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決定美國外交政策的因素是多樣的,有國內因素與國外因素。概括而言,影響其外交決策的國內政治力量有總統、國務院及國務卿,國防部、國會,利益集團同媒體等等,而上述各個權力體都會受到公眾輿論的限制。可以說,公眾輿論是美國這個民主政體的外交行為不可忽視的影響力量。早至上世紀中葉,以沃爾特李普曼為代表的一批國際關係專家曾掀起研究公眾輿論的熱潮,李普曼、阿爾蒙德等持現實主義理論的學者認為公眾輿論不具有穩定性和理性,其情緒化,變幻莫測還容易收到外界影響,不應影響一國的外交決策。爭鋒相對的,自由主義理論的支持者則堅持公眾有權利參與外交決策,也有能力從國家利益出發理性地參與外交問題。 ; 自由主義和現實主義理論關於公眾輿論的認識是從不同角度出發去理解公眾輿論在外交決策領域的作用,因此二者難分上下,也不分對錯,一再糾纏與兩種理論的爭鋒不利於我們瞭解美國公眾輿論和外交決策的真實關係。本研究即是從此出發點考慮,跳出理論之爭,而將研究的重點集中於分析公眾輿論是如何在具體的情境中與政府互動的。筆者將通過對1940年代這一政策調整頻繁時期《紐約時報》對華新聞報導的分析,來考察在宋美齡訪美、重慶談判、承認中華人民共和國等歷史事件中美國民眾、媒體態度的變化以及政府在其中的角色如何。本研究的創新之處則在於從小處,即《紐約時報》的新聞報導著手看公眾輿論與美國外交決策這一宏觀互動關係的具體形式,希望有助於美國政治文化的研究。 ; Over the past six decades since the founding of the People's Republic of China, our understanding of the Sino-U.S. relations has undergone considerable revisions. From the beginning of the Cold War to President Nixon's visit to China, U.S. and China had been from enemies to friends, rivals to partners, later with the rise of China as one important power of world politics as well as economy, the balance between relations of U.S. and China flows with the distinguished definition of national interests. Therefore, the images of China in American eyes were never belonged to any stable type, public opinion in the U.S. has developed many different perspectives on China. ; Public Opinion plays an interesting role in shaping U.S. foreign policy, and the academic community and political observers have repeatedly debated on elaborations of its influence. To examine whether public opinion has participated in the policy making process of U.S. diplomacy is one good way to investigate if the development and expansion of government institutions would undermine the operation of liberal democracy and infringe on personal liberties. ; In order to answer the question in how Public Opinion influences the Government in foreign policy making and how the government, the media and Public interacted, I will conduct empirical studies and News analysis to interpret the New York Times News reports concerning U.S. Foreign Policy towards China in the ...

本論文使用世界銀行在2006年及2010年於六個拉丁美洲國家進行的企業調查所得之一組全新數據,重新在公司層面審視「金融發展--(公司)增長」的連結關係,發現即使控制了宏觀經濟的改變以及利用固定效應之縱橫計量模型進行估算,金融發展對公司銷售以及勞工生產力都有顯著的正面效果,支持以往相關的公司層面研究。 ; 然而,與過往的公司層面研究不同,金融發展對比較大型公司的正面影響,相對小型公司之影響為大。這結果與較近期的研究指在新興市場中,金融發展會不成比例地刺激本來因政治或其他因素與金融體系比較密切的公司相符。未來研究應注重這些市場的獨特性以求更透徹地了解箇中機制。 ; This thesis revisits the finance-growth nexus at the firm level. Using a new dataset based on the World Bank Enterprise Survey conducted in 2006 and 2010 covering six Latin American countries, financial development is found to have a positive effect on both the level of firm sales and labor productivity, after controlling for other macroeconomic changes and unobserved firm-specific effects in a panel-data estimation, reinforcing previous similar studies at the firm level, which relied only on cross-sectional data. ; However, in contrast to earlier firm level cross-sectional researches, it is discovered that financial development exerts a greater positive effect on larger firms relative to smaller ones. This is consistent with more recent studies that finance disproportionately spurs growth of firms that are originally more connected to the financial system for political or other reasons in the context of emerging markets. Future researches should point to the uniqueness of these markets to understand more thoroughly the mechanism behind. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Detailed summary in vernacular field only. ; Tsang, Wai Him. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 69-72). ; Abstracts also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; 擇要 --- p.iii ; Acknowledgements --- p.iv ; Table of Contents --- p.v ; Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 2 --- Motivation --- p.6 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Revisiting the finance-growth connection at the firm-level with a new dataset --- p.13 ; Chapter 2.2 --- The distributional effects associated with financial development --- p.18 ; Chapter 3 --- Data Set and Methodology --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.1 --- The Data --- p.25 ; Chapter 3.2 ...

