Suchergebnisse

Tema diplomskog rada je politika SAD-a prema ilegalnim migrantima iz Latinske Amerike. Promatrano je razdoblje nakon Drugog svjetskog rata kada je krenuo masovni priljev emigranata iz Latinske Amerike u Sjedinjene Američke Države. Tada imigracijska politika prema ilegalnim imigrantima postaje jedna od prioritetnih politika Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. U promatranom razdoblju daje se prikaz imigracijske politike američkih predsjednika, počevši sa Zakonom o reformi i kontroli imigracije (Immigration Reform and Control Act-IRCA) predsjednika Ronalda Reagana (1981. - 1989.). Vrata ilegalnoj imigraciji iz Latinske Amerike pokušao je zatvoriti predsjednik Bill Clinton (1993. - 2001.) Zakonom o reformi ilegalne imigracije i imigrantskoj odgovornosti (Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigration Responsibility Act-IIRIA), dok je namjere predsjednika Georgea W. Busha (2001. - 2009.) spriječio teroristički napad na Sjedinjene Američke Države 11.9.2001 godine. Njegov nasljednik predsjednik Barack Obama (2009. - 2017.) iskoristio je svoje predsjedničke ovlasti i autorizirao provođenje programa DACA (Deffered Action for Childhood Arrivals) i DAPA (Deffered Action for Parents of Americans) koji su pogodovali djeci ilegalnih imigranta, uz istovremeno provođenje brojnih uhićenja i deportacija ilegalnih imigranata. Rad završava prikazom dosadašnje politike predsjednika Donalda Trumpa koji ilegalne imigrante smatra prijetnjom nacionalnoj sigurnosti Sjedinjenih Američkih Država. ; The subject of the graduate thesis is policy of the USA towards illegal migrants from Latin America. Observed period is the period after World War II, starting with the mass flow of emigrants from the Latin America to the United States of America. This is the period when immigration policy of the United States towards illegal immigrants became one of the priorities of the United States. Presented are american president's immigration policies, beginning with the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) presented by the president Ronald Reagan (1981. – ...

Različiti aspekti američke popularne kulture (SAD), od fast fooda do tada aktualne umjetničke scene, čine dio motivskog repertoara poezije Borisa Marune, koji je uz Viktora Vidu najbolji hrvatski emigrantski pjesnik. Odnoseći se spram karakterističnih simbola zemlje u kojoj se našao slijedom svoje zanimljive emigrantske i nomadske sudbine na humoran, ironičan i satiričan način, Maruna u stihovima dimenzionira svoj kritički i osporavateljski odnos spram Amerike kao obećane zemlje. S druge strane, Amerika je prostor konkretne uređene političke i društvene zbilje u kojoj se ipak mogao pronaći dostojan prostor slobode za avanturiste duha, napose u smislu seksualnog liberalizma i nesputanog tjelesnog ponašanja kao dijela popularne kulture, o čemu Maruna često govori u svojoj poeziji. Ono što nikada nije dolazilo u pitanje bila je ljubav spram hrvatske domovine, ali bez tonova patetičnog domotužja i plačne nostalgije, s kritičkim i ironijskim odmakom spram navika i običaja Hrvata, što je Marunu bitno udaljavalo od tipične matrice hrvatskih emigrantskih pjesnika i pisaca uopće. ; Different aspects of American popular culture, from fast food to then-current art scene, are only some of the motives in the poetry of Boris Maruna who is, along with Viktor Vida, the best Croatian emigrant poet. Using humor, irony and satire while referring to the characteristic symbols of the country in which he ended up due to his interesting and nomadic destiny, Maruna in his poems dimensions his critical and disputing attitude towards America as the Promised Land. On the other hand, America is the country of concrete and organized political and social reality in which the adventurers of the mind could still find some respectable space of freedom, especially in terms of sexual liberalism and uninhibited physical behavior as a part of the popular culture, one of the frequent topics in Maruna's poetry. His love for the homeland Croatia was never questionable. It was however expressed without any pathetic patriotic tones or weeping nostalgia, but with a critical and ironic detachment from the customs and habits of the Croats, thus significantly alienating Maruna from the typical matrix of both the Croatian emigrant poets and the writers in general.

