Suchergebnisse

Der Supplementband ergänzt die 2006 bis 2009 erschienene siebenbändige Ausgabe der Constitutional Documents of the United States of America 1776–1860. Er enthält 14 Verfassungsdokumente zu acht verschiedenen Bundesstaaten die erst jetzt in amerikanischen Bibliotheken und Archiven zugänglich wurden. Darunter ist u. a. auch die Verfassung der kurzlebigen, 1832 bis 1835 von New Hampshire abgespaltenen "Republic of Indian Stream", sowie seltene englisch- und spanischsprachige Verfassungsdokumente aus New Mexico und Texas. Die Texte wurden auf der Grundlage der mitunter seltenen Originaldrucke der offiziellen Staats- oder Konventsdrucker unter Hinzuziehung der Originalmanuskripte ediert, annotiert und indexiert

Bu çalışmada Türkiye'nin yumuşak güç politikası tarihsel açıdan ele alınmış ve Latin Amerika'daki uygulamalarının ortaya konması amaçlanmıştır. Çalışmada öncelikle güç kavramından yola çıkılmış, güç unsurları ve çeşitleri ortaya konulmuştur. Kamu Diplomasisi kavramına da değinilen çalışmada Türkiye'nin yumuşak güç ve kamu diplomasisi politikası geçmişten günümüze kadar ele alınmıştır. Bu noktada yumuşak güç unsuru olan kurumlar ve faaliyetlerine değinilmiştir. Çalışmada Latin Amerika - Türkiye ilişkileri tarihsel bağlamda ele alınmış, söz konusu ilişkiler Osmanlı İmparatorluğu döneminden, hatta kıtanın keşfinden itibaren incelenmiştir. Tezde kıta ile ülkemizin ilişkilerinin tarihçesi, Osmanlı ve Cumhuriyet Dönemleri olarak ayrı ayrı değerlendirilmiştir. Ayrıca, 2000'ler sonrasından günümüze kadar kıtadaki ülkeler ile ikili ilişkileri geliştirmek ve güçlendirmek için yürütülen kamu diplomasisi çalışmalarından bahsedilmiştir. Kamu kurum ve kuruluşlarının yanı sıra devlet dışı aktörlerin de çalışmalarından örneklerle Türkiye'nin Latin Amerika'daki yumuşak güç faaliyetleri literatür taraması yöntemiyle masaya yatırılmıştır. ; In this study, Turkey's soft power policy was discussed from a historical perspective and aimed to reveal the practices in Latin America. In the study, first of all, the concept of power is set out and power elements and types are explained. The study was also touched upon the concept of public diplomacy and soft power policy of Turkey which was discussed from the past to the present. At this point, institutions and their activities which were soft power elements has been mentioned. The relations of Turkey and Latin America has been discussed with an historical context since the discovery of the continent. In the thesis, the history of the relations between the continent and our country has been evaluated separately as the Ottoman Empire and Republic Periods. In addition, public diplomacy studies have been mentioned which was carried out to develop and strengthen bilateral relations with countries of the continent since the 2000s. The studies of public institutions and non-state organizations has been held with examples of Turkey's soft power activities in Latin America by the literature method.

In the post-cold era, the economic and military power of the People's Republic of China is constantly growing. As a result, the rebirth of the idea of the protectionist economic policy, which has always been present in the American public debate, took place in the U.S. This idea is evidently reflected in the foreign policy of the President of the United States of America, Donald Trump. This article includes the analysis of the contemporary economic protectionism of the United States from the perspective of the offensive realism theory created by John Mearsheimer. The theory is based on three fundamental assumptions: the structure of the international system is anarchic, the primary goal of a state is to survive, for that reason states seek maximalization of their power. ; W epoce pozimnowojennej ma miejsce stały wzrost potęgi ekonomicznej oraz militarnej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej. Owa tendencja spowodowała odrodzenie idei protekcjonizmu gospodarczego w Stanach Zjednoczonych, która była wcześniej obecna w amerykańskiej debacie publicznej. Owa idea wyraźnie się przejawia w polityce obecnego Prezydenta USA Donalda Trumpa. Artykuł zawiera analizę współczesnego zjawiska protekcjonizmu gospodarczego USA z perspektywy teorii realizmu ofensywnego stworzonej przez Johna Mearsheimera, której podstawowymi założeniami są przekonanie o anarchicznej strukturze systemu międzynarodowego oraz o przetrwaniu jako naczelnym celu państwa, które w związku z tym dąży do maksymalizacji własnej potęgi.

