World Order, Non-Proliferation and Nuclear Weapon-Free Zones -- The security environment in Latin America : the meaning of militarism and militarization -- The rise and fall of the Brazilian "Independent Foreign Policy" : the search for national security -- The Brazilian nuclear policy, the non-proliferation treaty and the Treaty of Tlatelolco -- Brazil's nuclear policy and the regional approach towards nuclear proliferation in Latin America
Latin America is beginning to implement long-term care public policies. But only a few studies look at the situation of the countries in the region. This study aims to examine long-term care public programs in Costa Rica and to estimate the country's demand for formal care. For this purpose, we have revised its National Health Accounts, conducted five interviews with representatives of governmental institutions, reviewed the scientific literature and official reports, and analyzed the data drawn from a national care survey. The results show the existence of fragmented, poverty-focused programs that were not designed for long-term care needs. The estimated percentage of older adults in the region that currently require help to perform activities of daily living is 13.4%. The informal care work is intensive, mostly provided by a family member, and unpaid. ; Embora políticas públicas de cuidados prolongados estejam começando a ser implementadas na América Latina, poucos estudos analisam a situação dos países que compõem a região. Este estudo tem por objetivo examinar programas públicos de cuidados prolongados na Costa Rica e estimar a demanda do país por cuidados formais. Os dados foram obtidos por meio de revisão das Contas Nacionais de Saúde, cinco entrevistas com representantes de instituições governamentais, revisão da literatura científica e relatórios oficiais, e análise dos dados extraídos de uma pesquisa nacional de cuidados. Os resultados indicam a existência de programas fragmentados e focados no enfrentamento à pobreza que não foram projetados para atender às necessidades de cuidados prolongados. Estima-se que, atualmente, 13,4% dos idosos da região necessitam de ajuda na execução de atividades básicasda vida diária, e que o trabalho informal de cuidados é intensivo, oferecido principalmente por um membro da família, e não remunerado.
The aim of this article is contributing to a great variety of theoretical perspectives and empirical settings to generate cumulative evidence about the influence of historical legacies and organisational ability for managing the past. In a continuation of critical perspectives that challenges the dominance of Anglo-Saxon onto-epistemologies in management and organisation studies (MOS), we conducted an empirical study on a multinational airline company whose past successes depended on the North/South, Anglo/Latin American borderlands. We analysed the grand narratives of Pan American Airways' (PAA) corporate archival material to determine its dominant discourses about people from Latin America. Based on the three themes of politics, economics, and culture, we present three grand narratives, or official stories, that we argue summarise PAA storytelling about Latin America between 1927 and 1960. Following decolonial feminism, we aim to recontextualise the past and the hegemonic storytelling embedded in PAA's grand narratives. ; peerReviewed
In the post-cold era, the economic and military power of the People's Republic of China is constantly growing. As a result, the rebirth of the idea of the protectionist economic policy, which has always been present in the American public debate, took place in the U.S. This idea is evidently reflected in the foreign policy of the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump. This article includes the analysis of the contemporary economic protectionism of the United States from the perspective of the offensive realism theory created by John Mearsheimer. The theory is based on three fundamental assumptions: the structure of the international system is anarchic, the primary goal of a state is to survive, for that reason states seek maximalization of their power. ; W epoce pozimnowojennej ma miejsce stały wzrost potęgi ekonomicznej oraz militarnej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Owa tendencja spowodowała odrodzenie idei protekcjonizmu gospodarczego w Stanach Zjednoczonych, która była wcześniej obecna w amerykańskiej debacie publicznej. Owa idea wyraźnie się przejawia w polityce obecnego Prezydenta USA Donalda Trumpa. Artykuł zawiera analizę współczesnego zjawiska protekcjonizmu gospodarczego USA z perspektywy teorii realizmu ofensywnego stworzonej przez Johna Mearsheimera, której podstawowymi założeniami są przekonanie o anarchicznej strukturze systemu międzynarodowego oraz o przetrwaniu jako naczelnym celu państwa, które w związku z tym dąży do maksymalizacji własnej potęgi.
