Suchergebnisse

Mimo ścisłych związków między technologią i stosunkami międzynarodowymi istnieje niewiele prac w nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych, które podejmują próbę teoretycznego połączenia obu tych sfer rzeczywistości społecznej. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest historyzacja technologii militarnej w społecznej historii stosunków międzynarodowych. Autor przedstawia proces historycznego wzrostu znaczenia technologii militarnej w funkcjonowaniu społeczeństw i jej destruktywny wpływ na życie społeczne. Przekonuje, że nowe technologie rozwinaje są przez istoty ludzkie, a nie "odkrywane". Dokonane wynalazki odzwierciedlają określone interesy, posiadanie adekwatnych zasobów do ich dokonania i istnienie określonego instytucjonalnego wsparcia. W takim rozumieniu nauka, technologia i innowacje są funkcją ludzkich wyborów, interesów, idei, instytucji i zasobów. ; Despite close connections between technology and international relations, there are few works in international relations studies that would make an attempt to theoretically connect both of these two spheres of social reality.The main aim of the article is a historization of military technology in a social history of international relations. The author presents the process of historical growth of importance of military technology in functioning of societies and its destructive influence on social life. He convinces one that new technologies are developed, not "discovered" by human beings. Inventions reflect specific interests, owning proper resources to develop them and the existence of determined institutional support. In this understanding, science, technology and innovations are functions of human choices, interests, ideas, institutions and resources.In the first part of the article, the author presents relations between science, technology and innovations, as well as main attitudes in international relations studies in the context of comprehending these relations. Problems caused by technological development are also discussed. In the second part of the article, the author presents the meaning of military technology in international relations through its historization. By showing different contexts of "war machines" (horse, chariot, cavalry, cannons, conventional and nuclear weapon, information technology),one can observe the influence of military technology on international relations in the process of uneven and related development of different societies in different times from antiquity to the present day. In particular, the results of transformation of relations between armed forces and scientific institutions after World War II into permanent structures of society and government are shown. On the example of United States of America, the author points negative consequences of forming bureaucratic national security services for many aspects of social life. Finally, referring to James Der Derian's analysis, the author presents transformative influence of information technology on international relations.

The world and also the United States of America are not any safer by undertaking countermeasures after the 9/11 attacks. Finding the adequate modus vivendi in the new situation is the priority of the European Union. What is the purpose and what is the consequence of the aggressive attitude of Islamic radicals toward the Western World? Does this aggression derive from the ideology of hatred against the Western World and its values or is it rather a result of previous actions of the USA and its allies before and after the attacks on America? What has been done in the military and social-economy level to improve the security of the European states in terms of terrorist attacks? And finally what actions should be undertaken to increase the safety level of the Europeans and to decline the risk of terrorist attacks? First section of this article is devoted to the reason for terrorist attacks beginning from early 1990's until the tragic final in September 2001. It concentrates on reasons for the frustration of the Islamic radicals driving to acts of terror against military staff, institutions and civilians. Afterwards appears the American response – Bush's doctrine with its fundamental pillars: unilateralism, fight against states supporting terrorism, right to the pre-emptive strike and the introduction of democracy there, where the aggressive regimes are present. The Europe follows the American path and must handle its effects. Consequently the Europeans marginalized the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Organization by participating in wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan under the auspices of Washington. The last chapter about the social and economic dimension of the European fight against terrorism describes stereotypes between Europeans and Muslims which show no tendency to decline. On the opposite the tendency shows the increasing feeling of mistrust. Concerning economy the lack of strong business bonds is the reason for the lack of further cooperation and might indirectly lead to the aggressive attitude and the rise of radical ideologies. Poverty and the lack of perspectives is the basis for fundamentalism.

