Suchergebnisse

International audience ; [To deploy its scientific vocation, geopolitical aims to highlight patterns may provide reference points transposed in a world where power relations are complex. However, geopolitical study of Colombia constitutes hardly a good example because many geopolitical paradoxes, that is to say, situations or geopolitical developments composed of elements a priori contradictory. The first paradox, cognitive, adds geographical exceptional but difficult to value because the country is as a spa tial puzzle situation. In addition, Colombia is a country in Latin America where the political weight of the military, unlike the history of the sub-continent since independence, has been never historically important. Fourth paradox : Colombian democracy was consolidated despite violent conflictualities. The 2000s have seen it two successive contradictions : a Democratic president beloved inside and outside very vilified, then suddenly recognized. Two other paradoxes take the issue of displaced by internal conflicts, then, in the 2010s, to an heir President seeming to want to divert the inheritance. Finally, in parallel, the fact that South American country to join the " Yankees ", often reviled in this region remains amazing.] ; Afin de déployer sa vocation scientifique, la géopolitique vise à mettre en évidence des régularités susceptibles d'offrir des points de repère transposables dans un monde où les rapports de force sont complexes. Or, l'étude géopolitique de la Colombie ne consti-tue guère un exemple probant du fait de nombreux paradoxes géopolitiques, c'est-à-dire de situations ou d'évolutions géopolitiques composées d'éléments a priori antinomiques. Au premier paradoxe, de nature cognitive, s'ajoute une situation géographique exceptionnelle mais difficile à valoriser parce que le pays se présente comme un puzzle spa-tial. En outre, la Colombie est un pays d'Amérique latine où le poids politique des mili-taires, contrairement à l'histoire de ce sous-continent depuis les indépendances, n'a ja-mais ...

International audience ; [To deploy its scientific vocation, geopolitical aims to highlight patterns may provide reference points transposed in a world where power relations are complex. However, geopolitical study of Colombia constitutes hardly a good example because many geopolitical paradoxes, that is to say, situations or geopolitical developments composed of elements a priori contradictory. The first paradox, cognitive, adds geographical exceptional but difficult to value because the country is as a spa tial puzzle situation. In addition, Colombia is a country in Latin America where the political weight of the military, unlike the history of the sub-continent since independence, has been never historically important. Fourth paradox : Colombian democracy was consolidated despite violent conflictualities. The 2000s have seen it two successive contradictions : a Democratic president beloved inside and outside very vilified, then suddenly recognized. Two other paradoxes take the issue of displaced by internal conflicts, then, in the 2010s, to an heir President seeming to want to divert the inheritance. Finally, in parallel, the fact that South American country to join the " Yankees ", often reviled in this region remains amazing.] ; Afin de déployer sa vocation scientifique, la géopolitique vise à mettre en évidence des régularités susceptibles d'offrir des points de repère transposables dans un monde où les rapports de force sont complexes. Or, l'étude géopolitique de la Colombie ne consti-tue guère un exemple probant du fait de nombreux paradoxes géopolitiques, c'est-à-dire de situations ou d'évolutions géopolitiques composées d'éléments a priori antinomiques. Au premier paradoxe, de nature cognitive, s'ajoute une situation géographique exceptionnelle mais difficile à valoriser parce que le pays se présente comme un puzzle spa-tial. En outre, la Colombie est un pays d'Amérique latine où le poids politique des mili-taires, contrairement à l'histoire de ce sous-continent depuis les indépendances, n'a ja-mais ...

International audience ; [To deploy its scientific vocation, geopolitical aims to highlight patterns may provide reference points transposed in a world where power relations are complex. However, geopolitical study of Colombia constitutes hardly a good example because many geopolitical paradoxes, that is to say, situations or geopolitical developments composed of elements a priori contradictory. The first paradox, cognitive, adds geographical exceptional but difficult to value because the country is as a spa tial puzzle situation. In addition, Colombia is a country in Latin America where the political weight of the military, unlike the history of the sub-continent since independence, has been never historically important. Fourth paradox : Colombian democracy was consolidated despite violent conflictualities. The 2000s have seen it two successive contradictions : a Democratic president beloved inside and outside very vilified, then suddenly recognized. Two other paradoxes take the issue of displaced by internal conflicts, then, in the 2010s, to an heir President seeming to want to divert the inheritance. Finally, in parallel, the fact that South American country to join the " Yankees ", often reviled in this region remains amazing.] ; Afin de déployer sa vocation scientifique, la géopolitique vise à mettre en évidence des régularités susceptibles d'offrir des points de repère transposables dans un monde où les rapports de force sont complexes. Or, l'étude géopolitique de la Colombie ne consti-tue guère un exemple probant du fait de nombreux paradoxes géopolitiques, c'est-à-dire de situations ou d'évolutions géopolitiques composées d'éléments a priori antinomiques. Au premier paradoxe, de nature cognitive, s'ajoute une situation géographique exceptionnelle mais difficile à valoriser parce que le pays se présente comme un puzzle spa-tial. En outre, la Colombie est un pays d'Amérique latine où le poids politique des mili-taires, contrairement à l'histoire de ce sous-continent depuis les indépendances, n'a ja-mais ...

