" (CEBs) in Latin America represents the first time the center of decision making has rested with groups of poor people. However, little attention has been given to the diversity of CEBs in different settings or to the complicated connections between the CEBs & politics. Brazilian CEBs emerged in the late 1960s as progressive models within worldwide Catholic forums. Conversely, Colombia used CEBs to advance the Vatican line & limit grass-roots activism. A discussion of underlying conceptual & theoretical issues is followed by a description of the life histories of two lay activists, one from Brazil & the other from Colombia, to show how the CEBs changed their lives & communities, as well as how national/international differences determined the nature of popular religious attitudes, practices, & organizations in both nations. 62 References. J. Lindroth

An introduction to The Church at the Grassroots in Latin America focuses on the evolution of the progressive church from a formidable popular movement to the margins of a religious movement more concerned with dogma than societal transformation. It is argued that the Catholic Left's decline reflects changes in the general society during the so-called postauthoritarian period of the last decade. The rise & fall of the progressive church are traced, noting pessimistic referrals to the death of "people's Catholicism" in the recent literature. Contributors focus more on the subtle contributions of the progressive church to social change at the grassroots level, such as the legacy of an enhanced ability to organize & fight for democratic change. The essays document the political, social, & cultural changes generated by the progressive intervention & show how the project has assumed different forms in varying circumstances. A synopsis of each chapter is included. 36 References. J. Lindroth