The aim of the article is to present and evaluate the involvement of the United States of America in resolving the 2011 Libya crisis. This problem is considered taking into account bilateral and multilateral circumstances. The individual parts of the article discuss issues such as relations between the United States of America and Libya before the crisis, as well as US actions during the crisis and the reasons for carrying them out. This concerns, inter alia, Washington's political activity in the UN Security Council and the contribution of the US Armed Forces to the military operation in Libya. The evolution of the United States position on the use of the military factor to change the political regime of Libya is also shown. The research problem is included in the questions, what motivated Washington's actions towards Libya and whether the chosen policy was justified? The main thesis of the article is that the basic reason for the involvement of the United States of America in the crisis in Libya were the premises of a humanitarian nature, but the US interests were also important. Unfortunately, the military action did not lead to the end of the internal conflict in this country. The approach of the United States of America to the crisis in Libya was an important element for the formulation of the doctrine of President Barack Obama. There can be observed the elements that match both the liberal and realistic concept of international relations. In the article, the text source analysis method was used. ; Celem artykułu jest przedstawienie i ocena zaangażowania Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w rozwiązanie kryzysu w Libii z 2011 roku. Problem ten rozpatrywano z uwzględnieniem okoliczności dwustronnych i wielostronnych. W poszczególnych częściach artykułu omówiono zagadnienia, takie jak relacje Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Libii przed kryzysem oraz działania USA w trakcie kryzysu i motywy je warunkujące. Dotyczy to między innymi aktywności politycznej Waszyngtonu na forum Rady Bezpieczeństwa ONZ oraz wkładu Sił Zbrojnych USA w operację zbrojną w Libii. Ukazano również ewolucję stanowiska Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kwestii wykorzystania czynnika militarnego do zmiany reżimu politycznego Libii. Problem badawczy zawiera się w pytaniach, czym motywowane były działania Waszyngtonu wobec Libii oraz czy obrana polityka była zasadna? Główną tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że podstawowym powodem zaangażowania się Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki w kryzys w Libii były przesłanki natury humanitarnej, jednak liczyły się także interesy USA. Niestety akcja zbrojna nie doprowadziła do zakończenia konfliktu wewnętrznego w tym państwie. Podejście Waszyngtonu do kryzysu w Libii było ważnym elementem wpływającym na formułowanie doktryny prezydenta Baracka Obamy. Możemy w nim dostrzec cechy wpisujące się zarówno w liberalną, jak i realistyczną koncepcję stosunków międzynarodowych. W artykule wykorzystano metodę analizy źródeł tekstowych.

Bu çalışmada son yıllara kadar uluslararası ilişkiler gündeminde marjinal konumda olan Arktik bölgesinin değişen jeopolitik konumu jeopolitik kayma çerçevesinde ele alındıktan sonra Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Rusya Federasyonu'nun bölgeye yönelik politikaları incelenmiştir. Jeopolitik kayma; coğrafi bölgelerin jeopolitik ve jeostratejik değişimler sonucunda uluslararası politikadaki konumunun değişmesi olarak edilmektedir. Arktik bölgesi; yer altı maden kaynakları, balıkçılık ve dünyada keşfedilmemiş hidrokarbon kaynakları bakımından oldukça zengindir. Arktik bölgesi küresel ısınmadan en fazla etkilenen bölgelerden biridir. Arktik bölgesindeki buzulların erimesi ile birlikte var olduğu tahmin edilen yüksek miktarlardaki hidrokarbon kaynaklara ulaşımın kolaylaşması, geleneksel deniz rotalarına kıyasla zaman ve ekonomik maliyet yönünden daha cazip yeni ulaşım yollarının ortaya çıkması gibi faktörler nedeniyle bölgenin yakın gelecekte jeopolitik önemi artacaktır. Arktik bölgesinin yaşadığı bu jeopolitik kayma sürecinde bölge içi ve dışından birçok uluslararası aktör bölgeye yönelik politikaları güncellemektedir. Çalışma, giriş bölümüyle beraber üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. Birinci bölümde teorik çerçeveyi, ikinci bölümde Arktik bölgesinin tarihi, coğrafi sınırları ve aktörlerini, üçüncü bölümde ise ABD ve Rusya'nın bölge politikaları incelenmiştir. Sonuç bölümünde de elde edilen veriler neticesinde genel değerlendirmeler yapılmıştır. ; In this study, after discussing the changing geopolitical position of the Arctic region which has been in a marginal position on the international relations agenda until recent years within the framework of the geopolitical shift, the policies of the United States of America and the Russian Federation towards the region are examined. Geopolitical shifts symbolize the changes in the position of geographical regions in international politics as a result of geopolitical and geostrategic changes. Arctic region is rich in terms of underground mineral resources, fisheries and unexplored hydrocarbon resources in the world. The Arctic is warming faster than any other region on Earth. The geopolitical importance of the region will increase in the near future due to factors such as estimated high amounts of hydrocarbon resources and the emergence of new transportation routes which are more beneficial in terms of time and economic cost compared to traditional sea routes. Many international actors from within and outside the region update their policies towards the region during the geopolitical shift in the Arctic region. The study consists of three parts including the introduction. In the first chapter, the theoretical framework, in the second chapter, the history, geographical borders and actors of the Arctic region, and in the third chapter, the regional policies of the USA and Russia are examined. In the conclusion part, general evaluations have been made based on the data obtained.