This paper introduces the Comparative Agendas Project system of coding as well as a wealth of gathered and in process data from Latin America using this established and reliable system for capturing policy attention comparatively and over time. While this is not the first introduction of the coding system, it is the first introduction aimed at Latin America and a new type of political system beyond North American and European democracies. First, we present an overview of the Comparative Agendas Project (CAP) and the Master Codebook used to create comparative policy attention data across countries, over time, and between agendas. These details of CAP are discussed for Latin America in general and for Brazil, Colombia and Ecuador, countries that recently started to gather data using these coding. ; Este artículo presenta el sistema de codificación del Comparative Agendas Project, que es capaz de capturar la atención política de manera comparada y a lo largo del tiempo. Presenta también una amplia gama de datos recogidos y procesados en América Latina, sobre la base de este consolidado y fiable sistema de codificación. Aunque no sea un sistema inédito, esta es la primera vez que se introduce en América Latina y en un tipo de sistema político diferente del que se observa en las democracias de América do Norte y Europa. Para ello, ofrecemos una descripción del Comparative Agendas Project y de su libro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obtener datos de atención política de forma comparada entre países y distintos tipos de agendas a lo largo del tiempo. Esos detalles se discuten en relación con América Latina en general y con el contexto nacional de Brasil, Colombia y Ecuador, países de la región que cuentan con el primer conjunto de datos recogidos con ese sistema de codificación. ; Esse artigo apresenta o sistema de codificação do Comparative Agendas Project, que é capaz de capturar a atenção política de maneira comparada e ao longo do tempo. Apresenta também uma ampla gama de dados coletados e em processamento na América Latina, já usando esse consolidado e confiável sistema de codificação. Embora não seja um sistema inédito, essa é a primeira vez que está sendo introduzido na América Latina e em um tipo de sistema político diferente do que se observa nas democracias da América do Norte e da Europa. Para isso, oferecemos um panorama do Comparative Agendas Project e de seu livro de códigos (Master Codebook), usado para obter dados de atenção política de forma comparada entre os países e suas agendas, ao longo do tempo. Esses detalhes são discutidos em relação a América Latina em geral e ao contexto nacional do Brasil, Colômbia e Equador, países da região que contam com a primeira leva de dados processados com esse sistema de codificação.
The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the involvement of the United States of America in resolving the 2011 Libya crisis. This problem is considered taking into account bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The individual parts of the article discuss issues such as relations between the United States of America and Libya before the crisis, as well as US actions during the crisis and the reasons for carrying them out. This concerns, inter alia, Washington's political activity in the UN Security Council and the contribution of the US Armed Forces to the military operation in Libya. The evolution of the United States position on the use of the military factor to change the political regime of Libya is also shown. The research problem is included in the questions, what motivated Washington's actions towards Libya and whether the chosen policy was justified? The main thesis of the article is that the basic reason for the involvement of the United States of America in the crisis in Libya were the premises of a humanitarian nature, but the US interests were also important. Unfortunately, the military action did not lead to the end of the internal conflict in this country. The approach of the United States of America to the crisis in Libya was an important element for the formulation of the doctrine of President Barack Obama. There can be observed the elements that match both the liberal and realistic concept of international relations. In the article, the text source analysis method was used. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w rozwiązanie kryzysu w Libii z 2011 roku. Problem ten rozpatrywano z uwzględnieniem okoliczności dwustronnych i wielostronnych. W poszczególnych częściach artykułu omówiono zagadnienia, takie jak relacje Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Libii przed kryzysem oraz działania USA w trakcie kryzysu i motywy je warunkujące. Dotyczy to między innymi aktywności politycznej Waszyngtonu na forum Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ oraz wkładu Sił Zbrojnych USA w operację zbrojną w Libii. Ukazano również ewolucję stanowiska Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kwestii wykorzystania czynnika militarnego do zmiany reżimu politycznego Libii. Problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniach, czym motywowane były działania Waszyngtonu wobec Libii oraz czy obrana polityka była zasadna? Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że podstawowym powodem zaangażowania się Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kryzys w Libii były przesłanki natury humanitarnej, jednak liczyły się także interesy USA. Niestety akcja zbrojna nie doprowadziła do zakończenia konfliktu wewnętrznego w tym państwie. Podejście Waszyngtonu do kryzysu w Libii było ważnym elementem wpływającym na formułowanie doktryny prezydenta Baracka Obamy. Możemy w nim dostrzec cechy wpisujące się zarówno w liberalną, jak i realistyczną koncepcję stosunków międzynarodowych. W artykule wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych.
