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This article explores the relationship between the 'hero' and the celebrity culture of the 19th-century United States. Even by the 1820s, the activities of print media and entrepreneurial manufacturers meant that individuals widely recognised and worshipped as 'heroes' almost inevitably became part of the nascent celebrity culture of the age, while some actively courted this connection to pursue their own political or financial agendas. However, using the receptions of three foreign heroes, the Marquis de Lafayette, Lajos Kossuth, and John Bright, the article contends that we can still make valid distinctions between the two states through the analysis of cultural practice and discourse. In turn, by conceptualising 'hero' and 'celebrity' as two axes on the graph of fame, it is possible to use such analysis to assess more accurately a given individual's public reputation.

'In diesem Artikel wird versucht, den Entwicklungsstand der Pflegeprofession in den USA anhand neuer amerikanischer Zeitschriftenliteratur aufzuzeigen. Dabei ergibt sich, daß die Ausbildungsinstitutionen, hauptsächlich in Form von Studiengängen an Universitäten, gut ausgebaut sind. Der Pflegewissenschaft fehlt jedoch noch eine solide Grundlegung. Ebenso ist die Diskussion über eine verbindliche Pflegeethik noch nicht abgeschlossen. Das Prestige ist zweigeteilt. Auf der einen Seite genießen die akademisch gebildeten Pflegekräfte volle akademische Anerkennung, andererseits sind Ansehen und Einkommen der Pflegeberufe an der 'Bettkante' gering. Nur durch die Beseitigung dieser Defizite und durch eine stärkere politische Beteiligung, insbesondere durch die Berufsverbände, wird die volle Professionalisierung der Pflegeberufe möglich.' (Autorenreferat, IAB-Doku)

Diskussionen über die Repräsentation von People of Color in TV-Serien und anderen medialen Erzeugnissen sind präsent und stellen die Gesellschaft aktuell vor eine Herausforderung. Wenig überraschend sind auch Superhelden-Geschichten wie die des Marvel-Universums davon betroffen. Die Serie The Falcon and The Winter Soldier (2021) thematisiert Rassismus in einer zuvor ungekannt expliziten Weise. Mit der Figur des Falcon wird erstmals ein Afroamerikaner für die emblematische Rolle des Captain America berufen. Derartige Entwicklungen, die eine Kontinuität mindestens seit dem Civil Rights Movement der 1960er-Jahre zeigen, lösen harsche Diskussionen innerhalb des Fandom aus. Verbale Auseinandersetzungen finden gegenwärtig in erster Linie online statt. Der vorliegende Artikel bettet diese Diskurse in die Critical Race Theory, insbesondere innerhalb der Medienrezeption, ein, erklärt die besonderen Bedingungen des Fandoms und illustriert Entwicklungen und aktuelle Diskussionen über Repräsentation und (Cyber-)Rassismus im Marvel-Universum.

Anknüpfend an aktuelle Forschungen, die Intersektionalität für jüdische Studien und Antisemitisforschung adaptieren, zeigt dieser Essay die Verflechtung zwischen europäisch-jüdischer Erfahrung und der Entstehung der Black Women's history in den USA zu Beginn der 1970er Jahre. Dabei fokussiert er Leben und Wirken Gerda Lerners, eine der maßgeblichen Protagonistinnen der Frauengeschichte in den USA und darüber hinaus. Am Fall von Lerners "Black Women in White America" (1972), eine der ersten Anthologien zur Geschichte Schwarzer Frauen in den USA, erweitert der Beitrag zum einen bisherige Genealogien von Intersektionalität, indem herausgearbeitet wird, wie eine aschkenasische-jüdische Frau Wiener Herkunft eine race und class bewusste Frauengeschichte entwickelte und damit eine intersektionale Frauengeschichte avant la lettre praktizierte. Zum anderen zeigt es "Black Women in White America" als einen der ersten Austragungsorte von Konflikten um die Legitimität von Sprechpositionen und das Eigentum an intellektueller Arbeit, wie sie heute prominent verhandelt und mit aller Schärfe geführt werden.