The aim of this article is the presentation and the attempt to analyse such phenomena as: an excessive general government deficit and public debt in EU Member States over the past 3 years. For the European Union the years 2008-2010 were the time when public finances of most member countries worsened dramatically. The average budget deficit in the EU increased during that period to a value of almost 7% compared to gross domestic product and public debt reached almost 80% of GDP. Referring the numbers to the principles of the budgetary policy in the Treaty on the European Union (the deficit should not exceed 3% in relation to GDP and public debt – 60% of GDP), the observance of budgetary discipline has been significantly violated. In consequence, the excessive deficit procedure has been initiated. in relation to almost all the countries of the EU, Its purpose was to force the member countries to take concrete actions to stabilize public finances. The economic crisis that began in the second half of 2007 in the United States of America which resulted in a significant deterioration of the finances of all the EU member countries might be regarded as the major source of violation of their budgetary discipline. The reactions of most governments TO the harmful effects caused by the financial crisis were to stimulate national economies and stem the decline of domestic demand. The higher level of public expenditures was simultaneously the cause of increased budget deficits,. To develop and present the problem of an excessive budget deficit and public debt in the EU countries some statistical methods were used and the data source statistics were mainly carried out by the European Commission and the European Statistical Office. ; Celem niniejszego artykułu jest prezentacja i próba analizy zjawisk: nadmiernego deficytu budżetowego i długu publicznego w krajach członkowskich Unii Europejskiej na przestrzeni ostatnich 3 lat. Lata 2008-2010 były dla Unii Europejskiej czasem, w którym stan finansów publicznych większości krajów członkowskich pogorszył się w sposób drastyczny. Średnia deficytu budżetowego w UE wzrosła w tym okresie do wartości prawie 7% w stosunku do wielkości produktu krajowego brutto, a zadłużenie publiczne osiągnęło poziom niemalże 80% PKB. Odnosząc te wielkości do założeń polityki budżetowej zapisanych w Traktacie o Unii Europejskiej (wartość deficytu nie powinna przekraczać 3% w stosunku do PKB, a zadłużenia publicznego 60% PKB), poszanowanie dyscypliny budżetowej zostało w sposób znaczący złamane. W następstwie, w stosunku do prawie wszystkich państw należących do UE, została wszczęta na szczeblu UE procedura nadmiernego deficytu. Jej celem było wymuszenie na krajach członkowskich podjęcia konkretnych działań zmierzających do ustabilizowania stanu finansów publicznych. Kryzys gospodarczy, który narodził się w drugiej połowie 2007 roku w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki i skutkował znaczącym pogorszeniem stanu finansów wszystkich krajów członkowskich Wspólnot Europejskich można uznać za główne źródło złamania przez nie dyscypliny budżetowej. Reakcje większości rządów na niekorzystne zjawiska finansowe wywołane kryzysem miały na celu próbę pobudzenia gospodarek narodowych oraz zahamowania spadku popytu krajowego. Zwiększony poziom wydatków publicznych przyczynił się jednak równocześnie do wzrostu poziomu deficytów budżetowych. W celu opracowania i zaprezentowania problemu nadmiernego poziomu deficytu budżetowego oraz długu publicznego w państwach UE zostały zastosowane wybrane metody statystyczne, a źródłem danych były przede wszystkim statystyki prowadzone przez Komisję Europejską oraz Europejski Urząd Statystyczny.