Lam Kwan Heung. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-137). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendices in English with some Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii-iv ; Acknowledgement --- p.v ; Table of Contents --- p.vi ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1-6 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review --- p.7-22 ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Research Methods --- p.23-35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- An Overview on Hainan --- p.36-46 ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Framing of Hainan --- p.47-92 ; Chapter ´Ø --- International law and order ; Chapter ´Ø --- U.S. peacekeeping surveillance ; Chapter ´Ø --- Victimized U.S ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Framing of China --- p.93-125 ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's skewed media ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a problematic communist state ; Chapter ´Ø --- China as a secretive military power ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's aggression towards Taiwan ; Chapter ´Ø --- China's buying off U.S. politicians ; Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion --- p.126-134 ; Bibliography --- p.135-137 ; Appendices --- p.138-182

submitted by Suen Bing. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 87-90). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Republicanism and Progressive Historical Interpretations ; What is Republicanism? --- p.7 ; Republicanism as a Guiding Philosophy in Progressive Historical Scholarship --- p.16 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Frederick Jackson Turner's Frontier Democracy: A Republican Way of Thinking ; How Turner's thesis related frontier conditions with democracy? --- p.20 ; In what way is Turner's thesis affected by republicanism? --- p.24 ; A trace of republican idealism in Turner's later articles --- p.26 ; The safety valve hypothesis: A supplement to Turner's free land ´ؤ democracy relationship --- p.31 ; Free land - democracy vs. Education - democracy --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Industrial Democracy and American Civilization: The Two Sides of Charles A. Beard's Republican Thinking ; The Industrial Society (1901) --- p.42 ; An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913) --- p.46 ; "Contemporary American History, 1877-1913 (1914)" --- p.51 ; The Rise of American Civilization (1927) --- p.54 ; The American Spirit (1942) --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- William Appleman Williams' Inheritance of Progressive Historians' Republican Tradition ; American Russian Relations: 1871 ´ؤ1947 and The Tragedy of American Diplomacy --- p.64 ; The Contours of American History --- p.72 ; Great Evasion and Empire as a Way of Life --- p.77 ; Conclusion --- p.83 ; Bibliography --- p.87