21. yüzyıl, küresel siyasette birçok bölgede protestolar ve toplumsal hareketlere tanık olmaktadır. Bu olaylar, ekonomik sorunlardan özgürlük mücadelesine kadar geniş bir yelpazede ortaya çıkabilmektedir. Bu çerçevede özellikle dikkat çeken Hong Kong, tarihsel geçmişiyle ekonomik ve siyasi olarak Çin için önemli bir yere sahip olmuştur. Son yıllarda sıklıkla gündeme gelen Hong Kong protestoları Çin ile gerginliğin giderek artmasına neden olmuştur. Çin için hassas konular arasında yer alan Hong Kong, birçok aktörün dikkatini çekmiştir. Bu çerçevede, Hong Kong'daki protestolara küresel güçlerin yaklaşımları Çin açısından önemli olmaktadır. Çalışmada ele alınan iki aktör olan Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği, Çin'in ekonomik ve siyasi hayatında ilk sıralarda olması nedeniyle önemlidir. Çalışmada öncelikle Hong Kong protestolarının genel bir değerlendirilmesi yapılmış, sonraki bölümlerde Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ve Avrupa Birliği'nin protestolara yaklaşımları kronolojik olarak ortaya konulmuştur. İki aktörün yaklaşımı liderler, kurum ve organ temsilcilerinin söylemleri temelinde gösterilmiştir. Böylece, Hong Kong protestolarıyla ilgili olarak iki önemli aktörün yaklaşımlarındaki benzerlikler ve farklılıklar temelinde bazı çıkarımlar yapmak mümkün olacaktır. Çalışmada, protestolar karşısında ABD'nin AB'den daha sert söylemlerinin olduğu, Trump yönetiminin sorunun doğrudan taraflarından biri haline geldiği görülmüştür ; The 21st century has witnessed protests and social movements in many regions in global politics. These events can occur in a wide range from economic problems to the struggle for freedom. In this context, Hong Kong has an important place for China in economic and political terms with its historical background. The Hong Kong protests, which have frequently been on the agenda in recent years, have led to increasing tension with China. Hong Kong, a sensitive issue for China, has attracted the attention of many actors. In this framework, the approach of global powers to protests in Hong Kong is important for China. The two actors in the study, the United States and the European Union, are important due to their high-ranking positions given their economic and political relations with China. In this study, firstly, a general evaluation of Hong Kong protests has been made, and in the following sections, the approaches of the United States and European Union to the protests have been presented chronologically. The approach of the two actors is shown based on the discourses of the managers of the institutions and the representatives of the state. Thus, it will be possible to draw some conclusions based on similarities and differences in the approaches of the two major actors regarding the Hong Kong protests. In the study, it was seen that the USA had harsher rhetoric than the EU in the face of the protests, and the Trump administration became one of the direct sides of the problem.

