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In this article I explore how the 'intersectional shift' in feminist theory looks from Latin America and how can we rethink intersectionality from a politics of knowledge anchored in local Latin American history, as well as in the experience lived by men and women on this continent. In order to do so, I retrace the genealogy of approaches called intersectional, including the contributions of Latin American feminists; I identify some of the main lines of the debate around intersectionality to show its influence, but also its limits, associated largely with its spread and lastly, I use my own research to emphasize the theoretical and critical significance of a localized and contextualized intersectionality. Adapted from the source document.

American federalism is constantly in flux. The 'devolution revolution' of the mid-1990s gave states tremendous power to rewrite the rules of their welfare programs, changed the fiscal incentives that states face, and initiated a massive health insurance expansion funded primarily by the federal government but implemented, with great latitude, by states. How did states react? How did this change the social safety net in the United States, and how did it reshape the nation's distinct brand of federalism? This essay explores these questions, both through a close focus how devolution played out in California and through a broader look at trends across the states. Adapted from the source document.

This essay examines public-sector employment in order to grasp the distinctive character of the American state. Looked at comparatively, the American state is anything but small or weak. Rather, befitting a federal system, public authority in the United States is exercised largely through state and local government. What is distinctive about the American state is the concentration of public-sector employment in three areas: education, defense, and public safety. This pattern reflects a historical legacy of American state-building. The result has been a set of institutions that hides or conceals public authority in various ways. Adapted from the source document.

In massively externalizing their production to the countries of the Global South, many Western companies have concealed from consumers the commonly illegal labor conditions that characterize work in factories engaged in international subcontracting. Going beyond campaigns to raise consumer awareness concerning these practices, in the 1980s American and international labor unions launched direct labor organizing campaigns targeting southern hemisphere workers employed in the sub-contracting factories of electronics and clothing multinationals, particularly Central American sweatshops. The present article describes the origin of this labor union repertory in the context of the externalization of production to the South, focusing on labor organization campaigns in Central America. Adapted from the source document.

These two titles are recommended to specialized researchers in the economic and diplomatic issues, as well as leaders of employers' associations. Each book deals with the interaction between the world of American business and government circles in Washington, seeking to determine first how far the spontaneous or constructed perception of external threats (spoilers United States and competitors) affect the conduct of foreign policy and then in what ways the United States can mitigate the leakage of hegemony and their cascading fallout. Adapted from the source document.

The articles Work led by Armony and Rousseau are derived, in large part, the work presented on the occasion of the international conference 'The recognition of equality and difference. Regards on transnational democratization', held in the Universite Laval in November 2009. as part of the framework of the literature dealing with sociology and political anthropology, social movements and democratization process in Latin America, the book addresses issues in terms of the link between Pindigeneite and politics, the challenges of citizen participation and the Constitutional recognition of multiple nationality. Adapted from the source document.

This piece aims to examine militarization in the American context. The first section traces the theoretical contours of US militarization and its conditions of possibility. The second section concentrates on the hold and imprint of militarization on society and puts forth that we must pay close attention to the spaces, objects, and sites of security that together make up the parameters of everyday life. Studying popular culture as main axis to show how national life is transformed and inhabited by militarization allows us to notice the pernicious banalization of the anchoring of the military fact in the social fabric of American everyday life, if not of the militarization as 'American way of life' with war being propagated and consumed as entertainment. Adapted from the source document.

While Mitterrand did not seek Washington's imprimatur per se, he tried to convince American diplomats that Communist participation in the French government would not endanger Western security interests. This article argues that this proved relatively easy in Paris where the US embassy was mostly staffed by liberal Foreign Service officers who saw Mitterrand as the CP's grave digger. In Washington, however, the executive was most concerned about Communist participation in a West European government and was thus hostile towards Mitterrand's Union of the Left. In order to allay those fears, Mitterrand relied on individual initiatives by fellow Socialists traveling to the US who, without instructions from him, attempted to convince their American contacts of the CP's harmlessness. Under President Carter, the Socialists could count on pro-Socialist Party administration officials. Though such contacts had few short-term consequences, they eventually "paid off.". Adapted from the source document.

Cet article démontre que quatre dessins animés satiriques américains,The Simpsons, South Park, American Dad !etFamily Guy, sont plus que de simples objets de divertissement et contiennent des discours éminemment politiques sur l'immigration non documentée et la construction d'un mur à la frontière des États-Unis et du Mexique. Nous inspirant d'une catégorisation des courants de pensée sur les politiques d'immigration développée par Daniel Tichenor, nous procédons à l'analyse qualitative de contenu et de discours d'un corpus d'épisodes des dessins animés étudiés pour illustrer comment ils offrent un espace discursif aux principaux courants de pensée sur les enjeux susmentionnés. Nous démontrons aussi queThe Simpsons,American Dad !etFamily Guycontiennent un discours satirique dirigé contre les positions conservatrices et qui valorise les positions progressistes sur ces mêmes enjeux, mais queSouth Parkn'inclut pas un biais aussi évident pour l'un ou l'autre des courants de pensée sur l'immigration et la construction du mur américano-mexicain.

In the conflict between Canada & the United States over softwood lumber, U.S. producers have consistently maintained the upper hand, in spite of free trade agreements & in spite of the importance of U.S. softwood consumers as an economic & political force. Why have American softwood consumers not been nearly as efficient as producers in their lobbying efforts? Anti-protection groups have consistently failed to prevail because the industrial diversity of their members hampered their lobbying efforts, U.S. trade laws limit the actions of consumers in cases of administrative protection; & some Canadian actors in this conflicts undermined their efforts & favored the protectionist position of U.S. producers. Adapted from the source document.