Suchergebnisse

From 2003 to 2012, a new period appears in Latin America. Growth is higher, the «basics» ( trade balance, budgetary balance, international reserves, unemployment, formal employment, inflation) more often better, social policies are more or less important depending on the country, poverty recedes and income inequality seems to decrease. The disappearance of the external constraint in the 2000s made less urgent to proceed with structural reforms. It pays now. From 2012, the difficulties appear in Argentina, the Brazil and, to a lesser extent, to the Mexico. The economic miracle becomes mirage, the new eldorado is not. With the brutal reversal of the price of raw materials, new vulnerabilities appear today and result in the prompt return of the external constraint to which the Governments of these countries thought escaped with rising prices and traded volumes. However, globalization is not guilty. This is the way, at least passive, to fit into the international division of labour which is. ; De 2003 à 2012, une période nouvelle apparait en Amérique latine. La croissance est plus élevée, les « fondamentaux » (soldes de la balance commerciale et du budget, réserves internationales, chômage, emplois formels, inflation) s'améliorent le plus souvent, les politiques sociales sont plus ou moins importantes selon les pays, la pauvreté recule et les inégalités de revenus paraissent diminuer. La disparition de la contrainte externe dans les années 2000 a rendu moins urgent de procéder à des réformes structurelles. Elle se paie aujourd'hui. A partir de 2012, les difficultés apparaissent en Argentine, au Brésil et, dans une moindre mesure, au Mexique. Le miracle économique devient mirage, le nouvel eldorado en n'est pas un. Avec le retournement brutal du cours des matières premières, de nouvelles vulnérabilités apparaissent aujourd'hui au grand jour et se traduisent par le retour rapide de la contrainte externe à laquelle les gouvernements de ces pays pensaient avoir échappé avec la hausse des cours et des volumes échangés. ...

Belonging to the now classical historiographical field of the national construction the thesis has for main objective to understand the role played by regions in the process of consolidation of the nation-state in Latin America, in the transition between nineteenth and twentieth centuries (1880-1920). The thesis wants to demonstrate that, if this period corresponds in all Latin American countries to a strong centralization moment from the central power, it's also an important moment in the definition of regional identities and it participation to the national destiny. To carry out this interpretative project of the political contemporary evolution of Latin America, the doctoral analysis proposes to compare the political speech and arguments emitted by the elites from Guadalajara, in Mexico, and Arequipa in Peru, from a systematic and detailed revision of the regional press published in both cities. ; S'inscrivant dans le champ désormais classique de la construction nationale, cette thèse a pour principal objectif de mettre en lumière le rôle joué par les régions dans le processus de consolidation de l'État-nation en Amérique latine, au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles (1880-1920). La thèse entend démontrer que, si cette période correspond dans tous les pays d'Amérique latine à un moment de forte centralisation du pouvoir central, c'est également une période d'importante redéfinition des identités régionales et de leur participation dans les destins nationaux.Pour mener à bien ce projet d'interprétation des évolutions politiques contemporaines de l'Amérique latine, l'analyse doctorale propose une comparaison du discours politique et des arguments émis par les élites de Guadalajara, au Mexique, et d'Arequipa, au Pérou, à partir d'une révision systématique et détaillée de la presse régionale publiée dans les deux villes.