朱振庭. ; "2003年2月". ; 论文(哲学硕士)--香港中文大学, 2003. ; 参考文献 (leaves 131-145). ; 附中英文摘要. ; "2003 nian 2 yue". ; Zhu Zhenting. ; Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2003. ; Can kao wen xian (leaves 131-145). ; Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. ; 摘要 --- p.4 ; Abstract --- p.5 ; Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 --- p.6 ; Chapter 第二章 --- 研究方法与假设 --- p.10 ; 现实主义学派发展简述 --- p.11 ; 现实主义基本内容简介 --- p.14 ; 为什么本文仍釆用现实主义史观? --- p.15 ; 把现实主义概念应用于克林顿政府时期的中美关系 --- p.16 ; Chapter 第三章 --- 关于后冷战时期中美关系研究的简述 --- p.18 ; Chapter 第四章 --- 亚太地区海上优势的矛盾 --- p.26 ; 美国对其在亚太地区海上优势的重视 --- p.26 ; 中国对海上力量的重视 --- p.28 ; 中国致力发展海上力量的原因 --- p.29 ; 中国海军发展及其战略初探 --- p.32 ; 90年代时期中国的海外经略:以缅甸为例 --- p.35 ; 中国海洋意识vs.美国海上优势 --- p.39 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.48 ; 结语 --- p.49 ; Chapter 第五章 --- 美国在中国周边地区的活动 --- p.52 ; 亚太地区对美国的重要性 --- p.52 ; 朝鲜半岛 --- p.56 ; 蒙古 --- p.58 ; 中亚国家 --- p.59 ; 印度 --- p.61 ; 东南亚地区 --- p.63 ; 泰國 --- p.64 ; 新加坡 --- p.65 ; 印度尼西亚 --- p.66 ; 越南 --- p.66 ; 菲律宾 --- p.6S ; 澳大利亚 --- p.69 ; 日本 --- p.71 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.73 ; 结语 --- p.74 ; Chapter 第六章 --- 两国在台湾问题上的矛盾 --- p.77 ; 台湾地区朝野对统一的态度:非「急独」即「拒统」 --- p.79 ; 中国大陆对两岸统一的看法:反对「台独」 --- p.84 ; 两岸对统一所持的态度:「急统」对「拒统」 --- p.85 ; 中国大陆国内政治发展的影响:以人民解放军的角色为例 --- p.86 ; 台湾地区对美国的重要性 --- p.90 ; 略论美国对台政策的本质 --- p.92 ; 中国大陆对美国跟台湾当局有特殊联系一事的态度 --- p.94 ; 对美国的反应:统一的障碍? --- p.95 ; 结语 --- p.97 ; Chapter 第七章 --- 两国公众的彼此观感 --- p.98 ; 研究方法 --- p.99 ; 美国的情况 --- p.99 ; 中国的情况 --- p.100 ; 美国公众对华看法述略 --- p.101 ; 中国公众对美看法述略 --- p.106 ; 结语 --- p.108 ; Chapter 第八章 --- 两国领导层的彼此观感 --- p.110 ; 研究方法 --- p.110 ; 美国领导层对中国的看法 --- p.111 ; 中国领导层对美国的看法 --- p.116 ; 其它国家的近似历史经验 --- p.120 ; 结语 --- p.121 ; Chapter 第九章 --- 结论 --- p.123 ; 参考资料 --- p.128

by Wan Fang. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 74-80). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.ii ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter I --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter II --- Literature Review & Conceptualization --- p.3 ; Chapter Chapter III --- Media Coverage & Hypotheses --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter IV --- Methods --- p.36 ; Chapter Chapter V --- Results --- p.44 ; Chapter Chapter VI --- Conclusions & Discussions --- p.57 ; Endnotes --- p.65 ; References --- p.69 ; Figures & Tables --- p.77

Zhou, Yi. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 153-168). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.2 ; Table of Contents --- p.6 ; Introduction --- p.8 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Return to the Parole --- p.22 ; Chapter 1.1 --- The Language Dilemma and Appeal of Asian American Literature --- p.23 ; "Language: Community, Nation and Power" --- p.24 ; Claiming a Right to Standard English --- p.29 ; Claiming a Right to Multiple Tongues --- p.32 ; Problems with Previously Mentioned Ways of Resistance --- p.36 ; Chapter 1.2 --- Kingston´ةs Language Choice and Writing Strategies --- p.40 ; Poetic Language: From Kristeva to Kingston --- p.41 ; Heterogeneity: Kingston as a Bilingual Writer --- p.44 ; Diversity: A New Fusion Language --- p.51 ; Dialogism: From Words to Culture --- p.58 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Return to the Body --- p.73 ; Chapter 2.1 --- From Parole to the Body --- p.76 ; "Langue, Parole, Subject" --- p.77 ; Deconstruction of the Subject: The Maternal Body --- p.79 ; "Chora´ح-- A Bodily Metaphor for Resistance to Langue --- p.81 ; Chapter 2.2 --- Body-Based Writing --- p.83 ; Let the Body Speak --- p.84 ; "Female Writers, Body Consciousness" --- p.87 ; Kingston´ةs Bodily and Life Experience --- p.90 ; Chapter 2.3 --- Gaze on the Body´ؤKingston's Body Writing on Male --- p.93 ; Objectification: Seeing and Being Seen --- p.94 ; Objectified Body-From Body to Flesh --- p.96 ; Objectification as Alienation --- p.99 ; Body´ةs Spontaneous Resistance: Pain --- p.103 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Return to the Minor --- p.111 ; Chapter 3.1 --- Speech Act: Another View on Resistance to Langue --- p.113 ; Austin: Speech Is Itself a Form of Action --- p.113 ; "Derrida: "Iterability""" --- p.116 ; Judith Butler: A Politics of the Performative --- p.119 ; Chapter 3.2 --- The Revolt of Minor Tongue: On Language Appropriation --- p.122 ; "Performing a "Twin Skin""" --- p.123 ; The Stereotypical Linguistic Reality --- p.127 ; "Insurrectionary ...