Yüksek Lisans Tezi ; 1990'lı yıllarda meydana gelen küreselleşme olgusuyla birlikte sorgulanmaya başlayan uluslararası ilişkiler disiplini, yeni kavramlar üretmeye başlamıştır. Bu yeni kavramlar arasında yer alan, Joseph Nye'ın yumuşak gücü çıkar maksimizasyonu konusunda uluslararası arenadaki aktörlere alternatif yöntemler sunmuştur. Kültür, siyasi değerler ve dış politika gibi manevi kaynaklardan beslenen yumuşak güç, birçok devlerin ilgisini çekmiştir. Bu anlamda yumuşak gücü benimseyen devletlerden birisi olan Rusya Federasyonu, başta Avrasya coğrafyası olmak üzere Latin Amerika, Afrika ve bunun benzer diğer bölgelere yönelik bu güç türünü kullanmaya çalışmaktadır. Bu çalışma ana hatlarıyla ülkenin yumuşak güç anlayışını tespit etmeyi ve bu gücün Latin Amerika'daki etkisini ölçmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Bilindiği üzere, SSCB dağılması sonucunda hem sert güç hem de yumuşak güç açısından kayda değer bir mirası elde etmiştir. Buna bağlı olarak, 2000'lere kadarki dönemde etkili kullanılamayan yumuşak güç, Putin'in iktidara gelmesiyle beraber Latin Amerika dahil birçok bölgede aktif hale gelmiştir. ; The discipline of international relations, which started to be questioned with the phenomenon of globalization that took place in the 1990s, started to produce new concepts. Among these new concepts, Joseph Nye's soft power has offered alternative methods to actors in the international arena for interest maximization. Soft power, fed by spiritual resources such as culture, political values and foreign policy, has attracted the attention of many giants. In this sense, the Russian Federation, which is one of the states that adopt soft power, tries to use this type of power towards the Eurasian geography, Latin America, Africa and other similar regions. This study aims to determine the soft power understanding of the country and measure the effect of this power in Latin America. As it is known, as a result of the dissolution of the USSR, it has obtained a remarkable legacy in terms of both hard power and soft power. ...

The chief purpose of BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, and Voice of America in the Context of International Communication: From Propaganda to Public Diplomacy is to analyse the role radio stations fulfil for international communication nowadays in the light of the roles they served in the past (that is, the times when radio dominated). During the interwar period and right before World War II, new radio stations came to being that aimed at broadcasting content targeted at the listeners abroad. Initially, these radio stations were transmitting mostly official messages or functioning as private point-to-point communication; in both cases, they functioned similarly to telegraphs (assuming one addresser and one addressee). Along with not only the development of the transmitting and receiving devices but also the widening of our knowledge on radio waves, radio turned into a mass medium, thanks to various "freaks," including investors and other radio lovers. Having access to the network of correspondents and a powerful radio signal, radio stations back then were able to provide live coverage of the events that interested listeners all around the globe. The capacities of radio were significant during World War II as well; precisely, it ceased to serve communication purposes exclusively, and was included into military arsenal (used not only in operations and diversion actions, but also for jamming and scouting). This military conflict showed that the possibility of reaching listeners abroad – that is, the citizens of adversary, allied, and neutral states – had been of enormous importance, whereas the ability of shaping the opinions of foreign citizens had become a crucial part of contemporary warfare. The relevance of radio for international communication was indisputable also during the Cold War. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty, Voice of America, BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale, Deutsche Welle, Radio Madrid, Radio Moskwa, and Radio China International were fundamentally engaged in both ideological war and public diplomacy. Simultaneously, various international processes changed the position radio occupied among other media; the "Golden Age of Radio" reached a significant decline in the 1950s, when the dominance of radio gave way to the advent of television, whereas from late 1990s on the situation of all media was revolutionised by the birth of the Internet. As a result, digitalisation, convergence, shifts in reception and use of media – not to mention other broader phenomena, including the dominance of audiovisual culture – affected not only listeners and their preferences (inclining to fragmented radio programmes), but also ratings and marketability of radio stations. Finally, since political communication has privileged the audiovisual paradigm, and domestic policy has gradually become a media issue, radio has withdrawn in this area as well, giving primacy to television and new media. Because of the aforementioned factors and shifts, it becomes vital to carefully reconsider the contemporary and international status of radio. After all, one might be tempted to think that radio is no longer in its heyday, whereas both governments and individual listeners do not deem it as a genuine informative medium or a means capable of reaching the foreign public opinion. This book, therefore, explores how Radio France Internationale, Voice of America, and BBC World Service changed diachronically in reference to other radio stations alike, points to rules they follow and formats their programmes take, and analyses their recent activity in international communication between 2014 and 2018. Chapter 1 introduces theoretical vocabulary international communication relies on, and juxtaposes its various definitions with related cultural phenomena, including transcultural communication, political communication, propaganda, public diplomacy, cultural diplomacy, media diplomacy, and soft power. Aside from analysing these concepts, this chapter also proposes an innovative definition of international communication and its graphic model. Chapter 2 is diachronic, and it focuses on the discovery of radio waves and the invention of radio read from the technical perspective, which determines the position of radio for international communication. Moreover, the early forms of radio are recalled with