Suchergebnisse

Taking the different case studies of the book together, one general observation stands out: Key agents of socioeconomic contention, including movements by organized labor and the unemployed that were important in the run-up to the uprisings and that saw their political opportunities open up in the immediate aftermath of the revolutions, have since been effectively marginalized as political actors. The concluding chapter reflects on the causes of this weakness of socioeconomic contention by identifying comparative insights that emerge from the contributions to this volume and by situating them in the context of broader comparative and theoretical debates on the relationship between social movements and political change. More specifically, the chapter first discusses Egypt's and Tunisia's post-revolutionary trajectories from a comparative perspective. Second, it discusses these comparative findings in the light of experiences in Latin America. Third, drawing again on comparative scholarship on Latin America, the chapter offers a theoretical interpretation of some of the main dynamics observed in Egypt and Tunisia based on the notion of a popular-sector incorporation crisis. Fourth and finally, the chapter concludes with general implications and an outlook.

African-Americans are still experiencing racial discrimination rooted in structural bias in US American society. Research has shown that this behaviour can be reduced if individuals are made conscious of their bias, but little is known about these mechanisms on a societal level. Envisaging the white-supremacist Charlottesville rally in 2017 as an event that rendered American society conscious of its racism, we scrutinise whether racial bias in the digital media has changed, comparing levels of pre- and post-Charlottesville bias. We fit word embedding models to a broad sample of largely US media and quantify bias by calculating cosine similarities between terms for black or white actors and positive or negative character traits. We find no differences in positive character traits after Charlottesville. However, African-Americans are associated substantially less with negative character traits post-Charlottesville, while white actors are semantically closer to negative traits.

In the first part the article offers a preliminary synoptic approach to Buddhism in South America in general. The latter part is based on a combination of different kinds of references, including academic sources, official statistics of religion launched by governmental and research agencies Buddhist directories, estimations of the statistical relevance of Buddhism by continent, by country or in a city, and homepages run by Buddhists institutions active in South America. Since research on Buddhism in Brazil is well advanced, the reader can expect more details in the second part of this essay dedicated to a description and interpretation of the situation in the only Portuguese speaking country in South América.

This essay is a modern narrative history that takes its content from the
fictional characters of the English poet William Shakespeare. The aim of
this story-based analysis is to reconsider configurations, general trends,
and collective aspirations in the international and transatlantic relations
between two nations of Western culture, Germany as Germania and
the United States as Sam. On the basis of seven picturesque characters
and episodes selected from his dramas and poems, each representing
an image of love and hate in these relations, an interpretation in comparison
with the cultural historical and socio-cultural developments in
German-American relations is presented: (1) The Birth of Macduff, (2)
The Passionate Pilgrim, (3) The Two Noble Kinsmen, (4) Shylock and
Aaron the Moor, (5) Macbeths Dream of Power, (6) The Phoenix and
the Turtle, and (7) Hamlet's Reflections and the self-assurance of Fortinbras.
This interpretative, comparative analysis involves three different
levels of interpretation for each image: On the basis of Shakespeare's
texts a description and paraphrase of some of the important facts in the
plot and the main characters are presented. Thereafter, a hypothesis is
summarized regarding what we have seen as the main point in the story
(at the level of the meaning of the image). Finally, these meanings, the
ways of Shakespeare's reception, and language games ('Sprachspiele';
in the Wittgenstein sense) are transferred to historical and socio-cultural
substantiation.

The globalized Western culture of innovation, as propagated by major aid institutions, does not necessarily lead to empowerment or improvement of the well-being of the stakeholders. On the contrary, it often blocks viable indigenous innovation cultures. In African societies and African Diasporas in Latin America, cultures of innovation largely accrue from the informal, not the formal sector. Crucial for their proper understanding is a threefold structural differentiation: between the formal and informal sector, within the informal sector, according to class, gender or religion, and between different transnational social spaces. Different innovation cultures may be complementary, mutually reinforcing, or conflicting, leading in extreme cases even to a 'clash of cultures' at the local level. The repercussions of competing, even antagonistic agencies of innovative strategic groups are demonstrated, analyzing the case of the African poor in Benin and the African Diasporas of Brazil and Haiti.

Surveys African-American representation in the legislatures of 6 southern states -- AL, LA, NC, SC, TN, & VA -- for the period 1980-2000. Statistical data from various issues of Black Elected Officials: A National Roster & state legislative records are used to chart increases in the numbers of blacks in both the house & senate cambers of each state legislature; explore black leadership (particularly in terms of serving as committee chairs or vice-chairs); & determine the strength of black caucuses. Significant gains by African Americans in terms of descriptive representation (actual numbers) in the legislatures of each of these states are documented, though their gains in leadership status are less clear & vary by state; their future hopes of gaining such status range from "relatively positive" (LA & TN) to "bleak" (VA & SC). References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The effects of US-led military aggression against Iraq upon the US's perception within the international community & the multitudinous costs of the Second Gulf War are pondered. The George W. Bush administration is charged with overlooking State Department documents that downplayed the threat presented by the Saddam Hussein regime in Iraq & criticized for misleading the American public about US military intentions in the Middle East. Despite near-global condemnation of terrorism, it is stressed that the US-led war on terrorism has deflated US foreign relations with particular countries & challenged US claims to moral legitimacy. Attention is subsequently dedicated to examining the various costs associated with the US's Middle East policy; specifically, it is stressed that funding has been diverted from sundry social programs & that the creation of a self-functioning democracy in Iraq remains a distant objective. Furthermore, it is maintained that US imperialism, militarism, & nationalism presently underlie economic globalization processes & that this amalgamation is posing a serious threat to the poor & working classes throughout the world; consequently, the need to initiate grassroots resistance that focuses upon a class ideal is articulated. J. W. Parker

