In the late nineteenth century Populism was a major feature of US politics and society. It originated as an agrarian revolt born in response to the crisis of American agriculture vis-à-vis industrialization and the opening of global markets for agricultural products. The ensuing Populist movement involved millions of farmers in the Southern and Mid-Western rural areas hit by the crisis and it spilled over into local and national elections, eventually spreading to other regions and including sections of the emerging middle class, thus posing a formidable challenge to the established two-party system. Though it ultimately failed to bring about an electoral realignment, its influence was nonetheless significant and long-lasting. The Populists instigated political and economic reforms for decades to come while actively partaking in the cultural transformations of the time. Populism, however, generated a culture that was both forward- and backward looking, and as it continued to affect politics over the course of the twentieth and early twenty-first century, its majoritarian impulse inspired new forms of democratic inclusion as well as threats to minorities and republican institutions. This complex phenomenon and its many ramifications have engaged generations of historians, whose political sensibilities changed as events unfolded and scholarly research proceeded. At a time when Populism has once occupied center stage in America, it is worth looking back at its origins and pondering how the historiography has tried to make sense of it.
The essay aims to reflect on the Regional Integration in Latin America: first, by stressing the sense of the concept of "Latin America" from a political perspective; then, by underlining the complex nature of this process. The thesis that is intended to be argued is that the most important advances in the field of regional integration have been produced by the jurisprudence of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, in part by abandoning the European integration model
As we celebrate the 300 th anniversary of William Penn's death as well as the 325 th anniversary of the publication of Penn's plan for a European parliament, it is also worth considering his contribution to American history, notably the foundation of Pennsylvania. The most remarkable feature of Penn's "holy experiment" in colonial British America was the harmonious relationship that was established, and maintained for some seventy years, between the Quaker colonists and the native Americans. Penn advanced racial equality as well as peaceful and harmonious relations between different cultures, sitting in council with the Indians many times and promoting the fair purchase of land from them. Penn's 1682 Frame of Government for the colony limited the power of government and guaranteed many fundamental liberties. It was subsequently adopted by the Pennsylvania Assembly as the New Charter and formed the model for most state governments in the United States. Penn's last revision of the Frame, the 1701 Charter of Privileges, remained in force until 1776. Finally, just as Penn really was the first to propose, in some detail, a European parliament, so he was the first to propose, only a few years later, a union of the British colonies in America."
This article seeks to reflect on the methodological problem that dealing with political concepts with a particular historical and geographical frame entails. After stating how conceptual history, German in its origins, has given rise to different lines of thought throughout the Western World, especially in Europe, we explore how this conceptual approach can be used to address political concepts in Latin America from a philosophical-political perspective. ; Questo articolo si propone di discutere il problema metodologico dell'approccio ai concetti politici all'interno di un particolare contesto storico e geografico. A partire dal fatto che la storia concettuale, originariamente tedesca, ha dato origine a specifici percorsi in tutto il mondo occidentale, e soprattutto nel resto d'Europa, ci chiediamo come questo approccio concettuale possa essere utilizzato quando si affrontano i concetti politici in America Latina da una prospettiva filosofico-politica.
The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment ; The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment
The Escazú Agreement, the first environmental treaty to order that signatory States render available all information on the projects which may have an environmental impact, guarantee that citizens participate in decisional processes and adopt measures to protect defenders of indigenous environments and peoples, entered into force on 22 April 2021. Building on these premises, the paper reports some data with the aim of briefly tracing the framework in which environmental activists work. These, together with indigenous peoples, oppose the extractivist development model adopted by the region's government in the last twenty years, which has had – and still has – a significant impact on the environment, has increased social conflicts, and triggered a violence spiral against environmentalists and some indigenous communities, thus transforming Latin America into the most dangerous place for those who protect the environment.