Describes Hernando de Soto's march of conquest in Florida and other parts of southeastern North America. ; Avertissement -- Premiere partie. Livre I. Dessein de l'Auteur. Bornes de la Floride. Par qui elle a esté découverte. Coustumes de ses habitans. Preparatifs de Ferdinand de Soto pour en faire la conqueste -- Livre II. Ce qui arriva dans la découverte des huit premieres provinces -- Livre III. Ce qui se passa entre les Espagnols & les Indiens dans la Province d'Apalaché -- Livre IV. Avantures des Espagnols en diverses province -- ; Seconde partie. Livre I. Accueil des Espagnols en diverses provinces de la Floride, avec les batailles qui s'y sont données -- Livre II. Attaque du fort Alibamo. Mort de plusieurs Espagnols.Arrivée des troupes en Chisca. Procession où l'on adore la croix. Guerre entre deux Caciques. Invention pour faire de sel. Habitans de Tula; avec le quartier d'hyver des troupes en Utiangue -- Livre III. Découverte de plusieurs provinces, avec les avanture des Espagnols dans ces contrées, & et leurs preparatifs pour le Mexique --Livre IV. Capitaines des Caravelles. Radeaux des Indiens. Leur combat sur l'eau. Mort de plusieurs Espagnols. Leur arrivée à la mer. Leurs avantures jusques à Panuco, avec la reception qu'on leur fit dans la ville de Mexique. ; composée en espagnol par I'Inca Garcilasso de la Vega, & traduite en François par P. Richelet. ; A translation of "La Florida del Inca", 1605. ; "Histoire de la Floride, ou Relation de la conquête de ce pays par Ferdinand de Soto, seconde partie, 1707."--T.p. of 2nd vol. ; Electronic reproduction. [Florida] : State University System of Florida, PALMM Project, 2002. (Florida heritage collection) Mode of access: World Wide Web. System requirements: Internet connectivity; Web browser software; Adobe Acrobat Reader to view and print PDF files. Electronically digitized by the University of Central Florida from a book held in the Main Library at the University of Central Florida, Orlando.

The enactment of the FCPA and the formation of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention created two historical events for theoretical analysis: because the FCPA unprecedentedly criminalized transnational bribery in 1977, its wisdom was initially questioned. Then, since the Convention endorsed the FCPA approach in 1997, academic focus was shifted to the practical effect of the Convention in controlling transnational bribery-—which is also the topic of this study. ; This study develops argument based on an awareness of the limitation of a popular methodology in current literature-—the problem-solving paradigm. This paradigm is grounded in the rational-choice tradition, assumes signatories' enforcement of the Convention as resulting from their self-serving purposes, labels the current level of Convention enforcement as "ineffective-enforcement", and borrows solutions from conventional collective action theories to prescribe. This paradigm well explains why most signatories have brought few enforcement actions. Yet its excessive commitment to orthodoxies prevents scholars from grasping the uniqueness of the collaboration and prescribing successful solutions. Besides, it avoids explaining why some signatories have indeed enforced the Convention. A historical approach that draws causality from a process's historicity is thus proposed as a supplementary methodology. ; This study analyzes signatories' compliance with the Convention by four steps: First, it explains a seemingly outdated but unexplained question—the dynamic of the institutionalization of the OECD anti-bribery collaboration, and finds that the central institutions did not result from signatories' trading off conflicting values and interests, but from their attempts to coordinate demands of different stakeholders within given institutional contexts. ; Second, this study explains why most signatories tend to defect rather than faithfully enforce the Convention, following the logic of the problem-solving paradigm: destabilizing factors in the indigenous collaboration ...