Official circuits of art production such as Artistic corporations and Academies, provide the art historian with a wider context by which to approach the object and link it to the creation process. Unfortunately, such formal Academies and Corporations did not exist in ail of colonial Latin America, even though the success of the Spanish political project was based upon the evangelization process and thus, the construction of temples. Not being able to rely on the traditional methods to study the artistic production of the New Granada (present country of Colombia), we propose here to study the catholic temple construction from the perspective a cultural history. To this end, we used heuristic research. This methodological approach was abandoned in the study of Colimbian colonial art since the 1980s. Nevertheless, the use of archival documents represents a rich source of information. Thus, by avoiding the historical analysis based on the study of the shape and taxinomic classification of an object, we privileged a cultural interpretation of archival documents. Using this source, we were able to study the production of religious temples, from the establishment of rules and regulations to the finalization or abandonment of projects. We were also interested in the detailed analysis of the different actors that intervened at the creation level of a project. By stressing the study of their training we were able to reconstruct how the ideas and skills were transmitted on the place and time. ; Qu'il s'agisse de corporations ou d'Académies, l'existence de circuits de production artistique officiels (ou du moins formellement constitués), fournit à l'historien de l'art une grille de lecture permettant de structurer l'approche avec l'objet à étudier et avec les processus qui ont abouti à sa création. Cela ne se vérifie pas dans toute l'Amérique coloniale même si, paradoxalement, la légitimité du projet politique espagnol se fondait sur le succès de la campagne évangélisatrice et donc sur la mise en place de temples, ce qui ...

We have analyzed the political legitimacy of democracy in Latin America with Latinobarometro's data, which is a survey about attitudes and values that has been applied annually since 1996 in 18 countries of the region, in two axes: one methodological and the other theoretical. On the one hand, we contribute to the empirical validation of the concept and its differents operationalizations, while aligning our results to the wider debate. And, in the theoretical field, our results allow us to broaden the debate on the relationship between legitimacy and democratic stability.