Nel quadrimestre in considerazione (settembre-dicembre) si sono presi in esame i principali avvenimenti politico-istituzionali avvenuti in America Latina e in particolare la crisi economica e le elezioni del 27 ottobre in Argentina; la crisi politica avvenuta in Bolivia a seguito delle elezioni del 20 ottobre; la rivolta sociale che attraversa il Cile dal 4 ottobre come conseguenza dell'aumento del prezzo dei biglietti della metropolitana; le decisioni politiche del chavismo di Maduro e i rapporti del Governo ufficiale con l'opposizione in Venezuela. L'analisi si conclude con un approfondimento sui più importanti avvenimenti istituzionali e le principali riforme avvenuti in Messico, a cui si rimanda nelle specifiche sezioni dedicate alle istituzioni.
Riassunto Uno dei più significativi archetipi politologici della storia latinoamericana, l'homem cordial teorizzato da Sérgio Buarque de Holanda in Raízes do Brasil (1936) e a lungo considerato politicamente scorretto nel proprio Paese, approda in Italia grazie alla traduzione di Cesare Rivelli pubblicata dai Fratelli Bocca nel 1954. Ma non vi sarebbero, invece, nel contesto italiano che pochi segni di interesse per l'altro homem cordial, quello teorizzato alcuni anni prima in un breve scritto dal brasiliano Ruy Ribeiro Couto, veicolato a livello internazionale da Alfonso Reyes col titolo in spagnolo El Hombre Cordial, producto americano. Interrogarsi sulle ragioni che potrebbero aver lasciato nell'ombra l'homem cordial ribeiriano consente di comprendere come quel dibattito latinomericano degli anni Trenta sia ancor oggi di grande attualità. E come l'archetipo dell'homem cordial buarquiano rimanga una delle chiavi interpretative fondamentali anche a livello internazionale con tutto il suo carico di implicazioni sociali e geo-politiche.
Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.
The Organization of American States (OAS) is an international organization build to promote solidarity and political cooperation among American States. In order to achieve its purposes, it provides a procedure of suspension/expulsion of a member State in case of violation of human rights and fundamental liberties. The chronicle analyzes the procedure and deals with specific cases of Cuba and Honduras.
Among the Italian responses to Hemingway's death, Alberto Moravia's stands out for his condemnation of the US writer's cult of his publica persona. Comparing Hemingway to D'Annunzio, Moravia comes very close to calling Hemingway himself if not a Fascist, certainly someone whose values were close to Fascist ones. Moravia's essay sparked a lively debate, with many Italian critics and writers coming out in defense of Hemingway, even when they may have been critical of specific aspects of his work. The essay sketches that debate, and then goes on to analyze what were, historically, Hemingway's own pronouncements on Fascism, Mussolini, and D'Annunzio. The historical record shows that the American writer was unambiguously hostile to Fascism, and as proven both by the banning of Farewell to Arms and by his exclusion from a literary jury that should have chosen the best American books for the Italian public, Hemingway was anathema to Mussolini and his associates. It is interesting and at the same time puzzling that, during the debate that followed Moravia's article, hardly anyone referred to the historical archive in any depth. While this debate may be typical of Cold War intellectual frays and by now dated, it is worth remembering that criticism of Hemingway has been often marked by political overtones both in the past and in the present. Moreover, the importance of Hemingway's work for Italian writers and the intensity of the debate surrounding the merits of his artistic accomplishments would suggest that he may well deserve to be included in the canon of twentieth-century Italian literature.