regard to their significance for foreign communication. Finally, the development of radio and broadcasting in France, United Kingdom, and the USA is presented with an emphasis put on the differences between their broadcasting models. Chapter 3 is devoted to the development of international broadcasting, dividing it into three stages: 1) the early 20th century (until the 1930s), when radio waves were being tested, the first experimental stations came to being, and first international radio stations were founded, including those in Nauen and Zessen (Germany), Sainte-Assise and Le Post Colonial (France), Eindhoven and Heuzen (Netherlands), Chelmsford (United Kingdom); 2) the World War II period, in which the uses of radio for international military communication are analysed in reference to propaganda radio stations (Radio Berlin, Radio Hamburg, Radio Stuttgart, Radio Tokio) and its prominent figures (William Joyce ("Lord Haw-Haw"), Paul Ferdonnet ("the Stuttgart Traitor"), Mildred Gillars ("Axis Sally"), Ive Togure ("Tokyo Rose")), British pirate radio stations functioning in response to the Axis propaganda (for instance, Gustav Siegfried Eins), the radio stations of French Resistance with a special emphasis put on Radio Brazzaville, that is, Charles de Gaulle's chief means of international communication, and, finally, Voice of America serving for public diplomacy purposes; 3) the Cold War period, in which the objectives, assumptions, and strategies of international broadcasting posed by France, United Kingdom, the United States of America between 1945 and late 1980s are examined. The last chapter is entirely dedicated to BBC World Service, Radio France Internationale and Voice of America nowadays, paying attention to their regulations, structures, and broadcasting services. These radio stations are understood as means used for public diplomacy of their countries, and their institutional and formal connections to government institutions are discussed. Consequently, this comparative chapter refers to the legal contexts, supported by acts and regulations of a given country, presents the principles and levels of funding, reconstructs the institutional positions of radio among other media, and characterises broadcasting in terms of services, directions, and programmes. The analysis of contemporary strategies and activities of the discussed radio stations makes it possible to claim that the use of radio for international communication has not lost its relevance, and currently is supported with television and the Internet, that is, the media that were invented later in the course of historical progress. Radio stations, therefore, are not held in media bubbles; rather, they are still significant means of foreign communication because of their specificities. Furthermore, radio communication complies with strategic foreign policies, which affects various parts of the world where levels of technological development diverge whilst the access to television or the Internet connection is not available. In the countries stricken with military conflicts or poverty, radio is still the predominant means of communication that serves numerous purposes; not only is it a source of information on military operations, epidemiological situations, climate and natural disasters, but also it educates its listeners on civil and human rights, especially women's rights. Finally, Voice of America, BBC World Service, and Radio France Internationale support policies against extremism and propaganda (for instance, fake news). The services of the discussed radio stations are related to the policies the United States of America, United Kingdom, and France put forward against ISIL and international terrorism, but also to those actions that support democratic changes in the countries affected by war and political unrest.

Bu çalışma henüz son dönemde yoğunluk ve çeşitlilik kazanan Türkiye ve Latin Amerika ülkeleri arasındaki ilişkilerde sürükleyici temel motivasyonları anlamayı amaçlamaktadır. Öncelikle, tarihsel ve teorik çerçevede Türkiye'nin Latin Amerika yaklaşımı tartışılmaktadır. Sonrasında, son dönem Türkiye ve Latin Amerika bölgesindeki siyasi, ekonomik ve kültürel ilişkilere kurumsal nitelik kazandıran belirli aşamalar derinlemesine incelenmektedir. Bu aşamaları inceledikten sonra liberal tercihlerin bölge ve Türkiye arasındaki ilişkilerin gelişmesi ve adım adım derinleşmesindeki temel faktörler olduğu anlaşılmaktadır. Bu nedenle bölge ile Türkiye arasında kurumsallaşan ilişkilerin temelini liberal yönelimin oluşturduğu savunulmaktadır. Ayrıca, Türkiye'nin son dönem Ortadoğu yaklaşımında realist kaygıların belirleyici etkisini düşündüğümüzde Latin Amerika'daki liberal motivastona dayalı aktivism bir devletin dış politikasında realist ve liberal politikaların aynı zamanda gelişebileceğini kanıtlamaktadır. Son bölümde liberal anlayışın Türkiye ve Latin Amerika arasındaki karşılıklı ilişkilerin kurumsallaşmasındaki hayati rolü yeniden vurgulandıktan sonra, bu yaklaşımın somut sonuçları Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AK Parti) dönemindeki ekonomik veriler ışığında sunulacaktır. ; This study attempts to understand the basic motivations in the relations between Turkey and Latin American countries, which have currently intensified and diversified. Initially, historical and theoretical discussion on Turkey's Latin American approach is proceeded. Afterwards, certain processes that confer institutional-legal status to the current political, economic and cultural relations between Turkey and Latin American region are throughly examined. Having analyzed these stages it is seen that liberal preferences are the leading factors on improving and gradually deepening relations between Turkey and this region. Therefore, it is possible to contend that liberal orientation constitutes the basis of institutionalized relations between the region and Turkey. Liberally-motivated activism in Latin America also proves that realist and liberal policies can be concurrently advanced in any state's foreign when considering determinant impact of realist concerns on Turkey's recent Middle Eastern approach. In the final section, after reemphasizing the essential role of liberal undertstanding on the institutionalization of mutual relations between Turkey and Latin America this approach's concrete results will be displayed through economic data gathered during the period of Justice and Development Party (JDP).