The world and also the United States of America are not any safer by undertaking countermeasures after the 9/11 attacks. Finding the adequate modus vivendi in the new situation is the priority of the European Union. What is the purpose and what is the consequence of the aggressive attitude of Islamic radicals toward the Western World? Does this aggression derive from the ideology of hatred against the Western World and its values or is it rather a result of previous actions of the USA and its allies before and after the attacks on America? What has been done in the military and social-economy level to improve the security of the European states in terms of terrorist attacks? And finally what actions should be undertaken to increase the safety level of the Europeans and to decline the risk of terrorist attacks? First section of this article is devoted to the reason for terrorist attacks beginning from early 1990's until the tragic final in September 2001. It concentrates on reasons for the frustration of the Islamic radicals driving to acts of terror against military staff, institutions and civilians. Afterwards appears the American response – Bush's doctrine with its fundamental pillars: unilateralism, fight against states supporting terrorism, right to the pre-emptive strike and the introduction of democracy there, where the aggressive regimes are present. The Europe follows the American path and must handle its effects. Consequently the Europeans marginalized the role of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and the United Nations Organization by participating in wars in Iraq and in Afghanistan under the auspices of Washington. The last chapter about the social and economic dimension of the European fight against terrorism describes stereotypes between Europeans and Muslims which show no tendency to decline. On the opposite the tendency shows the increasing feeling of mistrust. Concerning economy the lack of strong business bonds is the reason for the lack of further cooperation and might indirectly lead to the aggressive attitude and the rise of radical ideologies. Poverty and the lack of perspectives is the basis for fundamentalism.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South. ; Lithuania officially declared their support for international mission in Iraq 21st March 2003. Four days later, 25th March, Parliament of the Republic of Lithuania adopted the resolution, in which resolved "to dispatch for a six-month period to the international operation led by United States of America in the Persian Gulf Region, a humanitarian type mission of Lithuanian soldiers." Assignment of that mission was a support of international operation and assistance to victims of the conflict. In the beginning of the mission Lithuanian soldiers served in two areas of responsibility: Polish and British. This country delegated officers to the headquaters of the divisions in Basra and Babylon, and to the NATO Training Mission. In each unit, a total of 100 Lithuanian military personnel served in the UK- and Polishcontrolled sectors in Iraq. Lithuania took part in the European Union's training program called EU Integrated Rule of Law Mission for Iraq. On this initiative, the Iraqi officers familiarized themselves with the implementation of Lithuanian penitentiary system reform and the respect for human rights in the area of criminal justice. 25th January 2006 was the last day of Lithuanian military contingent duty within Multinational Division Central South.

The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.

The author of this article aims at presenting a particular aspect of the political philosophy of Hans-Hermann Hoppe, an Austrian school economist and anarchocapitalist philosopher. The purpose of this article is to present and analyse the part of his thinking concerning a ruler, as known as "caretaker" and "trustee". The critique of democratic ruler is one of the most important, or even the most important part in the Hoppe's critique of democracy. It is mostly based on a comparison of an essence of a democratic caretaker and a private ruler – a classical monarch. The author presents an intellectual profile of Hoppe, being a German who decided to emigrate to United States of America. In the USA he used to work as a scientist and studied along with Murray Rothbard – one of the leaders of Austrian school economists and libertarian. The author also presents the methodological view of Hoppe, which is based on an a priori knowledge. The Hoppe's critique of democratic caretaker consists of two ways of argumentation. The first one is based on the critique of public ruler per se. Hoppe states that a private-owned government is better than a publicowned one. To prove this statement, Hoppe uses an apparatus of economics. He proves that a democratic caretaker has a higher time preference than a king. It has a bad influence on the ruled people. According to Hoppe, public ruler must to concentrate on consuming and not taking care about a capital values of the resources of the government. The only thing which is profitable for him is to be taking care about current income of the government. The author of this article states such an apriorical portrait of a public ruler is not valid and presents arguments on his point of view. The most important part of the author's argumentation is that the Hoppe's view is correct only on a condition that a basic purpose of a democratic ruler is to get rich. When it is not valid, Hoppean deductive portrait becomes useless. The second line of Hoppe's argumentation is based on bad effects of general election. As the philosopher claims, it causes that the highest political function can be held practically only by bad persons who inter alia desire the property of others. The author of this article claims that this sort of critique is less radical, but a better one. The critique of democratic ruler in political philosophy of Hoppe seems to be a substantialistical one, when the thinker bases on an apriorical essence of caretaker. However, the philosopher approaches to accidental sort of critique, as he stays in a field of his second way of argumentation.

