The transformation of the political communication models in Venezuela and other Latin American states is related to the evolving political culture in this region, together with a bold use of media communication approached both as a means and a goal. Video-politics, defined as a process of the mediatization of the constructs of political reality, is becoming a key notion for the citizens and voters there. Using the public means of social communication Hugo Chávez has made the Aló, Presidente show an arena of political decision-making and a space focused on political personalism. An analysis of selected elements of the show provides detailed information on the rhetorical tools and other mechanisms of exerting influence applied by Hugo Chávez. On a macro-scale the media strategies applied in the show turn out to be instruments of consolidating the image of executive power in Venezuela.
Autor wskazuje wybrane obszary priorytetowe polskiej prezydencji w Unii Europejskiej. W szczególnoœci analizie poddano przyszłość polityki rozszerzenia, Partnerstwa Wschodniego, polityki energetycznej Unii Europejskiej, a także kwestie polityki obrony, między innymi możliwoœci rozwoju zdolności militarnych, dyskusji nad ideą grup bojowych UE i ustanowienia wspólnego dowództwa, co wzmocni zdolnoœci planowania i prowadzenia operacji. ; The contribution refers to selected priority areas of the Polish Presidency in the EU. The topics include the future EU Financial Framework; future of the EU enlargement policy, Eastern Partnership; the EU Energy Policy and especially areas of defense policy during Presidency: development of military capabilities, with a focus on pooling and sharing and the revival of the discussion on the increase of usefulness and flexibility of EU Battle Groups and strengthening EU capabilities, reform of its command structure, in particular improvement of planning capabilities and conducting operations at strategic level.
Introduction / Aleksandra Wiktorowska -- Patricia Campos Mello, excerpts -- Women and literary war journalism in Brazil : from Sylvia Arruda Botelho Bittencourt to Patricia Campos Mello / Monica Martinez -- Euclides da Cunha, Consiglieri Sá Pereira, Mário Neves and Rodolfo Walsh, excerpts -- Iberian and Latin American literacy journalism under dictatorships : connections, origins and the literary journalist in action / Manuel João de Carvalho Coutinho -- Gabriel García Márquez and Rodolfo Walsh, excerpts -- Telling stories of survivors : Gabriel García Márquez, Rodolfo Walsh, and the question of narrative authority / Liliana Chávez Díaz -- Antonio Callado, excerpts -- Covering the peasants' war in Pernambuco : Antonio Callado's literary journalism / Lilian Martins, Marcelo Bulhões -- Ryszard Kapuściński, excerprpts -- Ryszard Kapuściński in Latin America, Latin America in Kapuściński's writing / Aleksandra Wiktorowska.-- Leila Guerriero, excerpts -- From ¡Basta ya! to Nunca más : Latin American literary jourrnalists, regional wars, and post-conflict societies / Roberto Herrscher -- Charles Bowden and Judith Torrea, excerpts -- La crónica como reflejo del confiicto social en Ciudad Juárez / Antonio Cuartero Naranjo, Juan Antonio García Galindo -- Óscar Martínez, excerpts -- Imaginarios apocalípticos en la crónica contemporánea / Patricia Ponblete Alday
The article discusses the electoral system in the time of the COVID-19 pandemic. Elections are the process of citizens electing their representatives for specific positions. In this context, the method and principles of conducting the election are important, so that its fundamental rule - universality - is preserved. Although more than a dozen electoral regulations were in force since 1989 and the traditional model of voting at a polling station was still in place, the Polish legislator also provided for postal and proxy voting. Due to the risk related to the COVID-19 pandemic, it would seem that changes to the Polish Electoral Code will be necessary. The adaptation of the new provisions to the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997, however, turned out to be too ambitious a task for the domestic legislator. Therefore, the Act of April 6, 2020 on the special rules for holding general elections for the President of the Republic of Poland, ordered in 2020, did not enter into force finally, because the functioning of a democratic state ruled by law requires that fundamental rights and civil liberties, including electoral ones be guaranteed. This study is empirical in nature - it is a case study of a specific legislative action shown in a comparative approach on the example of Poland and the United States of America.
