Suchergebnisse

Foreign policy has been neglected in US political campaigns, a remarkable situation given US dominance of the world. Ignoring foreign policy, in presidential campaigns & in politics in general, could make the world a dangerous place for the country. To keep the US safe in the world, presidential candidates must bring foreign policy to the fore. Adapted from the source document.

The purpose of this research is to examine the effect of place differences -- city, suburban, & nonmetropolitan -- on voting behavior in the US House of Representatives. Because the information necessary to classify congressional districts according to their settlement pattern is not regularly provided by the Census Bureau, studies of the impact of place on congressional voting behavior continue to rely on improper operationalizations of place. Methods. We reconstructed the data provided by the Census Bureau in order to classify districts as central city, surburban, nonmetropolitan, or mixed. Using multivariate analysis, we then tested the hypothesis that, controlling for a wide range of other factors, representatives' voting behavior varies by type of settlement pattern, & in particular, that the voting behavior of central-city representatives is more liberal than that of non-central-city representatives. Results. We found that, controlling for legislator's party, personal characteristics, region, & constituency characteristics, the type of place a legislator represents has a significant & nontrivial impact on legislator voting behavior, & that increases in the percentage of central-city residents in a representative's district are associated with increases in liberal voting by the representative in the House. Conclusion. Since living in a central city is significantly associated with greater liberalism on roll-call voting, ceteris paribus, the movement of population from the cities & the decline in the number of majority central-city districts will reduce liberal voting behavior in the House. 4 Tables, 3 Figures, 26 References. Adapted from the source document.

The history of multiculturalism, the numerous varieties of multiculturalism, & the positions of various scholars & currents in the Culture Wars in the US are reviewed. The late-20th-century "multiculturalism" debate is between the belief that a common (liberal) culture is the basis for democracy vs the belief that racism is inherent in US sociopolitics. This debate will persist because toleration of differences cannot be achieved in a society that is polarized by class/race/gender. Difference has become an absolute social & political disjunction preventing communication among groups. It is no wonder, then, that the struggles for identity, recognition, & redistribution have become interdependent. It is concluded that the grip of multicultural politics can only be overthrown by a creative, militant historical-materialist critique of multiculturalism. 36 References. M. Pflum

Die vergleichende Analyse der Positionen, die Hans J. Morgenthau (Begründer des klassischen Realismus in den internationalen Beziehungen) gegenüber dem Engagement der USA in Vietnam einerseits und der israelischen Politik im Nahostkonflikt andererseits bezogen hat, kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Kritik an den USA und die Unterstützung der israelischen Sicherheitspolitik derselben Grundauffassung Morgenthaus entspringen und keineswegs widersprüchlich sind. (DÜI-Hns)

This article describes principal features of the jury systems in the US today, including the numbers of citizens who serve as jurors, the frequency of jury trials, & other issues. Research indicates that a substantial majority of US citizens support the jury system, but only about 25% respond to jury summonses. The reasons are discussed. A number of changes have been made in the way courts use juries in the US & reform is continuing. Some of the changes discussed are the selection of citizens to serve, the terms of their service & how much they are paid, & the procedures they must follow in court. 1 Table, 11 References. Adapted from the source document.

Examines the notion of an employer mandate, & labor's involvement with institutions of the private welfare state in the US, to argue that these entanglements had a significant impact on labor's acceptance of the employer mandate in 1978. It is contended that labor's position on health-care policy illustrated its pragmatism, decreasing political influence, & increasing reliance on private-sector solutions. As a result, labor interests became more closely aligned with those of business, & conflicts between labor unions & liberal public interest groups prevented formation of an effective health-care reform coalition. The context surrounding labor's decision to seek universal health care through an employer mandate instead of a national health insurance program is explored, noting that the mandate idea "took on a life of its own," leading to new alliances & labor's continued commitment to it in spite of employer desires for a more flexible labor market. The political consequences of major assumptions about the US political economy that were promoted as part of labor's pursuit of an employer mandate are discussed. J. Lindroth