Canada took part in creating United Nations Organization and actively participated in many UN specialized organizations. It was also the co-author of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Contributed in negotiations in the matter of the prohibition of continuing the experiences with the nuclear weapon, supported Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems. Canada acted as a leader of the British Commonwealth, the allied of United States, moderator in the Atlantic Alliance, mediator in solving international conflicts. Canada was involved as the economic power in solving global problems, and also offered help for undeveloped states. Beginning from the end of years 60. the politics of Canadian governments brought to the reduction of defense expenses, and in the result brought some problems with the Canadian identity. The Canada balances among the necessity of the co-operation with United States and the protections of own independence. New defense strategy introduced in 2008, Canada First. Defense Strategy, created possibilities of change in the defense policy. New strategy give possibility of the armed forces strengthening and the strengthening of the international position of the Canada, however these introduced changes are meeting some difficulty after years of negligence s.

Rozwój koncepcji amerykańskiego systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej jest procesem sięgającym w swej historii epoki zimnej wojny. Szybki rozwój techniki wojskowej i skomplikowana sytuacja polityczna na arenie międzynarodowej sprawiły, iż groźba ta była jak najbardziej realna. Odpowiedzią na narastające zagrożenie stały się kolejno tworzone programy Nike-Zeus, Nike X, Sentinel oraz Safeguard. Przełomem w tworzeniu coraz to nowocześniejszych systemów obrony stał się podpisany 26 maja 1972 roku w Moskwie roku "Układ między Związkiem Socjalistycznych Republik Radzieckich a Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki o ograniczeniu systemów obrony przeciwrakietowej". Powrót do idei stworzenia systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej nastąpił za prezydentury Ronalda Reagana i trwa do dzisiaj. Zmianie uległy jednakże zadania stojące przed takim programem. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny i upadku ZSRR zagrożenia nie stanowiło już jedno wrogie państwo komunistyczne, lecz tzw. "państwa zbójeckie. Rozmowy na temat rozmieszczenia "tarczy antyrakietowej" w Polsce i Czechach wywołały protest w Rosji, która obawia się zbliżenia infrastruktury amerykańskiej do swoich granic, co znacznie skomplikowało proces negocjacyjny. Dodatkową trudność spowodowała decyzja Kongresu, który przyznanie pieniędzy na projekt uzależnił od podpisania z krajami europejskimi odpowiednich umów międzynarodowych, a także zmiana partii rządzącej w Polsce. Przyszłość amerykańskiego systemu obrony przeciwrakietowej zależeć będzie przede wszystkim od wyniku wyborów prezydenckich, które odbędą się w USA w listopadzie tego roku. Podejście kandydatów ubiegających się o ten urząd jest różne i od tego, kto zwycięży, zależeć będą dalsze losy koncepcji obrony strategicznej. ; Развитие концепции американской системы противоракетной обороны – это процесс, корни которого исходят к эпохе холодной войны. Быстрое развитие военной техники и сложная политическая ситуация на международной арене делали реальными многие угрозы. Ответом на возрастающие угрозы было соз- дание программ Nike-Zeus, Nike X, Sentinel и Safeguard. Переломом в гонке за всё более современными системами обороны стал подписанный 26 мая 1972 года в Москве «Договор между Союзом Советских Социалистических Республик и Соединёнными Штатами Америки об ограничении систем противоракетной обороны». Возвращение к идее создания системы противоракетной обороны наступило во времена президентуры Рональда Рейгана и продолжается по сей день. Изменились однако задачи стоящие перед такой программой. После окон- чания холодной войны и развала СССР опасность уже не представляет одно вражеское коммунистическое государство, а так называемые «государства оси зла». Переговоры на тему размещения «противоракетного щита» в Польше и Чехии вызвали протест России, которая опасается приближения американ- ской инфраструктуры к своим границам, что значительно осложнило перего- ворный процесс. Дополнительные осложнения вызвало решение Конгресса, который признание финансирования проекта сделал зависимым от подписания с европейскими странами соответствующих международных договоров, а также смена правящей партии в Польше. Будущее американской системы противора- кетной обороны, прежде всего, будет зависеть от результатов президентских выборов в США, которые состоятся в ноябре этого года. Подход к проблеме кандидатов на этот пост остается разным и от того, кто победит, будет зависеть дальнейшая судьба концепции стратегической обороны. ; The development of the concept of American National Missile Defence (NMD) system is a process rooted in the time of the Cold War. The fast development of military technology and the complex political situation on international stage made the threat of attack real. The response to the permanently escalating threat have been a succession of programmes: Nike-Zeus, Nike X, Sentinel, and Safeguard. The breakthrough in the development of increasingly modern defence systems was the Treaty Between the United States of America and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems signed on 26th May 1972 in Moscow. The return to the idea of developing a missile defence system took place under Ronald Reagan. Even though the programme has continued to this day, its objectives have changed. With the conclusion of the Cold War and the fall of the USSR, the threat was no longer a single enemy communist state but the so-called 'rogue states'. The talks on the deployment of the elements of the NMD system (the so-called 'US missile shield') in Poland and Czech Republic resulted in a protest from Russia fearing the approach of American infrastructure to own borders, which greatly complicated the negotiations process. Additional obstacles arose when first US Congress made signing appropriate international agreements with the European states the condition for awarding the money to the project, and later the governing party in Poland changed. The future of the American system of missile defence system will primarily depend on the results of the Presidential Elections that will be held in the US this November. The positions of US presidential candidates on the NMD system varies, and it is on the winner of the presidential race that the future of strategic defence hinges.

