Suchergebnisse

Latin America is beginning to implement long-term care public policies. But only a few studies look at the situation of the countries in the region. This study aims to examine long-term care public programs in Costa Rica and to estimate the country's demand for formal care. For this purpose, we have revised its National Health Accounts, conducted five interviews with representatives of governmental institutions, reviewed the scientific literature and official reports, and analyzed the data drawn from a national care survey. The results show the existence of fragmented, poverty-focused programs that were not designed for long-term care needs. The estimated percentage of older adults in the region that currently require help to perform activities of daily living is 13.4%. The informal care work is intensive, mostly provided by a family member, and unpaid. ; Embora políticas públicas de cuidados prolongados estejam começando a ser implementadas na América Latina, poucos estudos analisam a situação dos países que compõem a região. Este estudo tem por objetivo examinar programas públicos de cuidados prolongados na Costa Rica e estimar a demanda do país por cuidados formais. Os dados foram obtidos por meio de revisão das Contas Nacionais de Saúde, cinco entrevistas com representantes de instituições governamentais, revisão da literatura científica e relatórios oficiais, e análise dos dados extraídos de uma pesquisa nacional de cuidados. Os resultados indicam a existência de programas fragmentados e focados no enfrentamento à pobreza que não foram projetados para atender às necessidades de cuidados prolongados. Estima-se que, atualmente, 13,4% dos idosos da região necessitam de ajuda na execução de atividades básicasda vida diária, e que o trabalho informal de cuidados é intensivo, oferecido principalmente por um membro da família, e não remunerado.

International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.

International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.

International audience ; There is a common Latin American identity e, in spite of the heterogeneity of the region. Lately, the notion of a border separating Latin America from the rest of the continent has become a prevalent topic in the news. However, there are also more subtle borders, invisible borders engraved directly onto the territory – by violence, by the trajectories of migrants, by political changes. The territory then becomes a changing body, which artists can choose to present in its beauty or in its suffering. The arbitrary fragmentation is mapped out by contemporary cartographies, and produces a territory which today twists and writhes to reposition itself. Contemporary artists of Latin America reflect on these issues, and more specifically Colombianartists. ; Il existe une identité commune latino-américaine, unifiée malgré son hétérogénéité. L'idée de frontière entre l'Amérique latine et le reste du continent est un sujet d'actualité aujourd'hui. Cependant il existe également des frontières plus subtiles, invisibles, gravées sur le territoire même, par la violence, par les flux migratoires, par les changements politiques. Le territoire devient un corps en mutation, pouvant être embelli ou encore montré dans sa souffrance. Cette fragmentation arbitraire et cloisonnée, dessinée sur les cartographies contemporaines, forme un territoire qui, aujourd'hui, se contorsionne pour se repositionner. Les artistes contemporains d'Amérique latine se questionnent sur ces sujets et plus concrètement lesartistes colombiens, en raison du contexte actuel que vit le pays.

The aim of this article is contributing to a great variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical settings to generate cumulative evidence about the influence of historical legacies and organisational ability for managing the past. In a continuation of critical perspectives that challenges the dominance of Anglo-Saxon onto-epistemologies in management and organisation studies (MOS), we conducted an empirical study on a multinational airline company whose past successes depended on the North/South, Anglo/Latin American borderlands. We analysed the grand narratives of Pan American Airways' (PAA) corporate archival material to determine its dominant discourses about people from Latin America. Based on the three themes of politics, economics, and culture, we present three grand narratives, or official stories, that we argue summarise PAA storytelling about Latin America between 1927 and 1960. Following decolonial feminism, we aim to recontextualise the past and the hegemonic storytelling embedded in PAA's grand narratives. ; peerReviewed

