Suchergebnisse

Tema diplomskog rada je politika SAD-a prema ilegalnim migrantima iz Latinske Amerike. Promatrano je razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata kada je krenuo masovni priljev emigranata iz Latinske Amerike u Sjedinjene Američke Države. Tada imigracijska politika prema ilegalnim imigrantima postaje jedna od prioritetnih politika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U promatranom razdoblju daje se prikaz imigracijske politike američkih predsjednika, počevši sa Zakonom o reformi i kontroli imigracije (Immigration Reform and Control Act-IRCA) predsjednika Ronalda Reagana (1981. - 1989.). Vrata ilegalnoj imigraciji iz Latinske Amerike pokušao je zatvoriti predsjednik Bill Clinton (1993. - 2001.) Zakonom o reformi ilegalne imigracije i imigrantskoj odgovornosti (Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act-IIRIA), dok je namjere predsjednika Georgea W. Busha (2001. - 2009.) spriječio teroristički napad na Sjedinjene Američke Države 11.9.2001 godine. Njegov nasljednik predsjednik Barack Obama (2009. - 2017.) iskoristio je svoje predsjedničke ovlasti i autorizirao provođenje programa DACA (Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals) i DAPA (Deffered Action for Parents of Americans) koji su pogodovali djeci ilegalnih imigranta, uz istovremeno provođenje brojnih uhićenja i deportacija ilegalnih imigranata. Rad završava prikazom dosadašnje politike predsjednika Donalda Trumpa koji ilegalne imigrante smatra prijetnjom nacionalnoj sigurnosti Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. ; The subject of the graduate thesis is policy of the USA towards illegal migrants from Latin America. Observed period is the period after World War II, starting with the mass flow of emigrants from the Latin America to the United States of America. This is the period when immigration policy of the United States towards illegal immigrants became one of the priorities of the United States. Presented are american president's immigration policies, beginning with the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) presented by the president Ronald Reagan (1981. – ...

This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.

This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.

This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.

Autorica daje prikaz demokratizacije Gvatemale tijekom trećeg vala te analizira promjene vlada, režima i sustava. Navodi da je početku promjene političkog sustava Gvatemale prethodila faza predautokratskih iskustava s demokracijom (1944-1954) te da je nesposobnost da okonča dugotrajni građanski rat bio jedan od ključnih razloga početka kraja autoritarnog sustava (1954-1985). Uslijedila je prolongirana tranzicija (1985-1999) koja se odvijala u četiri faze i koju je nadgledala vojska, preuzevši na taj način ulogu snažnog protudemokratskog aktera veta. U fazi konsolidacije (2000-2012) stabilizirala se defektna demokracija, u kojoj je civilni demokratski režim ne samo pod pokroviteljstvom vojske već ga ugrožavaju i kriminalne organizacije. Zaključuje da se u proteklih stotinjak godina politička situacija u Gvatemali i nije znatno poboljšala s obzirom na to da je ona od banana-države postala defektna i najnekvalitetnija demokracija Latinske Amerike. ; The author provides an outline of Guatemala's democratization during the Third Wave, and analyses turnovers of governments, regimes and systems. She argues that the beginning of the change of Guatemala's political system was preceded by a stage of pre-autocratic experiences with democracy (1944-1954), and that the inability to end the long-lasting civil war was one of the key reasons for the beginning of the end of the authoritarian system (1954-1985). What followed was a prolonged transition (1985-1999) that proceeded in four stages and was supervised by the army which, in this way, assumed the role of a strong antidemocratic veto player. In the stage of consolidation (2000-2012) a defective democracy has been stabilized, in which the civilian democratic regime is not only under the patronage of the army, but is also threatened by criminal organizations. The author concludes that during the last hundred years or so the political situation in Guatemala has not improved significantly, since it has turned from a banana republic into a defective and the most substandard democracy in Latin America.