Ovaj članak prvo izlaže teorije koje zagovaraju koncentraciju moći. Na području političke filozofije to je Hobbesova teorija koja zagovara koncentraciju moći u rukama monarha, zasnovanu na pravu, kako bi se spriječio povratak u prirodno stanje. Na području teorija o međunarodnim odnosima to je teorija nadmoći koja tvrdi da nadmoć jedne države smanjuje vjerojatnost izbijanja ratova. Obje teorije, de facto, idu u prilog američkoj hegemoniji jer iz njih proizlazi to da ta hegemonija nije samo u interesu SAD-a, nego i u interesu svjetskog mira. Međutim ovaj članak tvrdi da je sustav ravnoteže i kontrole (checks and balances) važan ne samo unutar države nego i u međunarodnim odnosima. ; This article first presents theories that justify the concentration of power. In the field of political philosophy, Hobbes's theory argues in favor of the concentration of power in the hand of a monarch in order to prevent the state of nature. In the field of theories of international relations, power preponderance theory argues that power preponderance of one country prevents international wars. Consequently, both theories justify American hegemony, arguing that hegemony does not only serve the best interest of the USA, but also the interest of world peace. However, this article claims that checks and balances are important not just in domestic politics but in international relations as well.

Autorica daje prikaz demokratizacije Gvatemale tijekom trećeg vala te analizira promjene vlada, režima i sustava. Navodi da je početku promjene političkog sustava Gvatemale prethodila faza predautokratskih iskustava s demokracijom (1944-1954) te da je nesposobnost da okonča dugotrajni građanski rat bio jedan od ključnih razloga početka kraja autoritarnog sustava (1954-1985). Uslijedila je prolongirana tranzicija (1985-1999) koja se odvijala u četiri faze i koju je nadgledala vojska, preuzevši na taj način ulogu snažnog protudemokratskog aktera veta. U fazi konsolidacije (2000-2012) stabilizirala se defektna demokracija, u kojoj je civilni demokratski režim ne samo pod pokroviteljstvom vojske već ga ugrožavaju i kriminalne organizacije. Zaključuje da se u proteklih stotinjak godina politička situacija u Gvatemali i nije znatno poboljšala s obzirom na to da je ona od banana-države postala defektna i najnekvalitetnija demokracija Latinske Amerike. ; The author provides an outline of Guatemala's democratization during the Third Wave, and analyses turnovers of governments, regimes and systems. She argues that the beginning of the change of Guatemala's political system was preceded by a stage of pre-autocratic experiences with democracy (1944-1954), and that the inability to end the long-lasting civil war was one of the key reasons for the beginning of the end of the authoritarian system (1954-1985). What followed was a prolonged transition (1985-1999) that proceeded in four stages and was supervised by the army which, in this way, assumed the role of a strong antidemocratic veto player. In the stage of consolidation (2000-2012) a defective democracy has been stabilized, in which the civilian democratic regime is not only under the patronage of the army, but is also threatened by criminal organizations. The author concludes that during the last hundred years or so the political situation in Guatemala has not improved significantly, since it has turned from a banana republic into a defective and the most substandard democracy in Latin America.

Politika izolacionizma koju su Sjedinjene Američke Države vodile sve do sredine 20. stoljeća naglo se izmjenila nakon napada Japanaca na Pearl Harbor. Krajem 1941. godine SAD su se aktivno uključile u Drugi svjetski rat. Prije toga su u ratu sudjelovali neaktivno, odnosno kroz razne programe kojima su Europi slali materijalnu i financijsku pomoć. Uskoro su slijedili sastanci i mirovne konferencije saveznika – Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, Sovjetskog Saveza i Velike Britanije, koji su se borili protiv sila Trojnog pakta. Na konferencijama se raspravljalo o budućnosti nakon Drugog svjetskog rata. Izmeu ostalog, dogovoreno je osnivanje organizacije Ujedinjeni narodi, koja će u budućnosti brinuti za sigurnost i mir u svijetu. Velike nesuglasice izmeu Saveznika sa zapada i Sovjetskog Saveza rezultirale su zahladnjenjem odnosa i započeo je period Hladnog rata. Hladni rat označava krizno razdoblje izmeu dva bloka u kojem su se velike sile svijeta natjecale u naoružanju i borbi za interesna područja. Usporedno s početkom Hladnog rata u Europi započinje integracija europskih zemalja. Najveći utjecaj na to imale su upravo Sjedinjene Američke Države koje su od kraja rata pomagale europskim državama u obnovi i razvoju. Novom američkom politikom, nazvanom Trumanova doktrina, političari Sjedinjenih Američkih Država odlučnije su se krenuli boriti protiv sovjetskog ekspanzionizma. Marshallovim planom ponudili su Europljanima ogromnu količinu novca kako bi se uz gospodarstvo, podigao i demokratski standard zemalja. Američkim poticajem, 1949. godine osnovan je Sjevernoatlantski savez koji je u slučaju rata trebao štiti europske zemlje od Sovjetskog Saveza i njihovih satelita. Time je započelo čvršće vezanje Sjedinjenih Američkih Država i europskih zemalja te je označilo direktan ulaz Amerikanaca u europsku politiku. ; Political isolationism which was led by the United States before the middle of 20th century, significantly changed after Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. At the end of 1941. year, United States joined the World War ...

Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. ; Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African ...

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

Na temelju građe nekoliko fondova Arhiva Jugoslavije i dostupne dokumentacije međunarodnih institucija zaduženih za kontrolu opijumske proizvodnje i prometa, ovaj rad rekonstruira malo poznate aspekte američko-jugoslavenskih odnosa tijekom 1930-ih koji prelaze domenu privredne suradnje. U tekstu je rekonstruirano nekoliko faza izvoza kvalitetnoga jugoslavenskoga (makedonskoga) sirovog opijuma američkim farmaceutskim kompanijama: od 1929. do 1934., kada su gotovo čitavu godišnju proizvodnju otkupljivale američke tvornice, preko perioda poslovanja tursko-jugoslavenskoga Centralnog biroa obilježenog međusobnim opstrukcijama i rivalstvom na američkom tržištu, pa do faze kada je stupanj ilegalne prerade i krijumčarenja droge u Jugoslaviji ugrozio odnose sa Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama uoči izbijanja Drugoga svjetskog rata. ; Due to its large morphine content, Yugoslav medical opium was an exception-ally sought-after pharmaceutical raw material, and therefore exported to leading processing plants in Germany, Switzerland, and France till 1928, when American plants began buying up almost the entire production. After 1932, yearly production of raw opium in Yugoslavia stabilised at 35-48 tons, with 99% of the production being absorbed by the American pharmaceutical companies Merck & Co. and Mallinckrodt Chemical Works, at prices significantly greater than those in Europe. However, the enthusiasm about exporting the entire yearly opium production to the USA was put into question in early 1934, when the Turkish-Yugoslav Central Bureau for raw opium export began operating in Istanbul. It comprised representatives of the Turkish Opium Export Institute and the Yugoslav Opium Export Institute (Jugoslovenski zavod za izvoz opijuma – JUZOP). The Yugoslav participation quota of 23-26% hindered the previous level of export to America, which generated resistance towards further cooperation with Turkey in Belgrade. Thus, disputes about placing opium on the American market led to a short-lived blockade of Yugoslav opium import, while the appearance of cheap Iranian opium in Europe further emboldened the Turkish side in the Central Bureau to compensate its loss of the European market by obstructing its Yugoslav partners in dealing with American plants. Apart from this, the debts of the American Eli Lilly plant towards the JUZOP on the day of the Central Bureau's liquidation in late June 1941 further contributed towards the impression that Yugoslavia was actually suffering a loss by exporting opium in collaboration with Turkey. According to official Ministry of Agriculture data, a total of 688 tons of raw opium worth 386 million dinars were exported from the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the 1927–1939 period. On a yearly level, this amounted to an average of 42 tons of opium worth 29 million dinars, which equalled, for example, the average yearly budget revenue of the entire Vardar Banate (province). Since yearly opium smuggling in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia stood at around 8-10 tons of opium, one can conclude that almost a quarter of the legal production actually ended up in illegal trafficking. If the smuggling of processed opium derivates (morphine, heroin, codeine) to the USA is added to these figures, and if one keeps in mind the links of the Belgrade and Skopje smuggling organisations with leading European networks for drug trafficking across the Atlantic (Eliopoulos, Bacula, Raskin), then the increased interest of the League of Nations and American diplomacy for the situation in Yugoslavia from late 1937 becomes more understandable. The direct pressure of the American embassy in Paris, which operated a "service" for tracking narcotics smuggling, influenced the Yugoslav authorities to enact harsher laws and at least temporarily reign in the increasingly aggressive criminalisation of a formerly perspective branch of agriculture.