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

The emergence of eugenic discourse in Latin America in the 1920s seemed to be an inevitable scientific, political, and social phenomenon. The discourse of eugenics gained momentum in the context of global conflict and unrest, which led to the displacement of mass human groups to the Americas. While the arrival of "undesirable" immigrants disproportionately impacted Argentina, Brazil, and the United States, the fear that accompanied their arrival took hold of the entire region. The foreign "human waste" who had been ravaged by war and who endangered the racial makeup of the continent had become one of the central elements in arguments for justifying the establishment of a Pan-American eugenics project. This plan would be capable of protecting the genetic heritage of the continent faced with the menace of the arrival of individuals who had been rejected by conflict because of their "biological ineptitude". In this way, Latin America inserted itself in transnational epistemic networks devoted to eugenics a scientific and socio-political movement (maybe plan) to control the population through mechanisms concerning reproduction and the sexuality of the individual. These networks had started to form in the early 1910s with the organisation of the First Congress of Eugenics in London and with the creation of the first international eugenics organization: the Permanent International Eugenics Committee.The Pan-American eugenics project was marked by the political, economic and social challenges of the 1930s. Further, the economic crisis of 1929, the anti-American sentiment provoked by the military interventions of the United States in Latin America, the questioning of the Pan-American model, and the claim of Latin Americanism all characterized the movement and reconfigured the epistemic eugenic networks. Despite everything, the project got under way. The Primera Conferencia Panamericana de Eugenesia y Homicultura (Havana, 1927) thus marked the beginning of the will to consolidate this project, the objective of which was ...

This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding. ; Este artículo presenta el sistema de codificación del Comparative Agendas Project, que es capaz de capturar la atención política de manera comparada y a lo largo del tiempo. Presenta también una amplia gama de datos recogidos y procesados en América Latina, sobre la base de este consolidado y fiable sistema de codificación. Aunque no sea un sistema inédito, esta es la primera vez que se introduce en América Latina y en un tipo de sistema político diferente del que se observa en las democracias de América do Norte y Europa. Para ello, ofrecemos una descripción del Comparative Agendas Project y de su libro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obtener datos de atención política de forma comparada entre países y distintos tipos de agendas a lo largo del tiempo. Esos detalles se discuten en relación con América Latina en general y con el contexto nacional de Brasil, Colombia y Ecuador, países de la región que cuentan con el primer conjunto de datos recogidos con ese sistema de codificación. ; Esse artigo apresenta o sistema de codificação do Comparative Agendas Project, que é capaz de capturar a atenção política de maneira comparada e ao longo do tempo. Apresenta também uma ampla gama de dados coletados e em processamento na América Latina, já usando esse consolidado e confiável sistema de codificação. Embora não seja um sistema inédito, essa é a primeira vez que está sendo introduzido na América Latina e em um tipo de sistema político diferente do que se observa nas democracias da América do Norte e da Europa. Para isso, oferecemos um panorama do Comparative Agendas Project e de seu livro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obter dados de atenção política de forma comparada entre os países e suas agendas, ao longo do tempo. Esses detalhes são discutidos em relação a América Latina em geral e ao contexto nacional do Brasil, Colômbia e Equador, países da região que contam com a primeira leva de dados processados com esse sistema de codificação.