OBJECTIVE: To analyze the recommendations of international organizations based on the Washington Consensus on health system reforms of selected countries in Latin America and the Caribbean in the 1980s and 1990s and to investigate the effects of the competitive market logic on public action in the health system. METHODS: Comparative analysis of the characteristics of health system reforms conducted in the 1980s and 1990s, still seen in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru. Data were collected by documental analysis and literature review. The systems were described based on the characteristics of: co-payment, privatization mechanisms, decentralization, fragmentation of the system, integration of funding sources and coverage of the population (universal or segmented). RESULTS: The reforms were implemented differently, worsening inequalities in health service delivery systems. Changes related to the neoliberal idea of transforming public action in the direction of private logic point to the predominance of competition rules and the reduction in economic costs in all countries analyzed, contrary to the logic of universal health systems. CONCLUSION: The reduction in economic costs, the fragmentation of systems and inequalities in the provision of health services, among others, may mean other future costs resulting from low protection to the population's health. A striking and multidimensional counter-reform is essential to make health a right of all again, in a solidarity system that can lead to the reduction in inequalities and a more democratic society. ; OBJETIVO: Analisar as recomendações dos organismos internacionais pautadas no Consenso de Washington para as reformas dos sistemas de saúde de países selecionados da América Latina e Caribe nas décadas de 1980 e 1990 e investigar os efeitos da lógica concorrencial de mercado sobre a ação pública nos sistema de saúde. MÉTODOS: Análise comparada de características das reformas dos sistemas de saúde realizadas nas décadas de 1980 e 1990, presentes até o momento no Brasil, Argentina, Chile, Colômbia, México e Peru. Os dados foram coletados por análise documental e revisão de literatura. Os sistemas foram descritos quanto às características de: copagamento, mecanismos de privatização, descentralização, fragmentação do sistema, integração das fontes de financiamento e cobertura da população (universal ou segmentada). RESULTADOS: As reformas foram implementadas de forma variada, aprofundando desigualdades nos sistemas de prestação de serviços de saúde. As mudanças, ao serem relacionadas à ideia neoliberal de transformar a ação pública na direção da lógica privada, apontam para o predomínio das regras da concorrência e da redução dos custos econômicos em todos os países analisados, contrariando a lógica dos sistemas universais de saúde. CONCLUSÃO: A redução dos custos econômicos, a fragmentação dos sistemas e as desigualdades na prestação de serviços de saúde, entre outros, poderão significar outros custos futuros decorrentes da baixa proteção à saúde da população. É imprescindível uma contrarreforma contundente e multidimensional, que retome a saúde como direito de todos, em um sistema solidário que possa levar à redução das desigualdades e a uma sociedade mais democrática.
Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.
The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.
Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais. ; Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales.
Manuela Castañeira is an Argentine sociologist and feminist linked to the party Novo Movimento Socialista. She was a candidate for the federal deputy of the province of Buenos Aires. in 2018. And, in 2019, was the only woman to run in the Argentine pre-elections for presidency of the country. During 2018, she actively participated in Ni Una a Menos - a social and political movement in defense of decriminalization and legalization of abortion in Argentina. In 2019, she was a special guest of the 10th edition of the National Seminar for Sociology & Politics, in which she gave the opening lecture. In the event of Castañeira's coming to the event, Tabata Soldan, on behalf of the Executive Committee of Plural Sociologies, interviewed her about the coming presidential elections and the progressive and conservative social movements in Latin America. ; Manuela Castañeira es una socióloga y feminista argentina vinculada al partido Nuevo Movimiento Socialista. Fue candidata a diputada federal de la provincia de Buenos Aires en 2018, y fue la única mujer que se postuló en las preelecciones argentinas de 2019 para la presidencia del país. Durante 2018, participó activamente en Ni Una a Menos, un movimiento social y político en defensa de la despenalización y la legalización del aborto en Argentina. En 2019, fue invitada especial a la décima edición del Seminario Nacional de Sociología y Política, en el que dio la conferencia inaugural. A raíz de su llegada al evento, Tabata Soldan, en representación del Comité Ejecutivo de Sociologias Plurals, entrevistó a Manuela Castañeira sobre movimientos sociales progresistas y conservadores en América Latina y elecciones presidenciales. ; Manuela Castañeira é uma socióloga e feminista argentina vinculada ao partido Novo Movimento Socialista. Foi candidata à deputada federal da província de Buenos Aires em 2018, e foi a única mulher a concorrer, nas pré-eleições argentinas de 2019, à presidência do país. Durante o ano de 2018, participou ativamente do Ni Una a Menos, movimento social e político em defesa da descriminalização e legalização do aborto na Argentina. Em 2019, foi convidada especial da X edição do Seminário Nacional Sociologia & Política, no qual proferiu a palestra de abertura. No ensejo de sua vinda ao evento, Tabata Soldan, em nome da Comissão Executiva da Sociologias Plurais, entrevistou Manuela Castañeira sobre movimentos sociais progressistas e conservadores na América Latina e eleições presidenciais.
