This article, based on the teleological method, could be characterised as a compressed doctrine of presidential term limits that consists of the discussions of the 1787 Philadelphia Constitutional Convention and Federalists/Anti-Federalists during the process of ratification of the draft Constitution. The analysis of the thoughts of various American statesmen on the constitutional regulation of the executive tenure during the period of 1775–1790 demonstrates the importance and objectives of the executive tenure for the future of the US constitutional system. The early doctrine of the US presidential term limits consists of three steps, which could be defined as understanding, discussion, and finding the solution to the issue. The first step relates to the constitutional conventions of the states in the period of 1775– 1780, when the problem of the term limits of the executive was raised jointly with the issue of the powers of state governors' institutions. Their relative modesty, in comparison to the terms and powers of other institutions, is explained by the fears of the American statesmen related to the dangers of monarchy and tyranny. The said feelings and the importance of the national executive were the key factors in the first sessions of the 1787 Philadelphia Convention. Most delegates were conservative on the structure of the executive, elections, and the term limits, proposing a collegial body, single term, and elections at the parliament. However, the idea that a weak executive might not be effective prompted harsh political debates between the representatives of the states. [.]
This article, based on the teleological method, could be characterised as a compressed doctrine of presidential term limits that consists of the discussions of the 1787 Philadelphia Constitutional Convention and Federalists/Anti-Federalists during the process of ratification of the draft Constitution. The analysis of the thoughts of various American statesmen on the constitutional regulation of the executive tenure during the period of 1775–1790 demonstrates the importance and objectives of the executive tenure for the future of the US constitutional system. The early doctrine of the US presidential term limits consists of three steps, which could be defined as understanding, discussion, and finding the solution to the issue. The first step relates to the constitutional conventions of the states in the period of 1775– 1780, when the problem of the term limits of the executive was raised jointly with the issue of the powers of state governors' institutions. Their relative modesty, in comparison to the terms and powers of other institutions, is explained by the fears of the American statesmen related to the dangers of monarchy and tyranny. The said feelings and the importance of the national executive were the key factors in the first sessions of the 1787 Philadelphia Convention. Most delegates were conservative on the structure of the executive, elections, and the term limits, proposing a collegial body, single term, and elections at the parliament. However, the idea that a weak executive might not be effective prompted harsh political debates between the representatives of the states. [.]
Fragmentation of the society and poverty existed in Latin America both before the 15th century when the Europeans colonized this region, as well as in the second half of the 20th century when liberation theology came into existence. Liberation theologians maintained that the Church cannot stay aside of the oppression that envelops the region but should rather condemn it and seek to transform the existing order through social and political means. The theologians perceived a division of the society into different classes and oppression both on the national and internationals levels, while maintaining that Christian love of one's neighbor is incapable of uniting the polarized classes. Liberation theology employed Marxist methodology to explain the present situation. Liberation was reduced to a political and socio-economic level, while interpretations of the Scripture highlighted the political aspect of liberation. Theologians judged society structures to be sinful and sought to liberate people from socio-economic oppression through a social revolution. Modern social teaching of the Catholic Church emerged in 1891 with Pope Leo XIII 's encyclical letter Rerum Novarum – On Capital and Labor. Catholic social teaching is based on ethics, theological anthropology and the conception of human salvation. Viewing human work from an anthropological perspective, the dignity of human work and his participation in the work of the Creator is emphasized. An important principle of Catholic social thought is solidarity; it indicates people's duty to help those in need both on the national and international level. The Church also stresses the principle of subsidiarity, according to which nothing should be done by more complex organizations which can be done by the people, communities or associations. The Catholic Church maintains that socialism is opposed to justice, whereby no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist. It suggests improving the capitalist order not politically but rather in the light of the Gospel, whereby human society can heal by a return to Christian life and institutions. In 1984 and 1986 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which oversees the doctrine of the Catholic Church, condemned the liberation theology for employing Marxist methodology, since the latter is inseparable from atheist ideology. The liberation theology's view of ongoing class struggle is incompatible with the Christian idea of unity. The Church maintained that the notion of liberation used by the liberation theologians was erroneously reduced to political and socio-economic aspects, without taking into account the most important form of slavery – slavery to sin. Also corrupting was the liberation theologians' interpretation of the Scripture which highlighted the political rather than religious aspect of liberation. Although the liberation theologians claimed they could produce new structures of the society through a social revolution, the Church views evil of the structures as a consequence of man's actions, so evil will remain until people's hearts are transformed by the grace of Jesus Christ.