Argues that the increasing personalization of the electoral process in America has not been matched by an equivalent personalization of the system of government because of the structural creation of separated institutions sharing power & a practice of "divided government" that occurs when opposing parties control congress & the presidency, preventing the president from exercising his office to the fullest extent. The nature of American party politics is described, along with the increasing personalization of the electoral process; domestic factors that enhanced movement from a congressional to a presidential government; & the impact of the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001. It is concluded that US presidents are more constrained by the legislature than prime ministers in a parliamentary system & the highly personalized nature of the American presidency does not mean presidential primacy can be taken for granted, especially during periods of divided government. Nonetheless, the American system of government has gradually moved toward increased presidentialization over the last three decades. 70 References. J. Lindroth

It is argued that the transnational social coalitions that have emerged contesting free trade in the Americas exhibit exclusionary practices, especially in the marginalization of women's movements. In the trade area, women's movements face technical issues that are typically a male domain, & may not engage their grassroots base. In support of this hypothesis, this case study analyzes the evolution of a gender & trade transnational issues network with the 1980s onset of the Canada-US Free Trade agreement, highlighting the barriers women encounter in trying to link gender & trade issues. Anti-North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) coalitions in the US did not particularly espouse women's concerns & the Mexican women's movement had little influence on anti-NAFTA networks there. Since NAFTA, the gendered impact of liberalized trade has received greater attention, eg, at the 1990 World Trade Organization protest in Seattle & at the Santiago & Quebec City protests against the Free Trade Area of the Americas. The recent development of the International Gender & Trade Network, a cooperative effort among 7 regional women's networks, is described. References. M. Pflum

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Against popular opinion, largely predicated on the 1957 events surrounding the desegregation of Central High School in Little Rock, AK's political history is actually one of relative racial tolerance. Examined here is whether this situation translated into meaningful political participation by African Americans for the remainder of the 20th century. House & senate journals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze the numbers & role of blacks in this legislative body, 1972-1999, & to examine the voting patterns of black & white Republicans & Democrats on several key race-related issues (civil rights & school desegregation), as well as on more general issues. It is concluded that, though the number of African American state legislators has increased steadily, neither "descriptive" nor "substantive" representation has been achieved. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Examines whether the increased presence ("descriptive representation") of African-American lawmakers in the MI state legislature has actually made a difference in the operation of this body & in the policies that it has enacted into law, particularly those relevant to black issues. The ability of the Mississippi Black Caucus to "substantively" represent the black community is evaluated, drawing on official government statistics & newspaper accounts to analyze the roll-call voting of black & white Republicans & Democrats, 1980-2000. The proportion of black legislators chairing legislative committees or serving on important policy-relevant committees is also examined, along with their ability to form coalitions with white lawmakers. References. K. Hyatt Stewart

It is argued that the transnational social coalitions that have emerged contesting free trade in the Americas exhibit exclusionary practices, especially in the marginalization of women's movements. In the trade area, women's movements face technical issues that are typically a male domain, & may not engage their grassroots base. In support of this hypothesis, this case study analyzes the evolution of a gender & trade transnational issues network with the 1980s onset of the Canada-US Free Trade agreement, highlighting the barriers women encounter in trying to link gender & trade issues. Anti-North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) coalitions in the US did not particularly espouse women's concerns & the Mexican women's movement had little influence on anti-NAFTA networks there. Since NAFTA, the gendered impact of liberalized trade has received greater attention, eg, at the 1990 World Trade Organization protest in Seattle & at the Santiago & Quebec City protests against the Free Trade Area of the Americas. The recent development of the International Gender & Trade Network, a cooperative effort among 7 regional women's networks, is described. References. M. Pflum

The acceleration of globalization & international migration in recent years, & the potential impact on the course of human history, is accompanied by a surprising lacunae of exchanges among scholars working within the two fields. The few immigration scholars interested in understanding the effects of transnationalism a have called for a paradigm shift that recognizes the importance of globalization & a critical examination of traditional bipolar dichotomies utilizing a dialectical approach that entertains the possibility of contradictory processes occurring together. Analysis of the Guatemalan & Salvadoran migration to the US indicates how globalization stimulates international migration on one hand, & how migrants have shaped global processes on the other. The shaping of Central America by foreign countries throughout history is discussed in relation to resistance movements responding to oppression & exploitation throughout the region. The various scholarly debates on transnationalism & processes are examined in aspects of remittances, the creation & expansion of a supporting connected infrastructure, immigrant cross-border organizing, & immigrant related cross-border initiatives find non-immigrants. The author concludes that the relationship between globalization & international migration needs to be historically grounded to clarify the contest text of "transnational spaces", to question dichotomous & mutually exclusive categories, & to pay attention to the possibility of multiple, dialectical outcomes of international migration in relation to globalization. The attempt to understand the mutual impacts of globalization & international migration is a contestation of the notion of the hegemonic order to acknowledge that globalization is not neutral, but neither is it exclusively the domain of the powerful. References. J. Harwell

Though the "descriptive" representation of African Americans in the FL state legislature increased steadily following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 & subsequent redistricting measures, it is unclear whether "substantive" representation -- black legislators' ability to represent black interests -- has also increased. House & senate journals & clerk manuals of the state's general assembly are used to analyze changes in the numbers of African Americans in this legislative body & their roll-call voting patterns , 1968-2000; the formation of voting coalitions with white legislators is also examined. The significance of the Congressional Black Caucus, black legislators' relationship with the governor, & the incorporation of blacks into leadership positions, especially committee chairpersonships, is also considered. References. K. Hyatt Stewart