Our purpose in this research is twofold. On one hand, it is to examine the relations that the concept of universality maintains with the Latin American proposal of « local », « inculturated » philosophy, and therefore to examine the contributions of critical Latin American philosophies to the debate on universalism and culturalism. In a context where universalism is for all intents ans purposes the effect of an ethnocentric and homogenizing globalization (monological universalism), and faced with the demands of differences as identities that are predetermined and closed to fundamentalism risks, a new and genuine universalism as intercultural dialogue presents itself as an interesting alternative to the dilemma between universalism and particularity. On the other hand, our purpose is to present crtical thinking in Latin America today, in this sense, our work is organized around a single figure, namely Enrique Dussel, in order to deepen ties between Latin American philosophy of liberation and certain currents of European (Emmanuel Levinas's metaphysics of alterity and Karl-Otto Apel's discourse ethics in particular) and Latin American philosophy (Leopoldo Zea and Augusto Salazar Bondy on one hand, and the current names « Modernity/Coloniality group », « post-Occidentalism » or « decolonial theories » on the other). To see these research perspectives through, the following plan will be adopted. To understand the intention of the paradigm shift claimed by Dussel's philosophy of liberation, this work takes as its starting point the presentation of different contexts (philosophical, historical, political, economic, cultural,etc) and the origins of philosophy of liberation. In the second part, we study a specific way, using a diachronic approach of Dussel's ethics of liberation, which was developed through dialogue with various authors. We specifically and critically study Levinas's influence on philosophy of liberation, and of its extensive dialogue with Apel's discourse ethics. Finally, the last part of our research raises the question of timeliness, or rather the current problems of philosophy of liberation, through internal and external criticism that has been directed at the school of thought over the last four decades. Using these issues, our research aims to contribue to the task, from our point of view both urgent and necessary, of thinking philosophically from within a global mindset. ; Nuestro propósito en esta investigación es doble. Por un lado, se trata de examinar las relaciones que mantiene el concepto de universalidad con la propuesta latinoamericana de una filosofía situada, « inculturada », y, por lo tanto, de examinar los aportes de las filosofías críticas latinoamericanas a los debates sobre universalismo y particularismo cultural. En un contexto en el que el universalismo fáctico es resultado de una globalización homogeneizadora y etnocéntrica (universalismo monológico), y frente a las reivindicaciones de la diferencia como identidad prefijada y cerrada con riesgos fundamentalistas, un nuevo y verdadero universalismo como diálogo intercultural se presenta hoy como una alternativa a la oposición entre universalismo y particularidad. Por otro lado, nuestro propósito es presentar el pensamiento crítico latinoamericano actual. Ahora bien, este trabajo queda nucleado en torno a la sola figura de Enrique Dussel, con el fin de poder profundizar en la relación entre la filosofía latinoamericana de la liberación y determinadas corrientes de filosofía europeas (en concreto, la metafísica de la alteridad de Emmanuel Levinas y la ética del discurso de Karl-Otto Apel) y latinoamericanas (Leopoldo Zea y Augusto Salazar Bondy de un lado, y la corriente llamada « grupo Modernidad/Colonialidad », « posoccidentalismo » o también « teorías decoloniales » de otro. Para conseguir los objetivos propuestos, el trabajo quedará estructurado de la manera siguiente. Con la finalidad de facilitar la comprensión del cambio de paradigma que pretende la filosofía de la liberación en América latina, tomaremos como punto de partida la exposición de los diferentes contextos (filosófico, histórico, político, económico, cultural, etc.) y de los orígenes de la filosofía de la liberación. En la segunda parte estudiamos de manera específica, siguiendo un enfoque diacrónico, la ética de la liberación que Dussel ha desarrollado en diálogo con diferentes autores. Estudiamos especialmente, y de manera crítica, la influencia de Levinas en la filosofía de la liberación así como el largo diálogo entre la ética de la liberación (Dussel) y la ética del discurso de Apel. Cierra el trabajo una tercera parte donde se plantea la cuestión de la actualidad, o más bien de la problematicidad actual de la filosofía de la liberación a través de las críticas, internas y externas, que esta corriente de pensamiento ha recibido a lo largo de las últimas cuatro décadas. A partir de la problemática planteada, esta investigación quiere contribuir a la tarea, desde nuestro punto de vista urgente y necesaria, de pensar filosóficamente desde un horizonte mundial. ; Notre propos dans cette recherche est double. D'une part, il s'agit d'examiner les rapports qu'entretient le concept d'universalité avec la proposition latino-américaine d'une philosophie située, « inculturée », et donc d'examiner les rapports des philosophies critiques latino-américaines aux débats sur l'universalisme et le culturalisme. Dans un contexte où l'universalisme est de fait l'effet d'une globalisation homogénéisante et ethnocentrique (universalisme monologique), et face aux revendications de la différence comme identités préfixées et closes aux risques fondamentalistes, un nouveau et véritable universalisme comme dialogue interculturel se présente à nous comme une alternative intéressante au dilemme entre universalisme et particularité. D'une part, notre propos est de présenter la pensée critique latino-américaine actuelle. En ce sens, ce travail s'organise autour d'une seule figure, à savoir Enrique Dussel, afin de pouvoir approfondir les liens entre la philosophie latino-américaine de la libération et certains courants de philosophie européens (la métaphysique de l'altérité) d'Emmanuel Levinas et l'éthique de la discussion de Karl-Otto appel en particulier) et latino-américains (Leopoldo Zea et Augusto Salazar Bondy d'une part, et le courant nommé « groupe Modernité/Colonialité », « postoccidentalisme » ou encore « théories décoloniales » d'autre part). Afin de mener à bien ces perspectives de recherche, sera adopté le plan suivant. Pour comprendre l'intention du changement de paradigme que prétend la philosophie de la libération de Dussel, ce travail prend comme point de départ l'exposé des différents contextes (philosophique, historique, politique, économique, culturel, etc) et des origines de la philosophie de la libération. Dans la deuxième partie, nous étudions de manière spécifique, et suivant une approche diachronique, l'éthique de la libération de Dussel, développée en dialogue avec différents auteurs. Nous étudions de manière particulière et critique l'influence de Levinas dans la philosophie de la libération, et le long dialogue de celle-ci avec l'éthique de la discussion d'Apel. Finalement, la dernière partie de cette recherche pose la question de l'actualité ou plutôt de la problématique actuelle de la philosophie de la libération à travers les critiques, internes et externes, qu'au courant de ces dernières quatre décennies ont été adressés à ce courant de pensée. A partir de cette problématique, notre recherche entend contribuer à la tâche de notre point de vue urgente et nécessaire de penser philosophiquement depuis un horizon mondial.