OBJECTIVE: To analyze the recommendations of international organizations based on the Washington Consensus on health system reforms of selected countries in Latin America and the Caribbean in the 1980s and 1990s and to investigate the effects of the competitive market logic on public action in the health system. METHODS: Comparative analysis of the characteristics of health system reforms conducted in the 1980s and 1990s, still seen in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Data were collected by documental analysis and literature review. The systems were described based on the characteristics of: co-payment, privatization mechanisms, decentralization, fragmentation of the system, integration of funding sources and coverage of the population (universal or segmented). RESULTS: The reforms were implemented differently, worsening inequalities in health service delivery systems. Changes related to the neoliberal idea of transforming public action in the direction of private logic point to the predominance of competition rules and the reduction in economic costs in all countries analyzed, contrary to the logic of universal health systems. CONCLUSION: The reduction in economic costs, the fragmentation of systems and inequalities in the provision of health services, among others, may mean other future costs resulting from low protection to the population's health. A striking and multidimensional counter-reform is essential to make health a right of all again, in a solidarity system that can lead to the reduction in inequalities and a more democratic society. ; OBJETIVO: Analisar as recomendações dos organismos internacionais pautadas no Consenso de Washington para as reformas dos sistemas de saúde de países selecionados da América Latina e Caribe nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e investigar os efeitos da lógica concorrencial de mercado sobre a ação pública nos sistema de saúde. MÉTODOS: Análise comparada de características das reformas dos sistemas de saúde realizadas nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, presentes até o momento no Brasil, Argentina, Chile, Colômbia, México e Peru. Os dados foram coletados por análise documental e revisão de literatura. Os sistemas foram descritos quanto às características de: copagamento, mecanismos de privatização, descentralização, fragmentação do sistema, integração das fontes de financiamento e cobertura da população (universal ou segmentada). RESULTADOS: As reformas foram implementadas de forma variada, aprofundando desigualdades nos sistemas de prestação de serviços de saúde. As mudanças, ao serem relacionadas à ideia neoliberal de transformar a ação pública na direção da lógica privada, apontam para o predomínio das regras da concorrência e da redução dos custos econômicos em todos os países analisados, contrariando a lógica dos sistemas universais de saúde. CONCLUSÃO: A redução dos custos econômicos, a fragmentação dos sistemas e as desigualdades na prestação de serviços de saúde, entre outros, poderão significar outros custos futuros decorrentes da baixa proteção à saúde da população. É imprescindível uma contrarreforma contundente e multidimensional, que retome a saúde como direito de todos, em um sistema solidário que possa levar à redução das desigualdades e a uma sociedade mais democrática.

Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.

Chinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies' strategies. ; La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d'autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d'années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l'Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l'augmentation de la demande chinoise en matières premières, et le Mexique, qui s'est rapidement retrouvé en situation de concurrence ouverte avec la Chine sur différents segments de son secteur secondaire, et dont la dynamique d'intégration en Amérique du Nord fut profondément impactée par l'arrivée des entreprises chinoises sur le marché des États-Unis. En combinant une analyse approfondie des bases de données disponibles sur les investissements directs à l'étranger (IDE) de la Chine en ALC et trois études de cas originales d'entreprises chinoises installées dans le domaine manufacturier au Mexique, cette thèse montre que ces opérations présentent des modalités inédites notamment en termes de rythme d'expansion et de capacités d'adaptation aux environnements locaux. Cependant, les externalités positives ou négatives des IDE chinois demeurent tributaires des interactions entre le contexte institutionnel du pays d'accueil et les stratégies des entreprises.

Chinese footprint in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), as in other parts of the globe, has surged in the last fifteen years. Beyond the traditional drivers of this expansion from an economic perspective (securing resources and new markets), China represents a special partner for Latin-American countries because of grey lines delimiting public and private ownership, strict industrial policy and long-term development goals. Besides, regional discrepancies have appeared between South America, which benefited from the boom of Chinese demand for raw materials, and Mexico, which found itself in direct competition with China on different segments of his secondary sector, and whose integration dynamic in North America was deeply impacted by the growing shares of Chinese companies in the US market. Combining an extensive analysis of existing databases about foreign direct investments (FDI) from China in LAC and three original case studies of Chinese companies located in the manufacturing industry in Mexico, this dissertation shows unique features in these operations such as an accelerated growth path and relative adaptive skills to foreign environments. Nevertheless, the positive or negative externalities of Chinese FDI remain dependent upon the interactions between the institutional context of the host country and the companies' strategies. ; La présence chinoise en Amérique latine et Caraïbes (ALC), tout comme dans d'autres régions du monde, a fortement augmenté depuis une quinzaine d'années. Au-delà des motifs traditionnels de cette expansion au niveau économique (la recherche de ressources et de nouveaux marchés), la Chine représente un partenaire particulier pour les pays latino-américains en raison des frontières floues entre les formes de propriété publique et privée, et des objectifs stricts de son gouvernement en matière de politique industrielle et de développement sur le long terme. En outre, des disparités régionales sont apparues entre l'Amérique du Sud, longtemps favorisée par l'augmentation de la ...

Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais. ; Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales.

Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.