Suchergebnisse

World Order, Non-Proliferation and Nuclear Weapon-Free Zones -- The security environment in Latin America : the meaning of militarism and militarization -- The rise and fall of the Brazilian "Independent Foreign Policy" : the search for national security -- The Brazilian nuclear policy, the non-proliferation treaty and the Treaty of Tlatelolco -- Brazil's nuclear policy and the regional approach towards nuclear proliferation in Latin America

Latin America is beginning to implement long-term care public policies. But only a few studies look at the situation of the countries in the region. This study aims to examine long-term care public programs in Costa Rica and to estimate the country's demand for formal care. For this purpose, we have revised its National Health Accounts, conducted five interviews with representatives of governmental institutions, reviewed the scientific literature and official reports, and analyzed the data drawn from a national care survey. The results show the existence of fragmented, poverty-focused programs that were not designed for long-term care needs. The estimated percentage of older adults in the region that currently require help to perform activities of daily living is 13.4%. The informal care work is intensive, mostly provided by a family member, and unpaid. ; Embora políticas públicas de cuidados prolongados estejam começando a ser implementadas na América Latina, poucos estudos analisam a situação dos países que compõem a região. Este estudo tem por objetivo examinar programas públicos de cuidados prolongados na Costa Rica e estimar a demanda do país por cuidados formais. Os dados foram obtidos por meio de revisão das Contas Nacionais de Saúde, cinco entrevistas com representantes de instituições governamentais, revisão da literatura científica e relatórios oficiais, e análise dos dados extraídos de uma pesquisa nacional de cuidados. Os resultados indicam a existência de programas fragmentados e focados no enfrentamento à pobreza que não foram projetados para atender às necessidades de cuidados prolongados. Estima-se que, atualmente, 13,4% dos idosos da região necessitam de ajuda na execução de atividades básicasda vida diária, e que o trabalho informal de cuidados é intensivo, oferecido principalmente por um membro da família, e não remunerado.

The aim of this article is contributing to a great variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical settings to generate cumulative evidence about the influence of historical legacies and organisational ability for managing the past. In a continuation of critical perspectives that challenges the dominance of Anglo-Saxon onto-epistemologies in management and organisation studies (MOS), we conducted an empirical study on a multinational airline company whose past successes depended on the North/South, Anglo/Latin American borderlands. We analysed the grand narratives of Pan American Airways' (PAA) corporate archival material to determine its dominant discourses about people from Latin America. Based on the three themes of politics, economics, and culture, we present three grand narratives, or official stories, that we argue summarise PAA storytelling about Latin America between 1927 and 1960. Following decolonial feminism, we aim to recontextualise the past and the hegemonic storytelling embedded in PAA's grand narratives. ; peerReviewed

This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding. ; Este artículo presenta el sistema de codificación del Comparative Agendas Project, que es capaz de capturar la atención política de manera comparada y a lo largo del tiempo. Presenta también una amplia gama de datos recogidos y procesados en América Latina, sobre la base de este consolidado y fiable sistema de codificación. Aunque no sea un sistema inédito, esta es la primera vez que se introduce en América Latina y en un tipo de sistema político diferente del que se observa en las democracias de América do Norte y Europa. Para ello, ofrecemos una descripción del Comparative Agendas Project y de su libro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obtener datos de atención política de forma comparada entre países y distintos tipos de agendas a lo largo del tiempo. Esos detalles se discuten en relación con América Latina en general y con el contexto nacional de Brasil, Colombia y Ecuador, países de la región que cuentan con el primer conjunto de datos recogidos con ese sistema de codificación. ; Esse artigo apresenta o sistema de codificação do Comparative Agendas Project, que é capaz de capturar a atenção política de maneira comparada e ao longo do tempo. Apresenta também uma ampla gama de dados coletados e em processamento na América Latina, já usando esse consolidado e confiável sistema de codificação. Embora não seja um sistema inédito, essa é a primeira vez que está sendo introduzido na América Latina e em um tipo de sistema político diferente do que se observa nas democracias da América do Norte e da Europa. Para isso, oferecemos um panorama do Comparative Agendas Project e de seu livro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obter dados de atenção política de forma comparada entre os países e suas agendas, ao longo do tempo. Esses detalhes são discutidos em relação a América Latina em geral e ao contexto nacional do Brasil, Colômbia e Equador, países da região que contam com a primeira leva de dados processados com esse sistema de codificação.