U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.

1948. bila je prijelomna godina za jugoslavensko-američke odnose i američku vanjsku politiku prema Jugoslaviji. Nakon razlaza sa Staljinom, američka administracija formulirala je "strategiju klina" u svrhu održavanja Tita "na površini" te, osim ekonomske i vojne pomoći, pokrenula niz kulturnih programa namijenjenih približavanju Jugoslavije Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama. Članak analizira aktivnosti kao i kulturnu i intelektualnu atraktivnost Američke čitaonice u Zagrebu u jeku Hladnog rata kao dio američke javne i kulturne diplomacije. Nastao je na temelju usmenog intervjua te je popraćen međunarodnim arhivskim istraživanjem (National Archives at College Park i University of Arkansas Library, SAD; Arhiv Jugoslavije, Arhiv Josipa Broza Tita i Historijski arhiv grada Beograda, Beograd; Hrvatski državni arhiv, Zagreb; te Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection). Autorica tvrdi da je kroz djelatnosti čitaonice, programe kulturnih razmjena, radio Glas Amerike, američkih paviljona na Zagrebačkom i Beogradskom velesajmu, kao i preko kulturnih gostovanja, američka vlada uspješno vezala jugoslavenski kulturni prostor za zapadne, američke trendove i tendencije. Kroz perspektivu osobnog svjedoka, direktorice United States Information Servicea (USIS) Zagreb, autorica izlaže uspjehe, granice i prostore pregovaranja američke javne diplomacije (public diplomacy) kao validnog instrumenta američke vanjske politike prema Titovoj Jugoslaviji. ; 1948 was a breakthrough year for the Yugoslav-American bilateral relations and the US foreign policy towards Yugoslavia. After the Tito-Stalin split, the US administration conceived a "wedge strategy" to "keep Tito afloat" and, besides economic and military aid, launched a series of cultural programs aimed at bringing Yugoslavia closer to the United States. The article analyzes the activities as well as the cultural and intellectual attractiveness of the American Library Zagreb at the height of the Cold War as part of the US public diplomacy strategy in socialist Yugoslavia. Based on an oral interview, the article relies on international archival research at the National Archives at College Park and the University of Arkansas Library, USA, the Yugoslav Archives, Josip Broz Tito's Archives, Belgrade's Historical Archives, Belgrade, the Croatian State Archives, and the Roosevelt Institute for American Studies Microfilm Collection. The author argues that through the library activities, the cultural exchange programs, the Voice of America, and the American pavilions at the Zagreb and Belgrade Fair, as well as through cultural visits, the US government successfully linked the Yugoslav cultural space to Western, American trends and tendencies. Through the perspective of a witness, the United States Information Service (USIS) director in Zagreb, the author presents the successes, boundaries and negotiating spaces of the US public diplomacy as a valid instrument of US foreign policy towards Tito's Yugoslavia.

Iako su SAD jedna od država koja ne predviđa oblike neposredne demokracije na razini federacije, ustavi članica američke federacije prihvaćaju instituciju ustavne i zakonodavne inicijative – jedan od ključnih elemenata za njihovo razlikovanje od Ustava SAD-a. Građani 24 savezne države SAD-a neposredno su od 1904. do kraja 2005. odlučivali o 2.155 ustavnih i zakonskih prijedloga, u 21. stoljeću Amerikanci očekuju širenje novog ustavnog populizma – uporabe institucija neposredne demokracije. Autorice tumače ustavna rješenja i stvarne učinke primjene navedenih institucijana oblikovanje državne politike u tim državama. ; Although the USA is one of the states that does not have provisions for the forms of direct democracy at federal level, the constitutions of American federal states have accepted the institute of constitutional and legal initiative, which is one of the key elements that differs them from the Constitution of the United States of America. The citizens of 24 American federal states directly decided about 2,155 constitutional and law drafts between 1904 and 2005. The American people expect the institutions of direct democracy to be used more extensively in the 21st century. The authors explain constitutional solutions and the effects of implementation of these institutes on the shaping of state policies in the respective federal states. The institute is used for bypassing the state legislatures in order to limit their freedom of action by constitutionalising the political choices. Tax- -reduction initiatives limit the revenues legislatures can levy and spend, and thus control the damage. This institute is becoming a means of launching changes in different public areas, such as taxes and expenditures, campaign financing, public education. However, the state legislatures can limit effects of the successful initiatives by withholding financial aid necessary for their implementation. State policy does not finish at the moment the initiatives are adopted by citizens. Sanctions depend on citizens' ability to establish the facts about the compliance with the decisions made by direct citizens' participation, and on clarity of the texts adopted by initiatives.