Since the 60s, Latin America has been hearing the suggestions of International Economic Organizations (IEOs) on how to reach development. In the 70s, the United Nations suggested the politics of development, where the countries could define independently their own national and international politics to reach development and be equally rich. This did not work due to the increasing interdependence; therefore, in the second half of the 80s, the Washington Consensus replaced this policy. The Washington Consensus claims that globalization promotes multilateralism and does not allow countries to take unilateral decisions because they affect others and are being affected by other countries' decisions as well. Although this made a lot of sense, it would mean that the free market prevailed over the actions of the government, eliminating all barriers to trade and to foreign investments. According to the United Nations Commission for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), "International production has become the central structural characteristic of the world economy". A greater freedom to trade, plus the opening of capital flows, could lead the underdeveloped nations to economic growth showing as a sample the rich countries. Therefore, many Latin American countries joined the neoliberalism that was proposed by the Washington Consensus in 1989, reduced trade barriers, opened up their markets to foreign capitals and followed many of the indications of the IEOs in order to find development through internationalization. National economies are linked together by a network of trade, investment and credit and this link is supposed to bring development. The IEOs said that the national market size does not matter anymore if a country focuses on larger international markets. Internalizing the Washington Consensus norms was difficult for Small Size Economies (SSE) because the rules of this Consensus took all the countries as a group of a unique size and established on common and non discriminatory rules to approach multilateralization. However, the SSE had no part of the cake and no power to influence the regulations of free trade and foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization. The same, they do not have the capacity or power to change the norm structure inside the IEOs (where policies and international laws are suggested) that could take them into account with particular privileges according to their specific needs. This marginalization in the international arena is believed to have accentuated economic and social problems that now keep them in constant social turmoil and put in risk their government's stability. Several researches and governments do not perceive this problem and cannot foresee adequate reactions in international negotiations. Worst, SSE do not know themselves what are their weakness and how to asses them. With this thesis, we want to explore the power of SSE on international insertion. For this, the thesis is divided in two parts. The problem that we want to analyze in the first part is why after several years of multilateralism proposed by the IEOs, internationalization and development did not improve for some of the South American countries increasing poverty. It seem that the reason lies in the fact that the international arena was only ruled by the largest economies leaving aside to the majority of the developing countries and their needs. This is why we wanted to explore (main goal) under what circumstances multilateralism and the Washington Consensus was applied, which were the options to improve the situation within multilateralism and what was the impact of multilateralism as proposed by the IEOs in terms of internationalization and development. ; Depuis les années 60, l'Amérique Latine avait accueilli les suggestions des organismes économiques internationaux (OEIs) sur la façon de réussir le développement. Dans les années 70, les Nations Unies ont suggéré la politique où les pays pourraient définir indépendamment leur propre politique nationale et internationale pour atteindre leur développement. Cela n'a pas fonctionné en raison de l'interdépendance croissante (de quoi ?); donc, dans la deuxième moitié des années 80, le Consensus de Washington a remplacé cette politique. Le Consensus de Washington disait que, la globalisation favorise le multilatéralisme dans la mesure où un pays ne peut pas prendre unilatéralement des décisions qui affecteront d'autres pays. Et même que cela paraît-t il vraisemblable, il signifierait que le libre-échange doit régner en maître et au-dessus des actions des Etats, éliminant tout entrave aux échanges et aux investissements à l'étranger. Selon la Commission des Nations Unies pour le Commerce et le Développement (CNUCED), « la production internationale est devenue la caractéristique structurale centrale de l'économie mondiale ». Une plus grande liberté de commerce et une large ouverture aux mouvements de capitaux, pourrai mener les nations sous-développés à la croissance économique comparable à celle des pays riches. En conséquence, beaucoup de pays latino-américains qui avaient rejoint entretemps le néolibéralisme proposé par le Consensus de Washington en 1989, ont ainsi mise en place des mesures visant à réduire les entraves au commerce : ils ont ouvert leurs marchés aux capitaux étrangers et suivi plusieurs des indications des OEIs ; le but étant le développement par l'internationalisation. Des économies nationales rejoignent ainsi un réseau du commerce international, d'investissement et de crédit où le commerce devait apporter le développement. Les OEIs ont indiqué que la taille du marché national n'importe plus si un pays se focalise sur de plus grands marchés internationaux. L'internalisation des normes de Consensus de Washington était difficile pour les SSE parce que les règles de ce consensus les ont pris en tant que groupe « d'une taille unique, ouvert, juste, établie sur le terrain d'une régulation non discriminatoires » approchez pour la multilatéralisation du commerce et du développement. Cependant, les SSE n'ont pas tiré profit de ces mesures car ils ne faisaient pas le poids des puissances au point d'influencer les règlements du libre échange et de la libéralisation de l'investissement directe étrangère (ou IDE). Ils n´ont pas la capacité ni le pouvoir de changer la structure des normes à l'intérieur des OEIs, où les politiques et les lois internationales sont suggérées sans prendre en considération des privilèges particuliers ni les besoins propre à chacun. Cette marginalisation dans la scène internationale accentue les problèmes économiques et sociaux qui sont à l'origine de l'agitation sociale constante et mettent en péril la stabilité de leur gouvernement. Plusieurs chercheurs et gouvernements ne perçoivent pas ces vrais problèmes et ne peuvent pas ainsi prévoir des mesures proportionnées pendant les négociations internationales. Le pire est que, les EPT ne connaissent pas eux même leur faiblesses et comment les évaluez. Avec cette thèse, nous voulons explorer la capacité d'insertion des EPT sur la scène internationale. De ce fait, la thèse est divisée en deux parties : dans la première partie, nous analyserons pourquoi après plusieurs années de multilatéralisme proposé par les OEIs, aucune amélioration en termes de l'internationalisation et du développement de certains pays sud-américains n'a été constaté ; mais au contraire, il y a eu un accroissement de la pauvreté. Nous pensons que c'est le fait que la scène internationale a été ordonnée seulement par les plus grandes économies laissant de côte la majorité des pays en voie de développement et leurs besoins.

The article analyzes the evolution of regionalism in Latin America from the 1990s. It exhibits the options that consider to the countries in their foreign policies against the initiatives of the United States and the changes in the international system. One sets out the functional importance of the emergent powers (PEMS) and the regions in the present phase of Capitalism. Finally, the article analyzes the perspective of regionalism in Latin America as much in the international system as in the construction of a regional model of governance. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses Brazilian foreign policy focusing on relations with the United States of America and South America. It develops the three pillars of the new foreign policy of Brazil: democracy (where national interests become more transparent and new actors emerge in the international relations of Brazil), regional integration (that starts with Mercosul, follows with the new processes of physical integration and ends, currently, with Unasul) and its relation of interdependence with globalization (reflected in the economic outputs of the country). Adapted from the source document.