An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt. ; An American model of peace in the Middle East, which evolved from Kissinger's 'little steps' to the separatist agreements of Camp David, was to serve the purpose of regulating the Arab-Israeli conflict and strengthening Washington's influence. In the address delivered on January 23, 1980 (that provided the foundation for the so called 'J. Carter doctrine') the US President said that every "attempt by any outside force to gain control of the Persian Gulf region will be regarded as an assault on the vital interests of the United States of America" and thus it "will be repelled by any means necessary, including military force". The abandonment of the Nasserian tradition did not help A. Sadat to win supporters in internal matters. The protest of Nasserists and the Association of Muslim Brothers against the reconciliation with Israel resulted in a tragic attack against the Egyptian president. A. Sadat's death on October 6, 1981 was a blow for the advocates of the peace process. Whether to continue the separatist policy towards Israel or not was up to the will of the new political authorities in Egypt.

Suzerainty and independence of state and its territorial integrality and inviolability of borders are fundamental problems of extrenal seciurity policy in politics programme polish liberal parties. In relations to alliance with United States of America and Common European Security and Defence Policy are the main politcal problems this policy. Platforma Obywatelska presents the most rational standpoint. The present moment ofshows programm a sensible equilibrium between both ofinternational subjects. Unia Polityki Realnej univocally declares strict colaboration with United States ofAmerica. This party perceptions European Union as a threat for Poland. Instead political programm ofPartia Demokratyczna makes activiy of Poland to create Common European Security and EU Defence Policy. This policy is a safeguard to security ofWestern and Central Europe. In all programme ofthese two parties NATO IS PERCEPTIONED as very important element ofsafety, no only regional but global too. All parties detect necessity build matter ofPoland in alliance. For Platforma Obywatelska and Unia Polityki Realnej military implement is important an element of formation the external security. Both of parties perceive necessity to modernize of equipment and organic structure ofarmy. The most fudamental problem is formation ofprofesional army but with elemets ofcivil guard. For both ofparties the main target oftechnical modernization of army is attained level ofmodernity so that is could co֊operare with most best army on The World wihtout problemms. ; Projekt Operacyjny Polska Cyfrowa POPC.02.03.01-00-0039/18