OBJECTIVE: To analyze the recommendations of international organizations based on the Washington Consensus on health system reforms of selected countries in Latin America and the Caribbean in the 1980s and 1990s and to investigate the effects of the competitive market logic on public action in the health system. METHODS: Comparative analysis of the characteristics of health system reforms conducted in the 1980s and 1990s, still seen in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Data were collected by documental analysis and literature review. The systems were described based on the characteristics of: co-payment, privatization mechanisms, decentralization, fragmentation of the system, integration of funding sources and coverage of the population (universal or segmented). RESULTS: The reforms were implemented differently, worsening inequalities in health service delivery systems. Changes related to the neoliberal idea of transforming public action in the direction of private logic point to the predominance of competition rules and the reduction in economic costs in all countries analyzed, contrary to the logic of universal health systems. CONCLUSION: The reduction in economic costs, the fragmentation of systems and inequalities in the provision of health services, among others, may mean other future costs resulting from low protection to the population's health. A striking and multidimensional counter-reform is essential to make health a right of all again, in a solidarity system that can lead to the reduction in inequalities and a more democratic society. ; OBJETIVO: Analisar as recomendações dos organismos internacionais pautadas no Consenso de Washington para as reformas dos sistemas de saúde de países selecionados da América Latina e Caribe nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e investigar os efeitos da lógica concorrencial de mercado sobre a ação pública nos sistema de saúde. MÉTODOS: Análise comparada de características das reformas dos sistemas de saúde realizadas nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, presentes até o momento no Brasil, Argentina, Chile, Colômbia, México e Peru. Os dados foram coletados por análise documental e revisão de literatura. Os sistemas foram descritos quanto às características de: copagamento, mecanismos de privatização, descentralização, fragmentação do sistema, integração das fontes de financiamento e cobertura da população (universal ou segmentada). RESULTADOS: As reformas foram implementadas de forma variada, aprofundando desigualdades nos sistemas de prestação de serviços de saúde. As mudanças, ao serem relacionadas à ideia neoliberal de transformar a ação pública na direção da lógica privada, apontam para o predomínio das regras da concorrência e da redução dos custos econômicos em todos os países analisados, contrariando a lógica dos sistemas universais de saúde. CONCLUSÃO: A redução dos custos econômicos, a fragmentação dos sistemas e as desigualdades na prestação de serviços de saúde, entre outros, poderão significar outros custos futuros decorrentes da baixa proteção à saúde da população. É imprescindível uma contrarreforma contundente e multidimensional, que retome a saúde como direito de todos, em um sistema solidário que possa levar à redução das desigualdades e a uma sociedade mais democrática.

Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.

Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais. ; Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales.

Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.

This work presents reflections on the field of participatory democracy in Latin America, based on the analysis of the experiences of Cotacachi in Ecuador, and Torres in Venezuela, which are examples of great popular participation at the local level. The study proposes to interpret the experiences from a Latin American point of view, considering the singularities of each municipality analyzed. The aim is to identify which factors contribute to the emergence and consolidation of mechanisms of participation in the public policy decision-making process. In order to approximate the democratic theory of the context of Latin America, the study presents an analysis structured in two relevant concepts for the theory: agency and public space. These concepts were essential to identify which factors allowed the creation and consolidation of practices of participatory democracy at the local level. The analysis of the experiences resulted in a list of seven factors that were fundamental for their advancement and diffusion, factors that may represent important guidelines for the development of new democratic practices in countries of the region. Finally, the study present some reflections on the challenges that must be overcome to expand the local power and popular participation in Latin America. ; Presentamos en este artículo las reflexiones desarrolladas en el campo de la democracia participativa en América Latina a partir del análisis de dos experiencias de participación popular en el ámbito local. Nuestro objetivo es hacer una relectura de esas experiencias a partir de una perspectiva teórica latinoamericana, que considere sus singularidades. Pretendemos, con eso, identificar qué factores contribuyeron a la emergencia y consolidación de los mecanismos de participación en los procesos de toma de decisión sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar la teoría democrática, para aproximarla a la realidad latinoamericana, construimos un análisis estructurado en dos conceptos caros a la teoría democrática: agencia y espacio público. Basados en los dos conceptos, buscamos identificar cuáles son los factores que permitirán la creación y consolidación de prácticas de democracia participativa local. Analizando las experiencias de Cotacachi, Ecuador, y Torres, Venezuela, identificamos siete elementos fundamentales que, a partir de nuestra perspectiva, son directrices para el desarrollo de nuevas prácticas democráticas en países latinoamericanos. Por ende, presentamos algunas reflexiones sobre los retos para la ampliación del poder local e de la participación popular en Nuestra América. ; Apresentamos neste trabalho as reflexões desenvolvidas no campo da democracia participativa na América Latina a partir da análise de duas experiências que permitiram uma maior participação popular no âmbito local. Nosso objetivo é fazer uma releitura dessas experiências a partir de uma perspectiva teórica latino-americana, que considere suas singularidades. Pretendemos, dessa forma, identificar quais fatores contribuíram para a emergência e consolidação dos mecanismos de participação nos processos de tomada de decisão sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar a teoria democrática, de forma a aproximá-la da realidade latino-americana, construímos uma análise estruturada em dois conceitos caros à teoria democrática: agência e espaço público. Baseados nesses conceitos, buscamos identificar os fatores que permitiram a criação e a consolidação de práticas de democracia participativa local. Analisando as experiências de Cotacachi, no Equador, e Torres, na Venezuela, elencamos sete fatores que consideramos fundamentais para o avanço e difusão das duas experiências, podendo estes representar importantes diretrizes para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas democratizantes nos países latino-americanos. Por fim, trazemos algumas reflexões sobre desafios relevantes que devem ser considerados para a ampliação do poder local e da participação popular em Nuestra América.