The work is a compendium of information and a study of Polish-Latin American relations, with particular emphasis on the implications of Poland's accession to the structures of the European Union in the context of the country's policy towards Latin America. The monograph is the first in the literature on the subject in which the title issue has been presented within the framework of the entire post-cold war period, i.e. 1989/1990–2016, and in a comprehensive way, on the political, economic, scientific and cultural levels. The author has focused on the analysis of bilateral relations with Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Colombia and Venezuela. The determinant of such a choice was the desire to discuss Poland's relations with its main Latin American partners. In accordance with the government document Strategia RP w odniesieniu do pozaeuropejskich krajów rozwijających się [Strategy of the Republic of Poland with regard to non-European developing countries] of 2004, Brazil, Argentina, Chile and Mexico were included among the priority partners, while Colombia and Venezuela were defined as important. These are the Latin American countries with which Poland conducts political dialogue both bilaterally and multilaterally (within the EU or the Pacific Alliance, which includes three of the countries listed in the Strategy – Mexico, Chile and Colombia), and Brazil, Argentina, Mexico and Chile account for the largest percentage of Poland's trade with the region (about 75%). As far as the historical experience of mutual contacts is concerned, it should be noted that these countries, especially Brazil and Argentina, were the main directions of emigration from Poland to Latin America. The work also mentions Poland's relations with other countries of the region, such as Cuba, Peru, Panama and Ecuador. The study is devoted to the post-war period, but it takes into account the context of Poland's earlier policy towards Latin America, divided into the most characteristic stages, corresponding to continuity and change in the bilateral relations. It discusses Poland's contacts with the countries of this region in the 17th and 18th centuries, as well as in the 19th century, when there was an increased emigration of Poles, especially to Brazil (the so-called Brazilian fever) and Argentina. The title issue has been presented in the bilateral and multilateral dimension, taking into account the formal and legal basis and the results of meetings at the highest and lowest levels. Factors hindering and facilitating relations between Poland and Latin American countries and the position of these countries in the foreign policy of Poland have been identified. Determinants and tendencies in Polish policy towards the Latin American region, its manifestations, as well as dilemmas and challenges that appeared in the 21st century have been presented. Moreover, arguments for intensification of mutual relations in bilateral and multilateral forums and potential areas of cooperation in the field of political, economic, scientific and cultural relations have been indicated.
The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, confl icting areas both in the twentieth and the fi rst two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exemplifi ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East.
Zacieśnianie współpracy politycznej, wojskowej i gospodarczej pomiędzy Chinami oraz Rosją zostało przyjęte przez Stany Zjednoczone w drugiej dekadzie XXI wieku z dużym niepokojem, jako zagrożenie dla interesów narodowych i pozycji międzynarodowej supermocarstwa. Ze względu na słabnącą pozycję Moskwy w systemie międzynarodowym oraz pogarszające się relacje z Zachodem, w interesie Kremla było znalezienie silnego sojusznika, posiadającego zbliżone przedsięwzięcia i cele. Utworzenie chińsko-rosyjskiego tandemu ośmieliło Moskwę do prowadzenia jeszcze bardziej zdecydowanej i kategorycznej polityki wobec Zachodu. Stosunki amerykańsko-rosyjskie uległy przy tym znacznemu pogorszeniu do tego stopnia, że dziś stawiane jest pytanie: czy świat stoi w obliczu nowej "zimnej wojny"? Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza polityki bezpieczeństwa USA wobec Rosji w XXI wieku, w kontekście zacieśniania współpracy rosyjsko-chińskiej; przedstawienie współpracy na linii Waszyngton–Moskwa podczas rządów trzech ostatnich prezydentów USA oraz czynników mających wpływ na pogorszenie stosunków pomiędzy państwami. Słowa kluczowe: Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki, Rosja, Chiny, bezpieczeństwo, Donald Trump, Barack Obama, George W. Bush, stosunki międzynarodowe ; The strengthening of political, military and economic cooperation between China and Russia has been a cause for concern for the United States in the second decade of the twentyfirst century, who view it as a threat to national interests and to the international position of the superpower. Due to Moscow's weakening position in the international system and deteriorating relations with the West, it was in the Kremlin's interest to fi nd a strong ally with similar interests and goals. The creation of a Chinese-Russian front has emboldened the Moscow authorities to pursue an even more decisive and categorical policy towards the West. American-Russian relations have significantly deteriorated, to such an extent that there is a need to pose the question: is the world facing a new "Cold War"? The purpose of this article is to analyze US security policy towards Russia in the twentyfi rst century in the context of closer Russian-Chinese cooperation, as well as present the level of cooperation on the Washington-Moscow line during the rule of the last three US presidents and the factors aff ecting the deterioration of relations between the two states. Key words: United States of America, Russia, China, security, Donald Trump, Barack Obama, George W. Bush, international relations