Fragmentation of the society and poverty existed in Latin America both before the 15th century when the Europeans colonized this region, as well as in the second half of the 20th century when liberation theology came into existence. Liberation theologians maintained that the Church cannot stay aside of the oppression that envelops the region but should rather condemn it and seek to transform the existing order through social and political means. The theologians perceived a division of the society into different classes and oppression both on the national and internationals levels, while maintaining that Christian love of one's neighbor is incapable of uniting the polarized classes. Liberation theology employed Marxist methodology to explain the present situation. Liberation was reduced to a political and socio-economic level, while interpretations of the Scripture highlighted the political aspect of liberation. Theologians judged society structures to be sinful and sought to liberate people from socio-economic oppression through a social revolution. Modern social teaching of the Catholic Church emerged in 1891 with Pope Leo XIII 's encyclical letter Rerum Novarum – On Capital and Labor. Catholic social teaching is based on ethics, theological anthropology and the conception of human salvation. Viewing human work from an anthropological perspective, the dignity of human work and his participation in the work of the Creator is emphasized. An important principle of Catholic social thought is solidarity; it indicates people's duty to help those in need both on the national and international level. The Church also stresses the principle of subsidiarity, according to which nothing should be done by more complex organizations which can be done by the people, communities or associations. The Catholic Church maintains that socialism is opposed to justice, whereby no one can be at the same time a good Catholic and a true socialist. It suggests improving the capitalist order not politically but rather in the light of the Gospel, whereby human society can heal by a return to Christian life and institutions. In 1984 and 1986 Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, which oversees the doctrine of the Catholic Church, condemned the liberation theology for employing Marxist methodology, since the latter is inseparable from atheist ideology. The liberation theology's view of ongoing class struggle is incompatible with the Christian idea of unity. The Church maintained that the notion of liberation used by the liberation theologians was erroneously reduced to political and socio-economic aspects, without taking into account the most important form of slavery – slavery to sin. Also corrupting was the liberation theologians' interpretation of the Scripture which highlighted the political rather than religious aspect of liberation. Although the liberation theologians claimed they could produce new structures of the society through a social revolution, the Church views evil of the structures as a consequence of man's actions, so evil will remain until people's hearts are transformed by the grace of Jesus Christ.
The object of this master thesis is the rise of indigenous peoples in Latin America, particularly in the Andean region. The main question is which factors determine the rise of indigenous peoples and their becoming important social and political protagonists in this region. The goal of this thesis thus is to analyze the factors, which have determined both the rise of indigenous movements in Ecuador and Bolivia and the weakness of comparable movements in Peru. The dominant theoretical model in the analysis of indigenous movements in Latin America is the model of political opportunity structure. According to this model the rise of a social movement is determined by two types of variables, namely structural and organizational ones. The favorable international context and changes in the political regime (structural variables) determine a more open political space where social movements can appear. For this purpose the existence of an organizational network and practice are necessary. According to this model, the (re)democratization at the end of the 20th century created a more open political system and shifted it to a neoliberal economical model, which worsened the economical situation and lead to the dissatisfaction of the region's marginal groups. The previous existence of networks of the church, the political left and other organizations in the rural zones helped to form the strong movements of indigenous people to express the discontent with the unfinished neoliberal reforms. Though this model answers the question when indigenous movements appear, it cannot answer the question why they arise. The model lacks both the historical perspective and the state variable. The argument of this master thesis is that the state's formation process, which does not include the Indian communities and its cultural practices, increases the likelihood of the appearance of indigenous movements. In this work the state's formation process is understood as the complex variable of the state's geographical, institutional and cultural–ideological penetration. On the way of finding the solution to the main problem additional questions arise: what type of relation exists between the state and indigenous and what place do these communities take within the national community? In answering these questions the historical comparative analysis of Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru is conducted. The main findings of the analysis show that until the middle of the 20th century the weak geographical and institutional penetration of the Andean states not only created state clientelism but also favorable conditions for maintaining cultural traditions and communal practices of indigenous communities. Even though this feature is important in the analysis of the rise of indigenous movements it is not sufficient for explaining why we can see the politicization of ethnical identity in Ecuador and Bolivia while there is silence in Peru. The analysis of the position of indigenous people in the national community shows that the decisive variable is the cultural dimension and the relation between Indian and national mestizo cultures. In Ecuador and Bolivia the contraposition between white people and Indian ones is maintained, while in the case of Peru the national political elite used the symbols of Indian culture which have become a part of the national symbols. Thus the distance between indigenous communities and the state is smaller in Peru. Here the indigenous communities feel like a part of the nation. The variable of the state formation process is understood as a complex variable of geographical, institutional and cultural penetration. It has a bigger explanatory power in answering to the question why the indigenous people rise in some countries while in others they do not. It emphasizes not on the variable of the more open political system, but on the importance of the state variable and the historical perspective of Latin American development.