International audience ; In September 1728, the Scottish portrait painter John Smibert boarded a ship bound for North America. With John James, Richard Dalton and Thomas Moffat, Smibert had accepted to accompany George Berkeley in order to take part in his project to establish a college in the British colony of Bermuda. This institution was to be set up to train missionaries in charge of propagating the Anglican faith among the native population. In 1725, Berkeley had already exposed his plan in his pamphlet entitled A Proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign plantations, and for converting the Savage Americans to Christianity by a college to be erected in the Summer Islands, otherwise called the Isles of Bermuda. However, it was not before 1728 that Berkeley was able to leave Great Britain for the British colonies, after having obtained a promise for a grant of £20,000 from the Parliament and found teachers for his future college. Smibert had been chosen to teach the fine arts.Berkeley never got the grant from the British Parliament and in 1731 he decided to return to Great Britain. As for Smibert, he settled permanently in Boston where he worked as a portraitist. Of this aborted project there remain several paintings executed by Smibert, the most famous being the portrait known as The Bermuda Group, which represents Berkeley with his family and the men who had accepted to accompany him to the British colonies.This article aims at assessing the role of Smibert in Berkeley's project as well as Smibert's influence on the eighteenth-century pictorial art of the British colonies of North America. Nowadays, art historians still consider that Smibert contributed to the development of American painting. A study of a few paintings will show us that through Smibert, Scottish painting deeply influenced several American painters of the second half of the eighteenth century. ; En septembre 1728, le portraitiste écossais John Smibert s'embarqua à bord d'un navire à destination de l'Amérique du Nord. Avec ...

Belonging to the now classical historiographical field of the national construction the thesis has for main objective to understand the role played by regions in the process of consolidation of the nation-state in Latin America, in the transition between nineteenth and twentieth centuries (1880-1920). The thesis wants to demonstrate that, if this period corresponds in all Latin American countries to a strong centralization moment from the central power, it's also an important moment in the definition of regional identities and it participation to the national destiny. To carry out this interpretative project of the political contemporary evolution of Latin America, the doctoral analysis proposes to compare the political speech and arguments emitted by the elites from Guadalajara, in Mexico, and Arequipa in Peru, from a systematic and detailed revision of the regional press published in both cities. ; S'inscrivant dans le champ désormais classique de la construction nationale, cette thèse a pour principal objectif de mettre en lumière le rôle joué par les régions dans le processus de consolidation de l'État-nation en Amérique latine, au tournant des XIXe et XXe siècles (1880-1920). La thèse entend démontrer que, si cette période correspond dans tous les pays d'Amérique latine à un moment de forte centralisation du pouvoir central, c'est également une période d'importante redéfinition des identités régionales et de leur participation dans les destins nationaux.Pour mener à bien ce projet d'interprétation des évolutions politiques contemporaines de l'Amérique latine, l'analyse doctorale propose une comparaison du discours politique et des arguments émis par les élites de Guadalajara, au Mexique, et d'Arequipa, au Pérou, à partir d'une révision systématique et détaillée de la presse régionale publiée dans les deux villes.