Looking back on extremely modest beginnings as a boatyard in Aumund near Bremen, the Fr. Lürssen boatyard founded in 1875 is today a Bremen-Vege-sack-based shipbuilding group specializing in the construction of naval vessels and large motor-yachts. Before World War I, it was one of Germany's leading builders of motorized boats, offering a wide assortment of boat types including motor-yachts of up to 20 metres in length. After the war, the company went on to develop new business segments. It began seeking contact to the U.S. in 1922/23, and the first yacht went to Boston in 1924. Between 1924 and 1932, it supplied American customers with altogether twenty-eight motor-yachts of widely differing types, measuring between 12 and 30 metres, along with a large number of tenders. As many of these vessels were driven with Maybach engines, Friedrich Wilhelm von Meister (1903-1978) - the New York representative of that well-known engine manufacturer of Friedrichshafen - provided sales support. And finally, between 1923 and 1931 Lürssen supplied the Fr. Krupp Germaniawerft in Kiel with 37 tenders for the large-scale yachts built there, likewise for American customers. The boatbuilding company owed this business success in great part to its technical competence as well as to the sales talents of its owner Otto Lürssen (1880-1932), who travelled to the States himself in 1927 and 1928. Yet there were also external factors: the Roaring Twenties boom in the U.S. played an important role, especially in conjunction with a vibrant yachting tradition there that went back to the nineteenth century. The majority of the customers were on the east coast, a veritable water sports Eldorado offering a wide range of yachting waters between Canada and Florida. The good political relations between Berlin and Washington during the Weimar Republic undoubtedly also had a favourable impact on the business dealings. Other yacht-building yards - in Germany and elsewhere in Europe - likewise cultivated business relations with the U.S. in those years. A change in customs regulations in 1928 and the Great Depression sparked by the New York stock market crash of 1929 put an end to Lürssen's America business in the interwar period.

In his article on Albert Ballin appearing in the "Deutsches Schiffahrtsarchiv" No. 15, 1992, pp. 135-158, Frank Broeze advocates two theses: (1) that contrary to popular opinion Albert Ballin used ruthless tactics to pursue his policy of expansion and (2) that he practiced a dubious financial policy and frequently did not know exactly what he wanted. Broeze bases his argumentation primarily on the observations of Johannes Merck and Max von Schinckel who both regarded Ballin from a critical distance. The author of the present article focuses chiefly on Broeze's accusations concerning the personal and business integrity of Albert Ballin and arrives at conclusions quite different from Broeze's: 1. In addition to the construction of the IMPERATOR class, Ball in also had internationally outstanding ships built for the South America routes (east and west coast) as well as for the East Asia service- a carefully targetted business policy, the success of which was hindered only by the First World War. Ballin's restraint in regard to austral traffic, which would have remained deficitary for Hapag because of the absolute predominance of the British, also points to a faculty for clever decision-making. 2. The low dividend payments of the Hapag in comparison to other shipping companies are not an indication of the negative effects of Ballin's business policies but of the reinvestment of a larger proportion of the profits. 3. The increase in the cost of the IMPERATOR's construction from the 25 million Marks first projected to a final total of 38 million Marks were not caused by Ballin's having habitually ordered ships in a "totally unbusiness-like" manner, but by the fact that the original plans were for a 30,000 ton vessel whereas the ship finally ordered weighed 51,000 tons. 4. There is no evidence to support Broeze's assertions that Ballin's behaviour was inconsiderate, violent, dictatorial, antagonistic and uncompromising . On the contrary, his main competitors in Bremen, England and among his pool partners have never expressed any such criticism. This is in itself a remarkable fact and speaks clearly for Ballin's integrity.