This work presents reflections on the field of participatory democracy in Latin America, based on the analysis of the experiences of Cotacachi in Ecuador, and Torres in Venezuela, which are examples of great popular participation at the local level. The study proposes to interpret the experiences from a Latin American point of view, considering the singularities of each municipality analyzed. The aim is to identify which factors contribute to the emergence and consolidation of mechanisms of participation in the public policy decision-making process. In order to approximate the democratic theory of the context of Latin America, the study presents an analysis structured in two relevant concepts for the theory: agency and public space. These concepts were essential to identify which factors allowed the creation and consolidation of practices of participatory democracy at the local level. The analysis of the experiences resulted in a list of seven factors that were fundamental for their advancement and diffusion, factors that may represent important guidelines for the development of new democratic practices in countries of the region. Finally, the study present some reflections on the challenges that must be overcome to expand the local power and popular participation in Latin America. ; Presentamos en este artículo las reflexiones desarrolladas en el campo de la democracia participativa en América Latina a partir del análisis de dos experiencias de participación popular en el ámbito local. Nuestro objetivo es hacer una relectura de esas experiencias a partir de una perspectiva teórica latinoamericana, que considere sus singularidades. Pretendemos, con eso, identificar qué factores contribuyeron a la emergencia y consolidación de los mecanismos de participación en los procesos de toma de decisión sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar la teoría democrática, para aproximarla a la realidad latinoamericana, construimos un análisis estructurado en dos conceptos caros a la teoría democrática: agencia y espacio público. Basados en los dos conceptos, buscamos identificar cuáles son los factores que permitirán la creación y consolidación de prácticas de democracia participativa local. Analizando las experiencias de Cotacachi, Ecuador, y Torres, Venezuela, identificamos siete elementos fundamentales que, a partir de nuestra perspectiva, son directrices para el desarrollo de nuevas prácticas democráticas en países latinoamericanos. Por ende, presentamos algunas reflexiones sobre los retos para la ampliación del poder local e de la participación popular en Nuestra América. ; Apresentamos neste trabalho as reflexões desenvolvidas no campo da democracia participativa na América Latina a partir da análise de duas experiências que permitiram uma maior participação popular no âmbito local. Nosso objetivo é fazer uma releitura dessas experiências a partir de uma perspectiva teórica latino-americana, que considere suas singularidades. Pretendemos, dessa forma, identificar quais fatores contribuíram para a emergência e consolidação dos mecanismos de participação nos processos de tomada de decisão sobre políticas públicas. Buscando revisar a teoria democrática, de forma a aproximá-la da realidade latino-americana, construímos uma análise estruturada em dois conceitos caros à teoria democrática: agência e espaço público. Baseados nesses conceitos, buscamos identificar os fatores que permitiram a criação e a consolidação de práticas de democracia participativa local. Analisando as experiências de Cotacachi, no Equador, e Torres, na Venezuela, elencamos sete fatores que consideramos fundamentais para o avanço e difusão das duas experiências, podendo estes representar importantes diretrizes para o desenvolvimento de novas práticas democratizantes nos países latino-americanos. Por fim, trazemos algumas reflexões sobre desafios relevantes que devem ser considerados para a ampliação do poder local e da participação popular em Nuestra América.
In the 1970s, the term "civil society" was reinvented almost simultaneously in Latin America and Central and Eastern Europe.The problems of consolidating democracy are often interpreted as the result of a weakened civil society that has not established itself as an independent arena in the new political system. This article explores the basic similarities and differences in the character of civil society in both regions aswell as asks several questions concerning its relations with political regimes and the role of social movements international nongovernment organizations in theformation of civil society. ; Nos anos 1970, o termo "sociedade civil" foi reinventado quase simultaneamente na América Latina e na Europa Central e Oriental. Os problemas com a consolidação da democracia são freqüentemente interpretados como resultado de umasociedade civil fragilizada, que não se estabeleceu como arena independente no novo sistema político. Este artigo exploraas similaridades e diferenças básicas no caráter da sociedade civil em ambas asregiões e faz alguns questionamentos acerca das relações com os regimes políticos bem como sobre o papel dos movimentos sociais e das organizações nãogovernamentaisinternacionais na formação da sociedade civil.