International audience ; In September 1728, the Scottish portrait painter John Smibert boarded a ship bound for North America. With John James, Richard Dalton and Thomas Moffat, Smibert had accepted to accompany George Berkeley in order to take part in his project to establish a college in the British colony of Bermuda. This institution was to be set up to train missionaries in charge of propagating the Anglican faith among the native population. In 1725, Berkeley had already exposed his plan in his pamphlet entitled A Proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign plantations, and for converting the Savage Americans to Christianity by a college to be erected in the Summer Islands, otherwise called the Isles of Bermuda. However, it was not before 1728 that Berkeley was able to leave Great Britain for the British colonies, after having obtained a promise for a grant of £20,000 from the Parliament and found teachers for his future college. Smibert had been chosen to teach the fine arts.Berkeley never got the grant from the British Parliament and in 1731 he decided to return to Great Britain. As for Smibert, he settled permanently in Boston where he worked as a portraitist. Of this aborted project there remain several paintings executed by Smibert, the most famous being the portrait known as The Bermuda Group, which represents Berkeley with his family and the men who had accepted to accompany him to the British colonies.This article aims at assessing the role of Smibert in Berkeley's project as well as Smibert's influence on the eighteenth-century pictorial art of the British colonies of North America. Nowadays, art historians still consider that Smibert contributed to the development of American painting. A study of a few paintings will show us that through Smibert, Scottish painting deeply influenced several American painters of the second half of the eighteenth century. ; En septembre 1728, le portraitiste écossais John Smibert s'embarqua à bord d'un navire à destination de l'Amérique du Nord. Avec John James, Richard Dalton et Thomas Moffat, Smibert avait accepté d'accompagner George Berkeley afin de participer à son projet de fonder un séminaire dans la colonie britannique des Bermudes. Cette institution devait avoir pour but de former des missionnaires chargés de propager la religion anglicane au sein de la population autochtone. Déjà en 1725, Berkeley avait clairement exposé son projet dans son pamphlet intitulé A Proposal for the better supplying of churches in our foreign plantations, and for converting the Savage Americans to Christianity by a college to be erected in the Summer Islands, otherwise called the Isles of Bermuda. Néanmoins, ce ne fut qu'en 1728 que Berkeley quitta la Grande-Bretagne pour les colonies britanniques, après avoir obtenu du Parlement une promesse d'un financement de 20 000 livres sterling et trouvé des enseignants pour son futur établissement. Smibert avait été choisi pour enseigner les beaux-arts.Le Parlement ne versa pas l'argent promis à Berkeley et, en 1731, ce dernier décida de retourner en Grande-Bretagne. Pour sa part, Smibert s'établit définitivement à Boston où il exerça en tant que portraitiste. De ce projet avorté il reste plusieurs tableaux peints par Smibert, dont le célèbre portrait connu sous le nom de Bermuda Group, représentant Berkeley en compagnie de sa famille et des hommes ayant accepté de le suivre dans les colonies britanniques.Cet article se propose de revenir sur le projet de Berkeley ; nous nous intéresserons plus précisément au rôle de Smibert au sein de cette entreprise et à l'influence qu'il exerça sur l'art pictural dans les colonies britanniques d'Amérique du Nord au dix-huitième siècle. Aujourd'hui encore les historiens de l'art estiment que Smibert a contribué au développement de la peinture américaine. L'étude de quelques tableaux nous permettra de constater que, par l'intermédiaire de Smibert, la peinture écossaise marqua profondément plusieurs peintres américains de la seconde moitié du dix-huitième siècle.