The object of this master thesis is the rise of indigenous peoples in Latin America, particularly in the Andean region. The main question is which factors determine the rise of indigenous peoples and their becoming important social and political protagonists in this region. The goal of this thesis thus is to analyze the factors, which have determined both the rise of indigenous movements in Ecuador and Bolivia and the weakness of comparable movements in Peru. The dominant theoretical model in the analysis of indigenous movements in Latin America is the model of political opportunity structure. According to this model the rise of a social movement is determined by two types of variables, namely structural and organizational ones. The favorable international context and changes in the political regime (structural variables) determine a more open political space where social movements can appear. For this purpose the existence of an organizational network and practice are necessary. According to this model, the (re)democratization at the end of the 20th century created a more open political system and shifted it to a neoliberal economical model, which worsened the economical situation and lead to the dissatisfaction of the region's marginal groups. The previous existence of networks of the church, the political left and other organizations in the rural zones helped to form the strong movements of indigenous people to express the discontent with the unfinished neoliberal reforms. Though this model answers the question when indigenous movements appear, it cannot answer the question why they arise. The model lacks both the historical perspective and the state variable. The argument of this master thesis is that the state's formation process, which does not include the Indian communities and its cultural practices, increases the likelihood of the appearance of indigenous movements. In this work the state's formation process is understood as the complex variable of the state's geographical, institutional and cultural–ideological penetration. On the way of finding the solution to the main problem additional questions arise: what type of relation exists between the state and indigenous and what place do these communities take within the national community? In answering these questions the historical comparative analysis of Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru is conducted. The main findings of the analysis show that until the middle of the 20th century the weak geographical and institutional penetration of the Andean states not only created state clientelism but also favorable conditions for maintaining cultural traditions and communal practices of indigenous communities. Even though this feature is important in the analysis of the rise of indigenous movements it is not sufficient for explaining why we can see the politicization of ethnical identity in Ecuador and Bolivia while there is silence in Peru. The analysis of the position of indigenous people in the national community shows that the decisive variable is the cultural dimension and the relation between Indian and national mestizo cultures. In Ecuador and Bolivia the contraposition between white people and Indian ones is maintained, while in the case of Peru the national political elite used the symbols of Indian culture which have become a part of the national symbols. Thus the distance between indigenous communities and the state is smaller in Peru. Here the indigenous communities feel like a part of the nation. The variable of the state formation process is understood as a complex variable of geographical, institutional and cultural penetration. It has a bigger explanatory power in answering to the question why the indigenous people rise in some countries while in others they do not. It emphasizes not on the variable of the more open political system, but on the importance of the state variable and the historical perspective of Latin American development.