The article presents relations between Georgia and the United States of America in the years 1992–2009. Time frames were not selected randomly and represent the establishment of bilateral relations between states on 23 April 1992 and the signing of strategic partnership agreement on 9 January 2009. United States interest in Georgia was due to a policy of diversification of energy resources of the Caspian Sea within the boundaries of Azerbaijan. In diversification plans, Georgia was to be a transit area for oil and gas to Western Europe. Position of Georgia was reinforced by the intention to avoid the territory of the Russian Federation, and the Armenian direction was impossible because the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The United States supported Georgia's aspirations for membership in NATO and the European Union allocating significant financial assistance and support for administrative reform, economic and government. ; W artykule przedstawiono relacje Gruzji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki w latach 1992–2009. Ramy czasowe nie zostały wybrane przypadkowo i odnoszą się do daty nawiązania relacji bilateralnych między państwami 23 kwietnia 1992 roku oraz podpisania umowy o partnerstwie strategicznym 9 stycznia 2009 roku. Zainteresowanie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki Gruzją wynikało z polityki dywersyfikacji zasobów energetycznych Morza Kaspijskiego znajdujących się w granicach Azerbejdżanu. Gruzja w planach dywersyfikacyjnych miała stanowić terytorium tranzytowe dla ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego do Europy Zachodniej. Jej pozycję wzmacniała chęć ominięcia terytorium Federacji Rosyjskiej, a kierunek ormiański był niemożliwy z powodu azersko-ormiańskiego konfliktu o Górski Karabach. Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki wspierały dążenia Gruzji do członkostwa w Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim oraz Unii Europejskiej, przeznaczając znaczną pomoc finansową oraz wspierając ją w reformach administracyjnych, gospodarczych oraz samorządowych.
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Na przestrzeni lat politycy Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Federacji Rosyjskiej prezentowali odmienne opinie dotyczące wzrostu potencjału militarnego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Dla decydentów Federacji Rosyjskiej działania Polski w zakresie bezpieczeństwa stanowiły realne zagrożenia dla żywotnych interesów mocarstwa i oddziaływania na politykę państw w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. W Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki postrzeganie polityki bezpieczeństwa, prowadzonej przez polskich polityków, wynikało z przyjętej koncepcji polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa przez amerykańskich polityków. Kandydaci na stanowisko prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki przedstawiali własne poglądy dotyczące polityki zapewniającej globalne bezpieczeństwo. Donald Trump negował rolę Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, jako protektora państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w zakresie bezpieczeństwa, równocześnie dostrzegając korzyści wynikające z partnerstwa z Federacją Rosyjską. Kontrkandydatka Hillary Clinton zapowiedziała kontynuację dotychczasowej polityki państwa oraz stworzenie koalicji przeciwko Państwu Islamskiemu. Pomimo różnic w odbiorze pozycji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w zakresie bezpieczeństwa, Wojska Specjalne rozwijają swoje zdolności do prowadzenia operacji obronnych państwa oraz uczestniczenia w międzynarodowych działaniach, np. dowodzenie siłami specjalnymi podczas dyżuru w ramach Sił Odpowiedzi NATO. ; Over the years, the politicians of the United States of America and the Russian Federation presented different opinions on the growth of the military potential of the Republic of Poland. For the decision makers of the Russian Federation the Polish activities regarding security constituted a real threat to the vital interests of the superpower and impact on the policies of countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In the United States the perception of security policy pursued by Polish politicians resulted from the concept of the foreign policy and security adopted by American politicians. Candidates for the position of the President of the United States of America presented their own views on the policy ensuring global security. Donald Trump denied the role of the United States of America as a protector of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in terms of security, while recognizing the benefits of the partnership with the Russian Federation. Opponent Hillary Clinton announced the continuation of the current state policy and the creation of a coalition against the Islamic State. Despite the differences in the perception of the status of the Polish Republic regarding security in the international arena, Polish Special Forces are developing the capacities to conduct defence operations and participate in international activities e.g. command special forces in the framework of the NATO Response Force.