In the 1970s, the term "civil society" was reinvented almost simultaneously in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe.The problems of consolidating democracy are often interpreted as the result of a weakened civil society that has not established itself as an independent arena in the new political system. This article explores the basic similarities and differences in the character of civil society in both regions aswell as asks several questions concerning its relations with political regimes and the role of social movements international nongovernment organizations in theformation of civil society. ; Nos anos 1970, o termo "sociedade civil" foi reinventado quase simultaneamente na América Latina e na Europa Central e Oriental. Os problemas com a consolidação da democracia são freqüentemente interpretados como resultado de umasociedade civil fragilizada, que não se estabeleceu como arena independente no novo sistema político. Este artigo exploraas similaridades e diferenças básicas no caráter da sociedade civil em ambas asregiões e faz alguns questionamentos acerca das relações com os regimes políticos bem como sobre o papel dos movimentos sociais e das organizações nãogovernamentaisinternacionais na formação da sociedade civil.

This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.

This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.

This paper examines the U.S. response to the development of China's influence in Latin America and in Brazilian case in particular. Latin America is key to the US hegemony and in the last decade its influence in this region is declining. This is explained by global economic crisis and war on terror which distracted US focus on other matters. With the coming of President B. Obama in office, a new foreign policy course has been expected. It should be highlighted that relations with Brazil are very important for the US to pursue its interests in the context of Latin America and globally. However, recently the US economic dominance in Latin America is rivaled by China. Therefore, it is not clear whether the US succeeds in pursuing its strategic interests and opposing China's growing influence in Latin America. Thus the object of the research is U.S. national interests and policy in Latin America since 2009 and rivalry with China. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the pursuit of the U.S. interests in Latin America region and Brazil in strategic and actual terms in the context of its rivalry with China. The following tasks are raised in order to achieve this goal: to introduce to the theoretical background of political realism in international relations and the role of strategy in foreign policy; to discuss the factors that influence U.S. policy in Latin America and in Brazil in particular; to analyze U.S. and China's national interests in Latin America; to examine the U.S. and China's activities in Latin America region in pursuing its interests; to evaluate the U.S. foreign policy in Latin America and analyze the impact of growing China's influence in this region. The analysis of scientific literature revealed that the US-Latin America relationship historically has been marked by principles of inequality, economic disadvantages and political influence, where the US takes a dominant position. Nevertheless, the context is changing and poses new challenges - China's activities in the region (a clear example is Brazil, because China surpassed the US in trade). The problem is that the US does not reach FTA, despite that US-Brazil relationship include more aspects than with China. Generally, interests by China are more pragmatic, based on its own growth or reach for diplomatic support, while the US is interested in safe, democratic and prosperous neighborhood. It could be argued that US and China's interests collide mainly in economic area. The US response to China's activities is a broader, multi-faceted foreign policy, oriented not only to the presence in the region, but also to the resolution of various problems. Meanwhile China is preoccupied with its ambition to become more important player in the world, to secure a smooth economic growth and etc. Actually, the US president B. Obama continues a controversial foreign policy, intervening into the affairs of Latin American countries, though, it moves toward equal treatment of its partners. The decline of US hegemony in region is likely to continue both for domestic and external reasons. The US and China so far have sought for cooperation rather than confrontation, but there is potential for escalation in future as China takes more firm positions.

Revisionism of relations with the United States and its variables in progressive governments in South America. This paper Identifies and analyzes the different types of revisionist politics, and its levels, developed by progressive governments in South America toward the United States over the past 13 years. For such, it uses as starting points concepts that are fundamental for better understanding the behavior of South American countries in relation with the great power: 'peripheral revisionism,' by Cesar Guimaraes, and 'autonomous confrontation' and 'antagonistic confrontation,' both by Hello Jaguarlbe. From the developments of these concepts, a theoretical model was developed with different types of peripheral revisionisms, which allowed for fine-tuning the classifications of foreign policies in the period. Adapted from the source document.