Our purpose in this research is twofold. On one hand, it is to examine the relations that the concept of universality maintains with the Latin American proposal of « local », « inculturated » philosophy, and therefore to examine the contributions of critical Latin American philosophies to the debate on universalism and culturalism. In a context where universalism is for all intents ans purposes the effect of an ethnocentric and homogenizing globalization (monological universalism), and faced with the demands of differences as identities that are predetermined and closed to fundamentalism risks, a new and genuine universalism as intercultural dialogue presents itself as an interesting alternative to the dilemma between universalism and particularity. On the other hand, our purpose is to present crtical thinking in Latin America today, in this sense, our work is organized around a single figure, namely Enrique Dussel, in order to deepen ties between Latin American philosophy of liberation and certain currents of European (Emmanuel Levinas's metaphysics of alterity and Karl-Otto Apel's discourse ethics in particular) and Latin American philosophy (Leopoldo Zea and Augusto Salazar Bondy on one hand, and the current names « Modernity/Coloniality group », « post-Occidentalism » or « decolonial theories » on the other). To see these research perspectives through, the following plan will be adopted. To understand the intention of the paradigm shift claimed by Dussel's philosophy of liberation, this work takes as its starting point the presentation of different contexts (philosophical, historical, political, economic, cultural,etc) and the origins of philosophy of liberation. In the second part, we study a specific way, using a diachronic approach of Dussel's ethics of liberation, which was developed through dialogue with various authors. We specifically and critically study Levinas's influence on philosophy of liberation, and of its extensive dialogue with Apel's discourse ethics. Finally, the last part of our research ...

Central America, made of six Spanish speaking countries and one English speaking country, is the result of the partition of which Spanish crown, during the discoveries, called captainship of Guatemala.The partition into small states allowed an easy foreign influence, particularly from the powerful northern neighbor, until the outburst of civil wars, epitomizing a cold war waged by implementing and building up, in Guatemala, Nicaragua, Salvador, in particular.The thesis makes a panorama of the problematic foreign relations, from independence to the climax period of the eighties, until the end of the cold war. It gives birth to a hypothesis: the creation of a new federation, avoiding the previous failures, to put into potential the economical and human resources, of the states of the area, in order to play as a partner, in international relationships, in spite of undergoing foreign influences. ; L'Amérique centrale, constituée de six Etats hispanophones et un Etat anglophone, est le fruit d'une partition de ce que la couronne espagnole, lors des grandes découvertes, appelait la capitainerie de Guatemala.Le morcèlement en petits Etats facilita d'autant plus l'influence étrangère, en particulier du grand voisin du nord, jusqu'à entraîner des guerres civiles, expression d'une guerre froide par fournitures de moyens, au Guatemala, au Nicaragua et au Salvador, en particulier.La thèse reprend les aspects problématiques des relations avec l'extérieur, le plus souvent subies, depuis l'indépendance, au paroxysme, les guerres civiles des années 1980, jusqu'à la fin de la guerre froide. Elle évoque une hypothèse : la mise en place d'une nouvelle fédération, en évitant les erreurs du passé, permettant de potentialiser les ressources économiques et humaines de l'ensemble des pays de la zone, afin de jouer un rôle de partenaire dans le concert des nations et non de subir les ingérences étrangères.

Central America, made of six Spanish speaking countries and one English speaking country, is the result of the partition of which Spanish crown, during the discoveries, called captainship of Guatemala.The partition into small states allowed an easy foreign influence, particularly from the powerful northern neighbor, until the outburst of civil wars, epitomizing a cold war waged by implementing and building up, in Guatemala, Nicaragua, Salvador, in particular.The thesis makes a panorama of the problematic foreign relations, from independence to the climax period of the eighties, until the end of the cold war. It gives birth to a hypothesis: the creation of a new federation, avoiding the previous failures, to put into potential the economical and human resources, of the states of the area, in order to play as a partner, in international relationships, in spite of undergoing foreign influences. ; L'Amérique centrale, constituée de six Etats hispanophones et un Etat anglophone, est le fruit d'une partition de ce que la couronne espagnole, lors des grandes découvertes, appelait la capitainerie de Guatemala.Le morcèlement en petits Etats facilita d'autant plus l'influence étrangère, en particulier du grand voisin du nord, jusqu'à entraîner des guerres civiles, expression d'une guerre froide par fournitures de moyens, au Guatemala, au Nicaragua et au Salvador, en particulier.La thèse reprend les aspects problématiques des relations avec l'extérieur, le plus souvent subies, depuis l'indépendance, au paroxysme, les guerres civiles des années 1980, jusqu'à la fin de la guerre froide. Elle évoque une hypothèse : la mise en place d'une nouvelle fédération, en évitant les erreurs du passé, permettant de potentialiser les ressources économiques et humaines de l'ensemble des pays de la zone, afin de jouer un rôle de partenaire dans le concert des nations et non de subir les ingérences étrangères.

