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"In this work, one of Latin America's most renowned legal philosophers conducts a comprehensive survey of the ancient Greek understanding of the law, drawing on texts by poets (Hesiod), philosophers (Anaximander), playwrights (Aeschylus and Sophocles), and historians (Herodotus and Thucydides). The book ends with a finely detailed analysis of the relationship between language and reality in Aristotle, and the emergence of the notion of the system and its subsequent introduction into Roman law. The author's in-depth study of all these aspects makes this volume an essential reference for philosophers, jurists, and historians"--

After the stipulation of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia in the 4th Amendment, the Indonesian state has declared itself to be consistent in implementing the presidential system of government as the basis for the implementation of its government. The presidential system of government or also known as the congressional system is a system of government in a country in the form of a republic in which executive power is elected through general elections and is separated from legislative power. With the complexity of this system, not many countries that implement it fail to pass the test of democratic stability. It can be stated that only the United States of America is capable of becoming the best practice of implementing a successful, effective and efficient presidential system. Therefore, many other countries use the United States as a role model in building an effective and efficient form of presidentialism system as has been done by Indonesia.

This paper describes the ineffectiveness of South Korea's confidence-building measures towards North Korea during the reign of Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun through the sunshine policy. The previous studies on the sunshine policy only discussed the efforts made by the South Korean government through the sunshine policy and America's influence on the implementation in general. The studies are divided into three major categories namely: domestic politics, political economy, and regional studies, but none has discussed the causes of the ineffectiveness of the sunshine policy. By using confidence-building measures as an analytical framework, this paper will explain the variables in confidence-building measures that cause sunshine policies to be ineffective. The main argument of this paper is that there are 2 factors that cause the sunshine policy to be ineffective, namely the influence of America and the absence of political will from North Korea to achieve the goal of confidence-building measures through sunshine policy.

The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.

Global surveys indicate that massive disillusionment with economic globalisation, upheld by the liberal order, which is ignored by governments in European, Asian and Latin American countries, has paved the way for the ascent of nationalist forces. This trend is also visible in Indonesia. President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) has consolidated power against opponents who exploit nationalist, populist and religious causes. On the international front, Jakarta has been actively engaged within a variety of multilateral organisations where liberal institutionalist agendas are enforced. Therefore, it is worthwhile considering the influence of internal and external environments on Jokowi's economic policy which is getting increasingly nationalistic. This article argues that nationalist economic practices have emerged as the Jokowi government's response to domestic and international challenges which can have an impact on its perceived legitimacy. The discussion proceeds in five steps. To begin, this article presents a comparative perspective to understand the position of Indonesia in the developing international political economic context. This is followed by an overview of the definition of economic nationalism and its connections to domestic politics and foreign relations. The third section is about the Indonesian government's efforts to put economic nationalism into effect. The next two parts investigate how the inside and outside dynamics generate Jokowi's inward-looking policies. The conclusion emphasises what can be learnt from the Indonesian case.

This study addresses the two-fold question of whether the integration-liberalization process of ASEAN is headed towards the creation of a single production base region, and how ASEAN links with other trade blocks. It looks into the degree of intra-ASEAN and extra-ASEAN vertical integration vis-à-vis North America, East Asia, and the European Union through the measurement of value-added creation-absorption in global value chains (GVC) and by locating ASEAN within vertical structures. The study employs an international input-output database and breaks up gross exports into different components of value-added using data from 1997, 2004, and 2012. ASEAN has made significant gains in integrating with East Asia. However, ASEAN as a single production region has gained little, and even lost share in value-added trade with NAFTA and Europe. The truth is that ASEAN has a stronger role across the GVC as a supplier of intermediate goods (33%) than as a supplier of final goods (30%). Vertical structures represent more than 43% of ASEAN gross exports, but it still depends on foreign parts and components (35%) to produce its exports. It may be argued that ASEAN + 6, which entails a wider scope of integration, might offer larger benefits to the ASEAN project.

AbstractThis article argues that MIKTA (Mexico, Indonesia, South Korea, Turkey, and Australia) are middle, regional, and constructive powers that can serve as providers of global governance in the international system. It argues that in order for MIKTA countries to serve as middle, regional, and constructive powers, they need to consolidate the support of all relevant State and non-State actors in their countries, allowing MIKTA to become a relevant mechanism to promote and generate public goods in the international system, specially global governance. Mexico is the second largest economy in Latin America. Mexico is today an actor with global responsibility and obligatory reference. A country with that weight must play in new boards and MIKTA, constituting and innovative alliance with key non-traditional partners, is a strategic space to expand the scope of Mexican foreign policy. Keywords : MIKTA, middle powers, foreign policy, Mexico

Nuclear deal between Iran and the West has recently brought a significant impact on changing political map of the Middle East region. Many parties assumed that the nuclear agreement initiated by the United States is part of the scenario to keep the Middle East remained stable. For the past five years America was so overwhelmed in facing threats either by state actors or non-state. At least with the achievement of the Iranian nuclear deal America can be free from a potential direct threat of nuclear weapons. However, this step is not fully run smoothly because the negotiation was challenged by the US strategic ally, Saudi Arabia and Israel, both criticized the policy of the White House as an error. Behind security considerations, economic factor also played significant role in sealing the deal. What are the main reasons and dynamics behind the deal? This paper intends to review these dynamics by elaborating prominent reports and research findings.

AbstrakArtikel ini memberikan informasi mengenai kebebasan dan hak pilih khususnya tentangkebebasan dan hak pilih wanita. Hak pilih adalah sesuatu yang diberikan kepada orang untukmemilih kepala negaranya. Hak pilih wanita di Amerika Serikat telah melewati perkembangansejarah yang panjang, diperlukan adanya sebuah pergerakan sosial agar wanita dapat memilikihak pilihnya dalam pemilihan di negara tersebut. Pada awal mula pemilihan di Amerika Serikat,hak pilih diberikan kepada lelaki berkulit putih yang memiliki kekuasaan dan kekayaan. Pendirinegara tersebut berpikir bahwa hak pilih seharusnya diberikan kepada mereka yang dapatmemimpin dirinya sendiri, wanita tidak termasuk ke dalam kriteria tersebut. Pergerakan inimembawa sebuah perubahan pada pemerintahan di Amerika Serikat. Amandemen ke sembilanbelas menyatakan bahwa wanita memiliki hak pilihnya dalam pemilihan di Amerika Serikat. Kata-kata Kunci : Hak pilih wanita, sejarah pergerakan, demokrasi liberal, pemilihanumum, dan Amerika Serikat AbstractThe aim of this article is to give an information about freedom and suffrage especially aboutwoman freedom and suffrage. Suffrage is something that is given to the people to vote for theirleader of the state. Woman suffrage in United State America have been through a long history,where a social movement for women's suffrage in elections in the United States was required. Atthe begining of the election history in the United States the right to vote was given to the whitemen who have abundant wealth. The founders of the state assume that voting right should begiven to those who can lead theirselves, and women were excluded from that criteria. Thismovement resulted in the change of the Government of the United States. The nineteenthamendment to the constitution states that women have the right to vote in elections. Keywords: woman suffrage, history movement, demokrasi liberal, pemilihan umum, UnitedState of America