香港主權移交中國以後,傳媒雖維持獨立自主和商業運作的模式,但過往的研究發現,政治力量對新聞的影響越來越大。例如新聞機構對新聞內容施行政治審查和媒體機構老闆及高層接受政治任命。這是否意味香港新聞界正衰失它的獨立性?本文研究香港新聞界的獨立性在1997 年後的政治融合中如何被構成。 ; 政治經濟學派和美國組織研究著重新聞界如何抗衡外部對新聞獨立性的影響,但究竟新聞獨立性是什麼?新聞獨立性與專業性之間有何關係?這方面的討論十分缺乏。本文提出以布迪爾〈Pierre Bourdieu〉理論補充對新聞獨立性的理解,並以布迪爾理論為基礎,整理出一個場域理論框架以分析新聞界的獨立性。布迪爾的理論認為新聞獨立性是一個相對的理念,而且會隨著社會變遷而改變。場域理論框架幫助理解外界壓力如何影響新聞獨立性,和解答為何某些記者有較大新聞獨立性。本研究組合了布迪爾的慣習〈habitus〉慨念和根據布廸爾理論而建構的決意〈commitment〉概念來分析不同記者行使不同新聞獨立性的狀況。 ; 本研究顯示,由於政治環境的變化,香港新聞界自八十年代起由政黨新聞範式轉換為客觀新聞範式。在1997 年前後,新聞界面臨需要融入新政體的壓力。本文以香港的中國新聞記者為分析個案,檢視政治融合壓力下的新聞報導工作和記者的獨立性有何轉變。本文的研究對象─中國新聞記者〈或稱中國組記者〉是指在香港媒體工作、專職報導中國新聞的香港記者。本研究選擇他們作研究個案是因為他們位處中港融合的前線。本研究共訪問了二十二名記者,另外亦從中國組記者的著作及演講中搜集研究材料。 ; 研究發現,香港的中國新聞報導正在「去政治化」。雖然記者察覺到新聞的製作過程存在政治審查,但他們在採訪時選擇配合官方─包括參加由官方安排的採訪團、使用內地媒體的內容和以官方發言作平衡報導。當記者認為自己正在客觀地報導,他們不覺察在政治力量對新聞製作的影響。本文分析記者的工作流程和新聞內容,發現中國新聞的去政治化正侵蝕新聞獨立性。此外,根據記者個人的文化資本和對報導中國的決意程度,本研究將中國組記者分成三類:局外記者、局內記者及共融記者。局外記者抗拒融入中國內地,但不察覺客觀報導包括的政治性。局內記者受他們的文化資本限制,不察覺資料來源和工作流程中存在的政治影響。擁有高文化資本和對聞工作高度投入的共融記者,由於對新聞工作有所反思,建立了一套對抗政治限制的報導策略,亦令他們能維持較高獨立性。 ; Studies show that there has been an increase in political influence on the news media in Hong Kong during national reintegration. Although Hong Kong media has appeared to retain much of its autonomy and seems to continue to exercise control over its commercial media system to a large extent, the Chinese State has been active in co-opting media owners and senior management, and there have been some instances of political censorship within media organizations. Does this imply the loss of professional autonomy in the Hong Kong journalistic field? This study sets out to examine the constitution of journalistic autonomy during the period of national reintegration in Hong Kong. ; Theoretically, this study enriches the understandings on journalistic autonomy by bringing in Bourdieu's theory of field. Political economists and American organizational studies both place stress on resisting the influences of political and economic forces on journalistic autonomy. But is autonomy only defined by resistance? Journalists ...