461 p. ; Recently, some movements have been calling for the democratization of decision making spaces in international relations. Members of parliament have progressively become key actors in this scenario, organizing transnational deliberative forums intended to influence several domains of governmental action. This is also occurring at the regional integration level, with the European Union and its co-legislative parliament as the most prominent examples. In Latin America, on the other hand, the presidential tradition and intergovernmental character of regional initiatives have always relegated members of parliament to a secondary position. However, against all expectations, a parliament was created in Mercosur in 2006. How can this institutional choice be explained? This dissertation aims to analyze the reasons for the creation of the Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur) beyond the official discourse. In order to do so, it explores the combination of institutions, interests and ideas in determining political action. These factors are contextualized through policy process theories, which underline the role of timing, advocacy coalitions and inspiration in existing models in institutional change. This theoretical framework is then applied to the study of the four fundamental stages of the Parlasur building: the institutional development of the former Parliamentary Commission; the relations between the Mercosur and the European Union and the transfer of integration mechanisms; the critical moment when the Free Trade Area of the Americas was confronted by the new governmental ideologies; and the difficult institutionalization process that is being faced by the new parliament. This chronothematic analysis is intended to trace the path of explanatory variables in this institutional result, based on semi-structured interviews and observations carried out in Mercosur as well as in the European Union. ; Les relations internationales sont aujourd'hui confrontées à un mouvement en faveur de la démocratisation de leurs espaces ...

This document entitled 'How to define health objectives and strategies' is the final report of a study carried out on the arrangements for defining priority health objectives and strategies in the countries of Europe and North America. First of all, the concept of health priority appears in the literature as a concept in its own right, innovative, uniform and homogeneous to meet the needs of rationalising health expenditure in industrialised countries. However, the concept of priorities and the associated objectives are not new and implicitly exist in health policy since the creation of health systems and their choices as to the nature and financing of the activities implemented and the nature and quantity of the actions taken on by the community. The emerging explanations of a 'prioritisation' process reflect, more than the discovery of a need for prioritisation, the desire to position this prioritisation differently within health policy, with in most cases the desire to include other actors in the corresponding decision-making processes. This concept is taken up in a much more formal, explicit and institutional way, with the underlying assumption that the explanation and modelling of 'prioritisation' mechanisms, which have hitherto been informal, must be a relevant and effective response to pressing health issues, adjusting strategies to expectations on the basis of democratic choices. ; 92p ; This document entitled 'How to define health objectives and strategies' is the final report of a study carried out on the arrangements for defining priority health objectives and strategies in the countries of Europe and North America. First of all, the concept of health priority appears in the literature as a concept in its own right, innovative, uniform and homogeneous to meet the needs of rationalising health expenditure in industrialised countries. However, the concept of priorities and the associated objectives are not new and implicitly exist in health policy since the creation of health systems and their choices ...

461 p. ; Recently, some movements have been calling for the democratization of decision making spaces in international relations. Members of parliament have progressively become key actors in this scenario, organizing transnational deliberative forums intended to influence several domains of governmental action. This is also occurring at the regional integration level, with the European Union and its co-legislative parliament as the most prominent examples. In Latin America, on the other hand, the presidential tradition and intergovernmental character of regional initiatives have always relegated members of parliament to a secondary position. However, against all expectations, a parliament was created in Mercosur in 2006. How can this institutional choice be explained? This dissertation aims to analyze the reasons for the creation of the Mercosur Parliament (Parlasur) beyond the official discourse. In order to do so, it explores the combination of institutions, interests and ideas in determining political action. These factors are contextualized through policy process theories, which underline the role of timing, advocacy coalitions and inspiration in existing models in institutional change. This theoretical framework is then applied to the study of the four fundamental stages of the Parlasur building: the institutional development of the former Parliamentary Commission; the relations between the Mercosur and the European Union and the transfer of integration mechanisms; the critical moment when the Free Trade Area of the Americas was confronted by the new governmental ideologies; and the difficult institutionalization process that is being faced by the new parliament. This chronothematic analysis is intended to trace the path of explanatory variables in this institutional result, based on semi-structured interviews and observations carried out in Mercosur as well as in the European Union. ; Les relations internationales sont aujourd'hui confrontées à un mouvement en faveur de la démocratisation de leurs espaces ...