The article presents relations between Georgia and the United States of America in the years 1992–2009. Time frames were not selected randomly and represent the establishment of bilateral relations between states on 23 April 1992 and the signing of strategic partnership agreement on 9 January 2009. United States interest in Georgia was due to a policy of diversification of energy resources of the Caspian Sea within the boundaries of Azerbaijan. In diversification plans, Georgia was to be a transit area for oil and gas to Western Europe. Position of Georgia was reinforced by the intention to avoid the territory of the Russian Federation, and the Armenian direction was impossible because the Azerbaijani-Armenian conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The United States supported Georgia's aspirations for membership in NATO and the European Union allocating significant financial assistance and support for administrative reform, economic and government. ; W artykule przedstawiono relacje Gruzji ze Stanami Zjednoczonymi Ameryki w latach 1992–2009. Ramy czasowe nie zostały wybrane przypadkowo i odnoszą się do daty nawiązania relacji bilateralnych między państwami 23 kwietnia 1992 roku oraz podpisania umowy o partnerstwie strategicznym 9 stycznia 2009 roku. Zainteresowanie Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki Gruzją wynikało z polityki dywersyfikacji zasobów energetycznych Morza Kaspijskiego znajdujących się w granicach Azerbejdżanu. Gruzja w planach dywersyfikacyjnych miała stanowić terytorium tranzytowe dla ropy naftowej i gazu ziemnego do Europy Zachodniej. Jej pozycję wzmacniała chęć ominięcia terytorium Federacji Rosyjskiej, a kierunek ormiański był niemożliwy z powodu azersko-ormiańskiego konfliktu o Górski Karabach. Stany Zjednoczone Ameryki wspierały dążenia Gruzji do członkostwa w Sojuszu Północnoatlantyckim oraz Unii Europejskiej, przeznaczając znaczną pomoc finansową oraz wspierając ją w reformach administracyjnych, gospodarczych oraz samorządowych.

Bu tez çalışması, uluslararası ilişkiler açısından siber uzayın neden olduğu yeni tartışma konularını ele almak suretiyle, Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) ve Rusya Federasyonu (RF)'nun siber güvenlik stratejilerini karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz etmek amacıyla hazırlanmıştır. Çalışmadaki temel sorunsalımız ise ABD ile RF'nin, siber güvenlik stratejilerini belirleme sürecinde birbirleriyle bir etkileşim ve etki-tepki ilişkisi içinde olup olmadığı tartışmasına odaklanmıştır. Bu doğrultuda tezde ulaşılan sonuç, ABD ve RF'nin siber güvenlik stratejilerini şekillendirme süreçlerinde, birbirlerine yönelik tehdit algılamalarının önemli etkisi olduğudur. Zira ABD ve RF arasında siber uzay alanında günümüze kadar süre gelen rekabetinin kökenleri her iki devletin Soğuk Savaş dönemindeki ideolojik ve askeri çekişmesinin bir sonucu olarak şekillenmiştir. Bununla birlikte söz konusu iki devlet kısa ve orta vadede ağ teknolojileri kapsamında askeri kapasitelerini geliştirmek için etkili bir siber savunma ve saldırı kapasitesi yaratmaya çalışacaklardır. Genel ve soyut olarak aktardığımız bu çerçeve içerisinde tez çalışmasının ilgi bölümlerinde: o Teknoloji kültürlerinin Soğuk Savaş döneminde ABD ve SSCB arasındaki askeri rekabetin günümüz siber uzay alanının şekillenmesine yaptığı katkıların, o 1990'lar başı ile birlikte küreselleşen, ticarileşen ve sivilleşen internet teknolojisinden ABD ve RF'nin askeri ve istihbari bir enstrüman olarak istifade etme arayışlarının, o Sosyal medya imkânlarını her iki devletin bir enformasyon savaşı aracı olarak kullanmaya yönelik planlamalarının, o ABD ve RF'nin bu yıllar ile birlikte şekillenmeye başlayan resmi siber güvenlik strateji belge ve doktrinlerinin, o Ulusal siber uzay alanlarını denetleyen hukuki rejimlerinin ve ulusal siber güvenlik kurumlarının