許多學者討論了現代社會之非正規移民;然而,我們對這些移民的主體性知之甚少。世界體系的發展令國家邊界及公民身份政治有所改變,當今世界有超過五千萬非正規移民,理解其生活的志向和追索其現實有一定意義。香港大約有七千名非華裔非正規移民,其中估計75%來自南亞,此研究通過分析香港法外移民的案例,探索非正規移民之理想的建構與達成。儘管香港自從1841年成為英國殖民地後,與這個次大陸關係密切,此現象僅僅追溯到十年前,部分原因來自於後9-11歐美西方的嚴格移民政策之變化。 ; 在香港這個單一民族的社會,貧困的非華裔移民鶴立雞群,收到社會和政治的不公正待遇,為什麼這些移民還要過來?這裡的故事並非人們對非正規移民所想像的人口販賣、恐怖手段和暴力,而是關於移民文化所導致的需要研究出口移民的必要性,以及尋找全球和都市身份的媒體影響,和失足移民假扮成功人士,以掩蓋他們未能實現離家時許下的諾言的羞恥。儘管他們知道被罪化人生的風險和危險,也許還有更重要的未來等待他們的失敗,為什麼南亞人選擇在社會邊緣以非法公民的身份生存,而且繼續複製在海外出人頭地的神話?此研究基於一年的深入訪問和超過三個月的參與觀察,觀察香港非法南亞人的人生軌跡,分析他們如何建構非法的夢想,實現了什麼志願,以及如何延續由始至終以渴望成功打造的幻覺。 ; Many scholars have discussed irregular migration in contemporary societies; however, we know little of the subjectivities of these migrants. With considerable developments in the world system marking changes in the policing of national borders and politics of citizenship, it is of some significance to understand the processes that drive the motivations and trace the realities of over fifty million irregular migrants living in the world today. This research sheds light on the construction and realization of aspirations for irregular migration by examining cases of extralegal migrants in Hong Kong, where estimates suggest that 75 percent of the approximately 7,000 strong irregular non-Chinese migrant population comes from the South Asia. Despite Hong Kong's close connections to the subcontinent since the city's establishment as a British colony in 1841, this particular phenomenon dates back only ten years, stemming partially from strict changes in migration in the post-9/11 Euro-American West. ; In a society that is as ethnically homogenous as Hong Kong where the poorer non-Chinese immigrants clearly stand out and are open to social and political injustice, why do these migrants still come? The stories heard here are not of trafficking, terror and violence as one might expect from cases of irregular migrants, but instead, of cultures of migration creating obligations to engage in out-migration, media influence encouraging the search for global and cosmopolitan ...

美国和加拿大都是传统移民国家,家庭团聚是美国、加拿大移民政 策法规的重要组成部分。而对这一问题的研究,中国学术界极为薄弱。加强对家庭团聚移民政策的研究,对于深入剖析美国、加拿大移民法体系,发展两国经济,维持社会稳定与发展,具有重要理论和现实意义。本文分析了美国、加拿大家庭团聚移民政策,认为美国和加拿大都是传统移民国家,家庭团聚是美国、加拿大移民政策法规的重要组成部分,或者说是移民法体系的核心。实施综合移民改革,使家人得以团聚,意义重大,它使国家获得安全,经济得以恢复,这个艰辛而智慧的立法过程,也在最佳程度上反映了美国人和加拿大人的价值观。目前要求放宽家庭团聚的民间呼声持续高涨,体现美国和加拿大人价值观的"家庭团聚"成为难以被忽视的移民改革核心话题。The United States and Canada are traditional nation of immigrants, the United States, Canada family reunion is an important part of the immigration policies and regulations. But the study on this problem, Chinese academia is very weak. To strengthen the family reunion immigration policy research, for in-depth analysis of American, Canadian immigration law system, development of bilateral economy, maintain social stability and development, has the important theory and the practical significance. This paper analyzes the United States, Canada family reunion immigration policy, thinks the United States and Canada are traditional nation of immigrants, the United States, Canada family reunion is an important part of the immigration policies and regulations, or is the immigration law system core. The implementation of comprehensive immigration reform, make family to reunite, the sense is great, it makes national security, economic recovery, the hardships and the wisdom of the legislative process, but also in the best reflect the values Americans and Canadians. At present the requirement relaxes family folk voice rising, the United States and Canadian values embodiment of" family reunion" to be neglected the core topic for immigration reform. ; Non UBC ; Unreviewed ; Other

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件,作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體,尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻,中美關係發揮顯著作用。 ; 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國,並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件,說明政府在建構新聞語霸權,且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題,媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 ; 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係,是突顯社會的政治背景,導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件,形成一個變贏的和平競賽,以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 ; 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點,說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重,雙羸 ,和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 ; Hu Jin Tao's U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world's two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. ; This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu's U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. ; The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu's state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a ...