Résumé Emblématique de l'essor du processus d'externalisation des missions militaires au secteur privé ou semi-privé pendant la guerre du Vietnam, la Civil Air Transport ( cat ), devenue Air America ( aam ) en 1959, a joué un rôle essentiel dans l'effort de guerre des États-Unis au Vietnam et au Laos, et dans une moindre mesure au Cambodge. L'article suivant retrace les grandes étapes de l'histoire de cette compagnie aérienne secrètement rachetée par la cia en 1950, avec ses succès, ses difficultés, ses travers et ses échecs.

The thesis analyses the spatial dynamics which have taken place on the Caribbean coast of Central America since the Spanish conquest to the present. It is divided in four parts: structures, powers, models and systems. We argue that the space of the Caribbean part of the Central American isthmus is organised according to three territorial models: the indigenous (I. Indio), the globalised (G. Gringo and Negro) and the ladino (L). Firstly, an historical, physical and human perspective is employed to show that the Caribbean coast is an ultimate frontier. Secondly, the mutations in the cultural, economic and political fields are enquired from the point of view of power holding and the actors involved (second part). The third part describes the three territorial models: they are recurrent ideal-types and are specific to the Caribbean coast. They have been elaborated on the base of the internal and external structures of the territories and of their spatial and temporal evolutions which have taken place in the last 5 centuries. The last part is focused on territorial systems. We argue the validity of the theoretical hypothesis through three case studies: the first one relates the destiny of the indigenous refuge area located on the Southern frontier between Belize and Guatemala. The second one deals with the tourist archipelago of Bocas del Toro, in Panama, which is emblematic of the succession of globalised territories on insular spaces. The last one is about the Atlantic Costa Rica: it explores the ladino's interface which is symptomatic of the process of incorporation of the Caribbean coasts in the Nation States during the second part of the 20th century. ; La thèse, divisée en quatre parties (structures, pouvoirs, modèles, systèmes), propose une analyse des dynamiques spatiales sur la façade caraïbe de l'Amérique centrale de la conquête espagnole jusqu'à nos jours, en partant de l'hypothèse d'une organisation de l'espace caribéen de l'isthme centraméricain sous la forme de trois modèles territoriaux indigène (I : ...

As the world is preparing to scale up its efforts to combat global climate change, groups are increasingly recognizing the vital role forests play in maintaining ecological, social, economic and cultural well-being. They are beginning to affirm more that forest tenure plays a fundamental role in determining the fate of the world's forests. In many countries, questions are raised on whether tropical forests should be publicly, commonly or privately owned. For many countries the forest management policies will likely involve a combination of: i) protected areas of sufficient size to provide habitat protection, and in a contiguous pattern; ii) forest concessions with enforceable performance-based management criteria; iii) community forests and community forest concessions managed by communities and indigenous groups. The challenge is to undertake the land use planning commitment and implementation to achieve this in the face of pressure from internal and external interests. Forest concessions of various types are the dominant form of forest tenure in almost all the forest countries of West and Central Africa. They are also the dominant types of forest tenure in Asia (Malaysia, Indonesia, Papua New Guinea, and Cambodia). In South America, Peru and Bolivia introduced forest concession as a possible tenure model in the early 90's with the strong support of international NGOs. In Brazil, after two failed attempts, the government has passed its new forest management law in 2006. Bolivia and Brazil have much in common regarding forest tenure conflicts and challenges to enforce new rules in the forestry sector. Forest concession implementation in these countries has generated many expectations and investments in law changes.This research work focuses on the main barriers faced by Bolivian and Brazilian forest authorities in implementing forest concession on the scale initially planned. The studies required a mapping of the property rights regimes over forest and forest resources as well as a theoretical approach of ...