Bliski Wschód zajmuje kluczowe miejsce w polityce zagranicznej USA. Jest to region realizacji amerykańskich interesów, rywalizacji z innymi aktorami areny międzynarodowej, podejmowania działań na rzecz uczynienia z państw arabskich client states, umacniania zależności z państwami regionu a także wykorzystywania przez USA siły militarnej jako środka realizacji polityki zagranicznej (wojny w Zatoce Perskiej, zaangażowanie USA w Libii i Syrii, wojna z ISIS). Istotą bliskowschodniej polityki USA stała się pewnego rodzaju sinusoidalna zmienność w sięganiu po instrumenty charakterystyczne dla polityki soft i hard wilsonianism. O ile bowiem politykę prezydenta Baracka Obamy wobec Bliskiego Wschodu cechowało odejście od The New Crusade i War on Terrorism charakterystycznych dla George'a W. Busha, o tyle Donald Trump prezentuje strategię (brak strategii?) bezkompromisowości zgodnie z przyjętym w kampanii wyborczej hasłem Make America Great Again i podejmuje działania na rzecz stworzenia American World Order również na Bliskim Wschodzie. Słowa kluczowe: Bliski Wschód, USA, Donald Trump, Barack Obama ; The Middle East, as one of the most strategic and, at the same time, conflcting areas both in the twentieth and the fi rst two decades of the 21st century, occupies a key place in the foreign policy of the United States. It is the region where, in various forms, American political, economic and military interests are being realized through competition the other actors in the international arena, taking actions to make the states clients of the United States, strengthening dependencies and links with the countries of the region (including Israel), taking initiatives to look for new allies or using military force as a means of implementing foreign policy in the Middle East, as exemplifi ed by the Gulf War, US involvement in Libya and Syria or the war with the so-called Islamic State. The essence of the Middle Eastern US policy has become a kind of sinusoidal variation in reaching for the instruments characteristic for the policy of hard and soft Wilsonianism. While the policy of Barack Obama towards the Middle East was marked by using soft power and an abandonment of the New Crusade and war on terrorism, characteristic for the administration of George W. Bush, Donald Trump presents an uncompromising strategy in accordance with the slogan Make America Great Again and the strategy of building American World Order in the Middle East. Key words: the Middle East, the United States of America, Barack Obama, Donald Trump
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Artykuł prezentuje analizę porównawczą aktualnych strategii Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki oraz Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej względem Azji Centralnej pod kątem ich konsekwencji dla bezpieczeństwa w regionie. Zbadano zawartość merytoryczną tychże strategii oraz przedstawiono wyzwania i zagrożenia dla bezpieczeństwa w Azji Centralnej. Autorzy przeanalizowali implikacje obu strategii dla bezpieczeństwa w regionie, odpowiadając w artykule na pytania: Czy strategie mocarstw w realny i wiarygodny sposób adresują wskazane problemy bezpieczeństwa w Azji Centralnej? Czy strategie USA i ChRL sprzyjają konfliktowi, kooperacji czy koegzystencji między tymi państwami w sprawach regionalnych? Czy cele strategii naruszają interesy innych aktorów polityki w regionie (przede wszystkim Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz państw Azji Centralnej), sprzyjając w ten sposób powstawaniu sporów międzynarodowych? ; The article assesses a role played by the United States of America and Peoples Republic of China in a Central Asian security by taking a comparative analysis of theirs regional strategies as a point of departure. In subsequent parts of the research authors: scrutinize a content of the strategies (especially both great powers' policy aims and instruments); analyze threats and challenges to the regional security in the region and degree to which both strategies allow to address them; and examine an impact of the strategies on the security environment in the Central Asia, particularly their potential to induce a (great power) conflict between actors involved in the regional politics. ; В статье дан сравнительный анализ стратегий Соединенных Штатов Америки и Китайской Народной Республики в Центральной Азии с точки зрения их влияния на безопасность в регионе. Рассмотрено содержание этих стратегий, указаны вызовы и угрозы для безопасности в Центральной Азии. Авторы проанализировали последствия обеих стратегий для безопасности в регионе и пытаются дать ответ на следующие вопросы: На сколько реально и правильно определены в стратегии великих держав проблемы безопасности Центральной Азии? В какой мере стратегии США и КНР вызывают конфликты или же благоприятствуют сотрудничеству и сосуществованию этих двух государств в решении региональных вопросов? Каким образом цели стратегии затрагивают интересы других субъектов политики в регионе (главным образом Российской Федерации и стран Центральной Азии), тем самым вызывая международные споры?
The US — Jordan relations, both during and after the Cold War, can be described as close, based on the pursuit of common goals and mutual respect. Although the United States of America and the Kingdom of Jordan have never concluded a formal treaty with each other, they cooperated on many levels, in the Middle‑Eastern region and internationally, both during the second half of the 20th century and in the first two decades of the 21st century. Despite the complex geopolitical situation in the Middle East, re‑occurring threats and challenges that may have weakened the bilateral relations between the two states, the informal alliance between the US and Jordan have survived, which is indicative of the importance of these relations and the strength of the partnership. The place and role of Amman in the foreign policy of Washington have many aspects and dimensions. One can observe certain evolution of the position that consecutive American governments attributed to Jordan depending on conditions that have been both extra‑regional (the Cold War rivalry between the US and the Soviet Union) and intra‑regional (the three Gulf Wars, the Middle‑Eastern peace process). It is also important to emphasize that after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc, the mutual relations have gained a different, more strategic dimension. Hence, it can be argued that Jordan's importance in the US foreign policy has only reached its pinnacle during the post‑Cold War era. The present article seeks to pinpoint the place and role of the Kingdom of Jordan in the US policy towards the Middle East after the Cold War and to define the character of the relationship between the two states. Its main goal is to identify and describe both positive and negative factors determining the US — Jordan relations. The article will also attempt to answer the questions about the extent to which the Arab Spring has influenced the shape of the mutual links between Washington and Amman.