U radu se raspravlja o operacionalizaciji obrazovnih politika o pravima djece. Prava djece primarno proizlaze iz temeljnih ljudskih prava koja promiču zadovoljavanje bioloških, socijalnih, psiholoških, intelektualnih i duhovnih potreba. Donošenjem Konvencije o pravima djeteta 1989. godine dolazi do promjene u poimanju prava djece te se ističe aktivna uloga djeteta kao nositelja vlastitih prava. Promiče se i filozofija inkluzije kako bi se svoj djeci pružile jednake mogućnosti te osigurao rast i razvoj u skladu s individualnim sposobnostima svakog djeteta. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je ispitati način na koji se djeca i djetinjstvo prikazuju u dokumentima o pravima djece, s naglaskom na aktivnu ulogu djeteta nasuprot zaštitničkom stavu prema djetetu te u kojoj mjeri i na koji način su u dokumentima o pravima djece zastupljene temeljne inkluzivne odrednice. Rezultati kvalitativne deskriptivne analize ključnih dokumenata ukazuju na to da iako se u literaturi promiče uloga djeteta kao aktivnog sudionika i nositelja vlastitih prava taj je koncept potrebno i dalje razvijati. ; The paper discusses the operationalization of education policies on children's rights. Children's rights primarily derive from fundamental human rights that foster the fulfillment of the biological, social, psychological, intellectual and spiritual needs of all. Adoption of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child has brought a change in the understanding of the children's rights, whereupon the active role of the child as the holder of her/his own rights has become recognized as well as the philosophy of inclusion, which provides equal opportunities for all children and ensures the growth and development in accordance with the individual abilities of every child. The aim of this paper is to examine how children and childhood are presented in the documents on children's rights, with an emphasis on the active role of the child and protective attitude towards the child. The paper also seeks to examine in what way and to what extent the fundamental inclusive principles are represented in the documents on children's rights. The results of a qualitative descriptive analysis of documents indicate that although relevant literature promotes the role of the child as an active participant and a holder of her/his own rights, the aforementioned concept needs to be further developed.

U radu se prikazuje razvoj kaznene politike u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama od 1960-ih do danas. U SAD-u je u tom razdoblju kaznenu politiku obilježilo povećanje kaznenosti i kaznene populacije, ali i pad stope nasilnih zločina od 1990-ih naovamo. Tekst longitudinalno prati nekoliko problemskih žarišta i institucionalnih segmenata kaznene politike: predsjedničku politiku, politiku Vrhovnoga suda s obzirom na smrtnu kaznu i maloljetničko pravosuđe, te zatvorski sustav. Na kraju nudi raspravu o objašnjenju kaznenih promjena s obzirom na kulturne i institucionalne faktore i daje pregled razmišljanja o budućem razvoju politike u ovome u SAD-u politički zasićenom području koje je obilježilo i posljednje predsjedničke izbore na kojima je pobijedio Donald Trump ; This paper presents the development of penal policy in the United States from the 1960s to the present day. In the United States during that period, the penal policy was marked by the increase of punitiveness and penal population, but also by the declining rate of violent crime from the 1990s onwards. The text longitudinally traces several problems and institutional segments of the penal policy: the presidential politics, the politics of the Supreme Court with regard to the death penalty and juvenile justice, and the prison system. In the end, a discussion of the explanation of penal changes with regard to cultural and institutional factors is offered, as well as an overview of the reflections on the future development of policy in this politically saturated area that marked the last presidential election in which Donald Trump emerged victorious.