faaliyetlerinin analiz edilmesine odaklanılmıştır. ; This thesis study aims at comparative analysis of cyber security policies adopted by United States of America (USA), and Russian Federation (RF), with consideration of new discussions originated from cyber space in the context of international relations. This work tries to find out whether there is an action-response relation between USA, and RF or not, in the course of setting cyber security strategies. Accordingly, this study found out the fact that USA, and RF's mutual perception of threat on their countries, is decisive when they are setting cyber security strategies. It is because of that today's ongoing competition between USA, and RF in the field of cyber space, originates from ideological, and military competition between USA, and RF during Cold War. Besides, the two states will try to create an effective cyber defense and attack capacity in order to improve their military capacities in the short and medium term within the scope of networking technologies. As we explained in general and abstract, in order to support arguments of this study, focus of related chapters of this thesis; o Contributions of technology cultures to the shaping of today's cyberspace space in the Cold War-era military rivalries between the USA and the Soviet Union, o Attempts of USA, and RF to benefit from internet technology as a means of military, and espionage, since it has been global, commercial, and civil by 1990s, o Planning of social media facilities for the use of the two states as an information warfare tool by the state, o USA, and RF's official cyber security strategy documents, and doctrines that started to be formed by then, o Legal regimes governing national cyber space areas; and activities of national cyber security institutions.

Latin Amerika'da sömürgecilik döneminde uygulanan ihracata dayalı ekonomi modeli, kırsal oligarşinin bir güç odağı olarak ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştur. Kurulu düzenin sürdürülmesindeki çıkarları ile uyumlu olarak, kırsal oligarşi, muhafazakâr siyasal görüşler ve düzen ve ilerleme söylemine dayanan pozitivist bir ulus inşası gündemi benimsemiştir. Brezilya siyasetinde muhafazakâr görüşün ortaya çıkışı da büyük ölçüde benzer bir yol takip etmiştir. Bununla beraber, muhafazakâr görüşün Brezilya siyaseti üzerindeki etkisi ülke içinde ve dışında yaşanan çeşitli değişimler ekseninde çeşitlilik göstermiştir. İmparatorluk döneminde şekillenen muhafazakâr düşünce, Birinci Cumhuriyet döneminde siyasal yaşamı yönlendirmiştir. 1930 sonrasında muhafazakârlık, ulusal kimliğin inşasındaki belirleyici rolünü korumuş fakat siyasetteki belirleyici konumunu yitirmiştir. 1964-85 döneminde ülkeyi yöneten askeri hükümetin izlediği muhafazakâr politikalar ise bu durumun istisnasıdır. Muhafazakârlığın Brezilya siyasetindeki yolculuğu ile ilişkili olarak fakat her zaman uyumlu biçimde şekillenmeyen Brezilya dış politikasının muhafazakârlık ile ilişkisi, uluslararası sisteme katılım ve ABD ile uyum eksenlerinde ortaya çıkan iki temel parametre etrafında şekillenmiştir. Brezilyalı siyasetçiler ülkenin bağımsızlığın korunması (otonomi), uluslararası alanda saygın bir konum elde etme ve kalkınmacı politikalar izleme gibi geleneksel hedeflerini paylaşmakta fakat bunlara nasıl erişileceği noktasında görüş farklılıkları yaşamaktadırlar. Bu farklılıklar aynı zamanda Brezilya'da muhafazakâr dış politikanın da sınırlarını çizmektedir. ; The export-oriented economic model implemented in Latin America during the colonial period resulted in the emergence of the rural oligarchy as a pressure group. In accordance with their interest in the sustainability of the existing order, the rural oligarchy embraced conservative political views and a positivist nation-building agenda based on the motto of order and progress. The emergence of conservatism in ...

Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Na przestrzeni lat politycy Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki i Federacji Rosyjskiej prezentowali odmienne opinie dotyczące wzrostu potencjału militarnego Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Dla decydentów Federacji Rosyjskiej działania Polski w zakresie bezpieczeństwa stanowiły realne zagrożenia dla żywotnych interesów mocarstwa i oddziaływania na politykę państw w Europie Środkowej i Wschodniej. W Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki postrzeganie polityki bezpieczeństwa, prowadzonej przez polskich polityków, wynikało z przyjętej koncepcji polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa przez amerykańskich polityków. Kandydaci na stanowisko prezydenta Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki przedstawiali własne poglądy dotyczące polityki zapewniającej globalne bezpieczeństwo. Donald Trump negował rolę Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki, jako protektora państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej w zakresie bezpieczeństwa, równocześnie dostrzegając korzyści wynikające z partnerstwa z Federacją Rosyjską. Kontrkandydatka Hillary Clinton zapowiedziała kontynuację dotychczasowej polityki państwa oraz stworzenie koalicji przeciwko Państwu Islamskiemu. Pomimo różnic w odbiorze pozycji Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej w zakresie bezpieczeństwa, Wojska Specjalne rozwijają swoje zdolności do prowadzenia operacji obronnych państwa oraz uczestniczenia w międzynarodowych działaniach, np. dowodzenie siłami specjalnymi podczas dyżuru w ramach Sił Odpowiedzi NATO. ; Over the years, the politicians of the United States of America and the Russian Federation presented different opinions on the growth of the military potential of the Republic of Poland. For the decision makers of the Russian Federation the Polish activities regarding security constituted a real threat to the vital interests of the superpower and impact on the policies of countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In the United States the perception of security policy pursued by Polish politicians resulted from the concept of the foreign policy and security adopted by American politicians. Candidates for the position of the President of the United States of America presented their own views on the policy ensuring global security. Donald Trump denied the role of the United States of America as a protector of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe in terms of security, while recognizing the benefits of the partnership with the Russian Federation. Opponent Hillary Clinton announced the continuation of the current state policy and the creation of a coalition against the Islamic State. Despite the differences in the perception of the status of the Polish Republic regarding security in the international arena, Polish Special Forces are developing the capacities to conduct defence operations and participate in international activities e.g. command special forces in the framework of the NATO Response Force.

AMERİKA BİRLEŞİK DEVLETLERİ'NİN İKTİSADİ BÜYÜMESİNDE DEVLETİN ROLÜ (1790-1860)Anahtar Kelimeler: İktisadi büyüme, 19. yüzyıl, Amerikan iktisat tarihi, iktisadi büyümede devletin rolüÖZETABD'nin 19. yüzyılın ilk yarısında yaşadığı büyüme, tarihi süreç, teori ve kurumların etkileşimi çerçevesinde ele alınabilecek çok boyutlu bir tecrübedir. ABD federal yapısının organları olan federal hükümet, eyalet hükümetleri ve yerel idareler arasındaki yetki ve güç çekişmesi söz konusu dönem içerisinde ekonomik büyümeyi olumlu etkilemiştir. Federal sistem, farklı çıkar gruplarının ekonomik önceliklerini uzlaştırarak tarım ve imalat sektörünün birlikte geliştiği bir ekonomik büyüme zemini oluşturmuştur. Başta Anayasa ve yargı olmak üzere siyasi kurumlar ve yerinden yönetim geleneği, farklı hükümet organları arasındaki iktidar mücadelesinde hep bir denge unsuru görevi görmüş, İç Savaş'a kadar ABD'nin ekonomi politiğinin nasıl belirleneceğine ilişkin oluşan gerilim alanı ekonomik büyümeye olumlu katkı sağlamıştır. Kuruluşundan İç Savaş'a kadar olan dönem içerisinde federal sistemin ekonomik büyümede öncü rolü üstlenmesi işletmelerin ABD'nin ekonomik yapısında temel belirleyici konuma gelmeleri sonucunu doğurmuştur. Keywords: Economic growth, 19th century, American economic history, the role of the state in the growth of economy.ABSTRACTThe growth of United States of America in the 19th century was a multi-dimensional experience that could be examined within the interaction of history, theory and institutions. The clash and conflict between different branches of federal system, federal, state and local governments, all contributed to the growth of economy at that era. Federal system, comprimising different interest groups, created a realm where both the sectors of agriculture and manufacturing found ways and means to flourish. In this regard, constitution, court system, political institutions and tradition of self-governance acted as a check and balance system that managed conflicts arose between different governing branches. Thus, the struggle over economy-politics of the country that lasted until the Civil War drove the growth of economy and the pioneering role of federal system in that time caused private firms to become leading actors of the economy.