Since the 60s, Latin America has been hearing the suggestions of International Economic Organizations (IEOs) on how to reach development. In the 70s, the United Nations suggested the politics of development, where the countries could define independently their own national and international politics to reach development and be equally rich. This did not work due to the increasing interdependence; therefore, in the second half of the 80s, the Washington Consensus replaced this policy. The Washington Consensus claims that globalization promotes multilateralism and does not allow countries to take unilateral decisions because they affect others and are being affected by other countries' decisions as well. Although this made a lot of sense, it would mean that the free market prevailed over the actions of the government, eliminating all barriers to trade and to foreign investments. According to the United Nations Commission for Trade and Development (UNCTAD), "International production has become the central structural characteristic of the world economy". A greater freedom to trade, plus the opening of capital flows, could lead the underdeveloped nations to economic growth showing as a sample the rich countries. Therefore, many Latin American countries joined the neoliberalism that was proposed by the Washington Consensus in 1989, reduced trade barriers, opened up their markets to foreign capitals and followed many of the indications of the IEOs in order to find development through internationalization. National economies are linked together by a network of trade, investment and credit and this link is supposed to bring development. The IEOs said that the national market size does not matter anymore if a country focuses on larger international markets. Internalizing the Washington Consensus norms was difficult for Small Size Economies (SSE) because the rules of this Consensus took all the countries as a group of a unique size and established on common and non discriminatory rules to approach multilateralization. ...

The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region. Adapted from the source document.

Este ensaio analisa a mudança política de longo prazo que teve início com a revolução de independência na América Hispânica: a experiência republicana do século XIX. A adoção do princípio de soberania popular para fundar e legitimar o governo e a autoridade, comum para quase todas as tentativas de conformação de novas comunidades políticas após a ruptura da ordem monárquica espanhola, trouxe mudanças decisivas nas normas, nas instituições e nas práticas políticas. Para analisar tais mudanças, este ensaio recorre à categoria de "cidadania" como lente de observação que permite o questionamento sobre a participação política e as formas de inclusão/exclusão na república. Na base de uma ampla bibliografia disponível sobre o assunto, são explorados traços e tendências compartilhados em relação com a instituição da cidadania em três de suas fases mais estudadas até hoje: a eleitoral, a das armas e a que se refere à opinião pública. ; Este ensayo reflexiona sobre el cambio político de largo plazo que se inaugura con la revolución de independencia en Hispanoamérica: la experiencia republicana del siglo XIX. La adopción del principio de la soberanía popular para fundar y legitimar el gobierno y la autoridad, que fue común a casi todos los intentos de conformación de nuevas comunidades políticas después del estallido del orden monárquico español, trajo cambios decisivos en las normas, las instituciones y las prácticas políticas. Para analizar esos cambios, este ensayo recurre a la categoría de "ciudadanía" como una lente de observación que permite preguntarse sobre la participación política y las formas de inclusión/ exclusión en la república. En base a una amplia bibliografía disponible sobre esta cuestión, se exploran rasgos y tendencias compartidas en relación con la institución de la ciudadanía en tres de sus facetas más estudiadas hasta el momento: la electoral, la de las armas y la que refiere a la opinión pública. ; The purpose of this paper is to reflect upon the vast and long-term political change triggered by the fall of the Spanish Empire and the wars of independence in Spanish America. After the revolutions, attempts at nation building followed different directions, but all the new polities in the making adopted republican forms of government based on the principle of popular sovereignty. This "republican experiment" entailed a radical change in political norms and institutions, as well as in political practices. By resorting to the category of "citizenship", this essay focuses on one aspect of that vast political transformation, which pertains to political participation and to the borders of inclusion and exclusion from the polity. On the basis of the recent literature on these topics, it explores the institution of citizenship in nineteenth-century Spanish America.

This article intends to show that the South America construction came from a concept reinvention. It is used in the speech and practice of Brazilian diplomacy and is based on elements related to hegemony, leadership, hispanic and latin-american identity. The text tracks the idea of South America since its intellectual origins until its institucionalization in regional political and diplomatic arrangements. Adapted from the source document.

Since last years, Latin America has been characterized for some sociopolitical changes. In this article, we defend that the continuities has been so relevant as the changes. To demonstrate it we will analyze three continuity elements: nationalism, populism and economic structure based on raw material exportations; and three change elements: democratization, political mobilization of ethnic identities and adoption of international insertion strategies even more distinct. Adapted from the source document.

This article offers an evaluation of the United States relationship with Latin America during Bush's two terms at the White House. We argue that the main trend of the Bush administration in Latin America has been a process of "hemispheric disengagement" which has led to the erosion of American influence in the region, a problem that the next President will have to address, be he a Democrat or a Republican. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.