電視模式(TV formats)在全球的跨文化旅行,及其如何本土化以適應在地社會政經情境,成為值得學界關注和研究的主題。作為對這一主題的回應,本文致力於研究《醜女無敵》電視劇--"醜女貝蒂"模式在中國的本土化。借由對該劇文本、生產和觀眾解讀的綜合分析,本研究從宏觀上探索符號形式與中國社會變遷的關係。具體而言,研究者聚焦於以下研究問題:在當前電視模式貿易、克隆和本土化的背景下,中國電視劇《醜女無敵》與美國電視劇《醜女貝蒂》有何異同?在中華人民共和國這一特定社會情境下,《醜女無敵》受到了怎樣的政治、經濟限制?中國觀眾如何解讀《醜女無敵》電視劇?《醜女無敵》受歡迎的原因所在,及該劇表徵了怎樣的中國現代性? ; 為回答以上問題,研究者採用了多種定質方法,即文本分析、民族志、焦點小組、檔案分析和深度訪談。其研究發現《醜女無敵》作為混雜性文本,兼有西方現代性元素和獨特的中國性。《醜女無敵》的生產受到了中國政經情境的極大限制。經濟力量有中心主導、系統地控制著生產過程。而政治力量的控制卻是散漫於整個生產者社群,并呈現去中心的狀態。中國觀眾在解讀《醜女無敵》時主要有两種模式:霸權式解讀与協商式解讀。而对抗式解读却在该剧的解读模式中呈现缺失状态。持有霸權式解讀的觀眾作為主流在諸多方面與權力中心一致,從而形成霸權效應。 ; 《醜女無敵》可歸類為本研究所析霸權文本,并表徵和複製了一種中國現代(Chinese modernity)。轄制於党國,中國現代性在其三大結構性維度上都呈現高度的混雜性。就中國電視業發展趨勢而言,研究者認為全球電視模式在中國將愈加繁榮,因其有極大潛質成為霸權文本,繼而服務于權力中心。 ; With the increasing transcultural flow of television formats, the localization of these formats to fit various socio-political contexts is worthy of academic scrutiny. This is a case study on the TV drama Ugly Wudi (Chounv Wudi), the Chinese version of the global Ugly Betty format. Exploring textuality, production, and reception simultaneously, my dissertation sheds light on the relationship between symbolic forms and social transition in China. Specifically speaking, the research questions initiating this study are as follows: Under current TV format cloning, trading, and borrowing, what are the similarities and differences between the Chinese Ugly Wudi and the American Ugly Betty? In the specific context of the People's Republic of China, what are the political and economic forces that constrain the production of Ugly Wudi? What are the audience interpretations of Ugly Wudi? What accounts for Ugly Wudi's popularity, and to what extent does it reflect a Chinese version of modernity? ; Multiple qualitative methods have been applied by the researcher to explicate the research questions, including textual analysis, ethnography, focus groups, archival analysis, and in-depth interviews. It is found that Ugly Wudi is a hybridized text that combines elements of Western modernity with Chinese particularities. As for Wudi's ...

Levine Zachary Jonah. ; Thesis submitted in: November 2006. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-126). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; "Title Page, Abstracts, Acknowledgements" --- p.i-v ; Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter One: --- The Formation of a Taiwanese Identity --- p.6 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Literature Review --- p.27 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- The Current State of Relations Between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China --- p.46 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- The History and Nature of America's Security Commitment to Taiwan --- p.56 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- Analysis of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.67 ; Chapter Chapter Six: --- Reasons Behind the Passage of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.76 ; Chapter Chapter Seven: --- Effects of the Anti-Secession Law --- p.93 ; Chapter Chapter Eight: --- Conclusion --- p.102 ; Sources --- p.107