The political relationship between the United States of America and the USSR determined the international relations during the period of the "cold war". The election of Mikhail Gorbachev to general secretary of the Communist Party was a turning point in international relations. Boris Yeltsin signed the agreement to disband the Soviet Union, which according to legal regulations was then transformed into Russia. B. Clinton, who accepted all of the decisions of Russian president, and also supported financially a number of new initiatives from B. Yeltsin, continued the good relationship between Russia and the USA instigated by G. Bush. The election of W. Putin to the Russian presidency was followed by a new strategy from Russia towards western countries, particularly towards the USA. Instead of following the strategy of partnership Putin tried to limit the influence of the USA on Russian policy. The situation changed after the terrorist attack on 11th Sept. when W. Putin, President of Russia, was one of the first world leaders to assure G. Bush in an official phone call that Russia intended to support all military action taken by the USAagainst the perpetrators. If Russia intends to have a great influence on the international political relations and take part in international policy it should change its position towards USA into one of partnership and co-operation.

Monografia zawiera liczne ryciny. ; The end of the 80-ties and the beginning of 90-ties years is the period when new trends occur in the wandering movements of the population in Poland, including considerably higher inflow of foreigners than up to now. For the first time in the post war history of our country we have to do with a considerable selected temporary as well as permanent immigration. Thus Poland has emerged as an attractive country to live and to manage business activity and is able to draw more and more immigrants. While examining the phenomenon of permanent immigration to Poland since 1946 (Fig. l), few phases can be shown. The first is 1946-1960, the second one lasts until 1990 and the third immigration phase is beyond 1990. The subject of our analysis is the third immigration phase after 1990, because from that time markedly increased the inflow of foreigners to Poland. Jointly during the period 1990-1995 over 35.1 thousand persons have settled in Poland (Fig. 1). Analysing the inflow of population from abroad we can say about the permanent escalation of this process. It is indicated by the comparison of the immigration magnitude in following years and by the fact that from 1989 to 1995 the yearly inflow has grown al most four times, from 2.2 thousand to 8.1 thousand persons, respectively. A characteristic feature of the immigration from abroad is the great disproportion in the scale of inflow to towns an villages. Majority of the foreigners proceed to larger centres, therefore in the country this is only a marginal phenomenon. Since 1989 over 30 thousand foreigners have settled in towns, thus this makes 83% of the inflow in this period, while in the country less then 7 thousand. In the structure of the inflow to Poland (1991-1995) al most half of the persons have secondary education (45%), 33% university education and 7%. So almost 85% of the immigrants are persons with secondary or university education (Fig. 2). Of this about 80% of the persons are at productive age, the rest makes of children up to 18 years of age and persons over 60. (Fig. 3). The proportions between the number of men and women are al most equal (55% and 45%, respectively), but according to the origin country some differentiation can be observed (Fig. 4). In the structure of inflow according to countries 65% of the immigrants come from European countries and the former Soviet Union. 3.5% from Northern America and 8.6% jointly from Asia and Africa. The highest number of immigrants come from Germany (24.1 %), from the USA (16.2%) and from the form er Soviet Union (15%). Examining the problem summarily for the last 6 years, from 1990 to 1995, we can notice that the greatest inflow of foreigners was noted in the voivodeships: Warszawa (4.9 thousand), Gdańsk (2.9 thousand), Katowice (2.5 thousand) and Wrocław (2.1 thousand). In the next five voivodeships (Szczecin, Poznań, Opole, Kraków and Łódź) the inflow was for l to 2 thousand persons. Generally these voivodeships are characterised by a high degree of social-economical development and low degree of unemployment. In the shadow of the immigration streams there are such voivodeships as Bielsko-Biała, Chełm, Piotrków Tryb., Sieradz, Leszno and Ciechanów voivodeships. The joint inflow over the period 1990-1995 was 35.1 thousand persons (Fig. 7). Reassuming, we can state, that starting from the 90-ties years the immigration to Poland is continuously growing.