Uporedo sа porаstom političkih tenzijа u globаlnim okvirimа usled аntаgonizmimа ekonomski i vojno nаjmoćnijih zemаljа, prve decenije nаkon Drugog svetskog rаtа donele su i intenzivirаnje konflikаtа unutаr аmeričkog društvа te njihovo problemаtizovаnje u jаvnom i političkom polju. Grаđаnsko nezаdovoljstvo nа tlu SAD-а imаlo je rаzličitа ishodištа kаo i rаzličite vidove kаnаlisаnjа kаdа je reč o metodаmа političkog i društvenog orgаnizovаnjа ugroženih ili obesprаvljenih društvenih grupа. Kаo jedаn od njegovih nаjupečаtljivijih oblikа ispoljаvаnjа bilo je političko, kulturno i društveno delаnje аfroаmeričke zаjednice nаročito tokom 60-ih godinа prošlog vekа, u "nаjborbenijoj" fаzi Pokretа zа grаđаnskа prаvа.2 U ovom periodu znаčаjаn deo аfroаmeričke populаcije počev od predstаvnikа njene političke i kulturne elite do аkterа iz nаjnižih slojevа bio je uključen u rаzličite vidove аktivnosti sа ciljem dezintegrаcije represivnih mehаnizаmа аmeričkog društvа, te otklаnjаnjа ključnih činilаcа političke, kulturne i ekonomske nejednаkosti njegovih pripаdnikа. ; Since the beginning of the 20th century African American intellectual and political elite strived to define the place of black minority in the American society by formulating its political, cultural and economic goals. During that time different concepts of African American culture as well as different cultural policies were promoted in the political, artistic and academic fields. In the 1960s distinct visions of the future of African American community in the American society were consolidated and mediated through the Civil Rights Movement and its multiple organizations that included both the activist from the lower social strata and intellectuals and artists. Among them were many male jazz musicinas as well as a few female jazz artists. Focusing on the artistic work of Nina Simone in the 1960s as a specific example of fusion of political and feministic activism, we will examine the ideological and aesthetical distinction of her position in the fields of politics, music and culture of that period. In that process we will analyze the artistic sublimation of Simone`s understanding of African American racial and feminist identity comparing her views with the predominant perspectives of the African American political, intellectual and artistic elite.
The scientific and technological progress, the economic globalization and the liberalization of the air sector have meant that the Project of Latin American Aeronautical Code , approved by the ALADA General Assembly in 1985, has been largely obsolete. The present work makes a revision of the concept and classification of aircraft contained in said Project with the purpose of providing an updated regime and, at the same time, in accordance with international and comparative legislation ; La globalizzazione e la liberalizzazione del comparto aeronautico, il progresso scientifico e tecnologico, l'avvento di nuove macchine destinate al trasporto per aria di persone o cose o il perfezionamento quelle esistenti, sono alcuni tra fattori che hanno determinato l'obsolescenza del Proyecto de Código aeronáutico latino americano , aprobado por la Asamblea General de ALADA de 1985 . Il presente lavoro, sulla base della disciplina contenuta Proyecto del 1985 provvede alla revisione della nozione e all'ammodernamento della classificazione degli aeromobili, mediante proposte per un nuovo Proyecto che, nelle intenzioni dei compilatori del presente saggio, si dimostri, al tempo stesso, rispettoso della tradizione e conforme alla disciplna di diritto uniforme. ; El progreso científico y tecnológico, la globalización económica y la liberalización del sector aéreo han comportado que el Proyecto de Código aeronáutico latino americano, aprobado por la Asamblea General de ALADA de 1985 haya quedado en buena medida obsoleto. El presente trabajo efectúa una revisión del concepto y de la clasificación de las aeronaves contenidos en dicho Proyecto con la finalidad de proporcionar un régimen actualizado y, al mismo tiempo, acorde con la legislación internacional y comparada.
This article deals with some aspects of political–diplomatic relations between Italy and Latin America in the period between the immediate post–World War II period and the mid–1950s. This is a period not yet investigated by historiography, except for some works by Aldo Albónico, based on a first analysis of the Italian diplomatic documentation – which date back to the end of the 1980s – and the subsequent ones by Ludovico Incisa di Camerana. The article is based, as well as on the existing literature, on the collection of Italian diplomatic documents, to date until June 30, 1952, and, as regards the Chilean case, on the documents available at the Historical–Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs
The essay explores of how Arab-American and Arab-Muslim playwrights have reacted to the growth of Islamophobia, surveillance and discrimination within the US after 9/11. It also explores the pluralities of cultural, religious and political fractures that have characterized both the national and the international arena in the last two decades. Together with the criticism to the "state of Exception" in the work of playwrights like Youssef El Guindi and Rania Khalil, Arab-American and Muslim-American theatre engages with the Us/Them dichotomy Islamophobia relies on, and deconstructs this binary opposition by showing how, as shown in Betty Shamieh's Roar, Jamil Khoury's Precious Stones and in particular in Ayad Akhtar's Disgraced, cultural preconceptions and distorted representations form a blurred continuum in the history of minority cultures