Violent conflicts between indigenous groups, multinational companies, and governments over the control of lands potentially containing valuable minerals and hydrocarbons are proliferating in Latin America, as well as elsewhere around the world too. In 1989 the International Labor Organization (ILO) approved ILO Convention 169, which mandates the implementation of prior consultation (PC) with indigenous peoples about any project that could potentially affect their territory. Many interpretations regarding the aims and scopes of PC exist. Some environmental sectors see PC as a mechanism to prevent the implementation of ecologically unsustainable projects in indigenous territories. Part of the indigenous rights sector, however, sees PC as a platform via which to negotiate financial resources for indigenous communities. On the side of governments and multinational companies, PC represents a means to diminish violence and advance projects under more stable political conditions. By examining mining and hydrocarbon projects in Bolivia, Peru, and Mexico, the authors compare cases in which PC takes place and ones where it is not applied. A typology of the outcomes in relation to 1) the prevention of industrialized resource extraction on indigenous lands, 2) redistribution of economic benefits produced by extractive projects, and 3) diminishment of the state repression associated with extractive projects is offered. Findings show that in many cases all three of these results are not simultaneously achieved; the authors explain why some outcomes might be obtained in certain instances and not in others. Finally, the article offers an overall assessment of PC results in light of participation theories.

Over the past two decades, the armed forces have increasingly been asked to take an active role in the fight against the rampant crime in Latin America. Since the militaries in this region are not always trained to conduct themselves with restraint, the possibility of excesses and human rights violations is always latent. Despite that prospect, there is a high level of public support for military counter-crime interventions throughout the region. The key argument in this article is that when the Latin American public supports military interventions to combat crime, it makes a comparative judgment call about the relative efficacy of military vs. police conduct in domestic security roles. Latin American citizens have very low confidence in the capacity of the police to fight crime effectively and to respect human rights. They place more trust in the armed forces as an institution capable of performing effectively and in accordance with human rights standards and the rule of law. This study develops these arguments in greater detail and then turns to recent Americas Barometer surveys that clearly show that Latin American citizens place more trust in the armed forces than the police as an institution capable of effectively and humanely fighting criminal violence.

Since the beginning of the past decade, the tolerance of corruption by citizens of most Latin American countries has become a concept in its own right within the broader study of corruption. This construct, however, lacks a systematic approach and is yet to account for specific types of corruption tolerance or identify appropriate indicators to measure them. The present study addresses these voids by analyzing data provided by LAPOP's AmericasBarometer 2006 for Peru (a typical case for the incidence of bribery in Latin America) and the Global Corruption Barometer against a carefully constructed framework for the understanding of the phenomenon of corruption tolerance. The results indicate that attitudes toward specific types of low-level corruption should not be equated to citizens' decisions to engage in such behavior. They further suggest that the study of corruption tolerance has the potential to greatly improve our understanding of the determinants of corruption in developing countries. (JPLA/GIGA)

Comparative constitutional studies rank the US president as relatively weak and most Latin American presidents as strong. However, specialized studies suggest that US presidents have great abilities to implement their agendas. We argue that presidents with weak formal powers "reinforce" their ability to impose an agenda (scope), as well as their ability to make those decisions stick (force). These reinforced powers, however, have diminishing returns as formal powers rise. As a result, the sum of presidential powers ranges from high (the US) to very high (Latin America). Adapted from the source document.

In recent years, South America has witnessed a large increase in arms purchases. Nonetheless, there are important intraregional differences in terms of the allocation of resources for weapons acquisitions. How can we account for these disparities? Mainstream literature suggests that levels of arms importation depend on either the size of the defense budget or the perception of threat. In contrast, this article contends that the level of spending on arms is mainly determined by: (a) the expansive or nonexpansive nature of the strategic assessment of defense, (b) the available resources allocated by the defense budget, and (c) the level of political attention to defense issues. Thus, the aim of this article is to account for and assess the determinants of the different levels of arms importation in South America from 2000 to 2011. Adapted from the source document.