European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member's different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region

European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member's different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region

European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member's different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region

The transformation process of political system occures in today's world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina's and Brazil's political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass protests against military juntas. Those protests were strongly supported by international actors like the human rights organizations, the United Nations, by the international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In Argentina very important were international political parties, too. The democratization processes was supported by the USA although her role was very ambiguous because in 1960s-1970s the USA supported authoritarian governments. The USA was afraid of the spread of socialism ideas in the South America. The political system change in Argentina and Brazil is linked with the third wave of democratization in the world especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most important factors in the transformation processes of political systems in both countries were internal factors like disagreements inside military juntas, social movements which were strongly supported by international actors.

The transformation process of political system occures in today's world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina's and Brazil's political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass protests against military juntas. Those protests were strongly supported by international actors like the human rights organizations, the United Nations, by the international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In Argentina very important were international political parties, too. The democratization processes was supported by the USA although her role was very ambiguous because in 1960s-1970s the USA supported authoritarian governments. The USA was afraid of the spread of socialism ideas in the South America. The political system change in Argentina and Brazil is linked with the third wave of democratization in the world especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most important factors in the transformation processes of political systems in both countries were internal factors like disagreements inside military juntas, social movements which were strongly supported by international actors.

The transformation process of political system occures in today's world, too. It can be illustrated by the Color or Flower Revolutions in post-communist states. During those revolutions the authoritarian political system is changed into democratic political system. The alternation of political system shows that society is not contented with present government which is realized as corrupt and repressive. Such political transformations occured in the South America in 1970s- 1980s. During this transformations the political system of the South American countries was changed into democratic ones. But those democratic systems are not very stable and credible in nowadays like democracys in the Europe because the South American countries have many internal problems like big poverty, unstable economical situation, criminality, government corruption and etc. In this work is analysed Argentina's and Brazil's political systems transformations and influence of international actors in transformation process. Till 1980s both countries were ruled by military juntas. The rule of military governments were not stable because there were disagreements inside military juntas how to rule the countries. The permanent alternation of governments was the main reason for unstable political system and for distrust of foreign countries in Argentina and Brazil. Futhermore, there were frequent economical crises, large-sized repressions. The authoritarian regimes collapsed when in the countries started mass protests against military juntas. Those protests were strongly supported by international actors like the human rights organizations, the United Nations, by the international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. In Argentina very important were international political parties, too. The democratization processes was supported by the USA although her role was very ambiguous because in 1960s-1970s the USA supported authoritarian governments. The USA was afraid of the spread of socialism ideas in the South America. The political system change in Argentina and Brazil is linked with the third wave of democratization in the world especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The most important factors in the transformation processes of political systems in both countries were internal factors like disagreements inside military juntas, social movements which were strongly supported by international actors.

The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.

The research presents comparative analysis of non-conventional marks position in the EU and the US by determining the level of non-conventional marks regulation harmonization presented by key international trademark instrument to which they are members, scrutinizing the relevant domestic trademark regulation and practical implications thereofin the context of three main obstacles on the way of non-conventional marks registration, namely, representation of the marks in the application, non-functionality anddistinctiveness requirements. In result, advantages and drawbacks of the systems` approachesasregards registrability of non-conventional marksare established. On that basis, recommendations as to further improvement of the approaches are made.

The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.

The article aims to evaluate whether and how constitutional replacements influence the quality of democracy in Latin American countries. The fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis method is applied while analysing 18 Latin American countries. The objective of the article- nine new constitutions that are assigned to the new constitutionalism period. The results reveal that constitutional replacements are neither sufficient nor necessary condition for quality of democracy. On the contrary, the parsimonious solution shows that quality of democracy can be explained by both high levels of education and inversion of constitutional replacements and inversion of constitutional replacements, institutionalised party system and non-homogeneous society. Inversion of quality of democracy analysis indicated that constitutional replacements, together with other conditions, form sufficient conditions for inversion of quality of democracy.