This master thesis examines the phenomenon of anti-Americanism in Western Europe in general and in Italy in particular. After the events of September 11th the US had received sympathy and support from many states of the world. However, just in two years all this disappeared: the war on terrorism incited by the US and finally the military offensive of 2003 against Iraq without a resolution of the UN brought an immense negative reaction in the world. The results of the opinion polls showed a general trend: the rise of negative attitudes towards America. Though the manifestations of anti-Americanism existed long before, it seems as many scholars have discovered the phenomenon of anti-Americanism anew and the main idea is that the 20th century (often called the American century) is giving the way to the new one – the century of hatred for America. Of course, after September 11th the main research area of anti-Americanism became analysis of this phenomenon in the Middle East. However, anti-Americanism exists also in Western Europe notwithstanding a long history of close US-Western Europe relations. Besides, the case of military intervention in Iraq had shown that also the consequences of this phenomenon can vary a lot. Hence, the main aim of this thesis is to analyze anti-Americanism in Western Europe and by analyzing the case of Italy distinguish the most important causes and consequences of this phenomenon. This analysis eventually allows to confirm/to deny such hypothesis: H1: A complex of many reasons causes anti-Americanism (i.e. there is not any single reason that causes this phenomenon); H2: Anti-Americanism so noticeable in the society can influence significantly the relations with the US. Since in the thesis the old and new manifestations of anti-Americanism are analyzed it permits to confirm/ to deny also this hypothesis: H3: The "New" anti-Americanism does not differ significantly from the "Old" one. In pursue of the main aim the thesis is divided in four parts. First of all the complexity of the definition of anti-Americanism and the historical development of the phenomenon is presented. Secondly, the experience of Italy's encounter with the US is analyzed as it is very important for the analysis of anti-Americanism. Thirdly, the main sources of anti-Americanism in Italy are revealed. Finally, the analysis examines two cases of anti-Americanism in Italy: the case of Vietnam and the case of military base in Vicenza. The analysis revealed that notwithstanding the long history of anti-Americanism there still does not exist unanimous definition of anti-Americanism. However, at this moment we can understand anti-Americanism as a sum of criticism of American society/culture, the rejection of economical model of the US and the opposition to the global projection of the American power. Besides, each country's encounter with the US forms the unique context for anti-Americanism. Furthermore, many different sources of anti-Americanism exist. Hence, we can confirm the H1 hypothesis. The analysis of the case of Italy had revealed a some kind of myth of America which had been formed in Italy and transformed into a model of America after the Second World War. The attitude of the Italian sources of anti-Americanism toward America is also very ambiguous. The traditional political parties still appreciate a "special relation" with the US, which has lost its importance in the Italian society. The analysis of both cases (the Vietnam war and the military base in Vicenza) had shown very similar results: only in cases of society's reaction all the elements of anti-Americanism were found and we could not reveal any significant deterioration of Italy-US relations. Furthermore, both cases testified that anti-Americanism often becomes a significant tool in internal political dispute. Hence we can deny the H2 hypothesis and confirm the H3 hypothesis.
This master thesis examines the phenomenon of anti-Americanism in Western Europe in general and in Italy in particular. After the events of September 11th the US had received sympathy and support from many states of the world. However, just in two years all this disappeared: the war on terrorism incited by the US and finally the military offensive of 2003 against Iraq without a resolution of the UN brought an immense negative reaction in the world. The results of the opinion polls showed a general trend: the rise of negative attitudes towards America. Though the manifestations of anti-Americanism existed long before, it seems as many scholars have discovered the phenomenon of anti-Americanism anew and the main idea is that the 20th century (often called the American century) is giving the way to the new one – the century of hatred for America. Of course, after September 11th the main research area of anti-Americanism became analysis of this phenomenon in the Middle East. However, anti-Americanism exists also in Western Europe notwithstanding a long history of close US-Western Europe relations. Besides, the case of military intervention in Iraq had shown that also the consequences of this phenomenon can vary a lot. Hence, the main aim of this thesis is to analyze anti-Americanism in Western Europe and by analyzing the case of Italy distinguish the most important causes and consequences of this phenomenon. This analysis eventually allows to confirm/to deny such hypothesis: H1: A complex of many reasons causes anti-Americanism (i.e. there is not any single reason that causes this phenomenon); H2: Anti-Americanism so noticeable in the society can influence significantly the relations with the US. Since in the thesis the old and new manifestations of anti-Americanism are analyzed it permits to confirm/ to deny also this hypothesis: H3: The "New" anti-Americanism does not differ significantly from the "Old" one. In pursue of the main aim the thesis is divided in four parts. First of all the complexity of the definition of anti-Americanism and the historical development of the phenomenon is presented. Secondly, the experience of Italy's encounter with the US is analyzed as it is very important for the analysis of anti-Americanism. Thirdly, the main sources of anti-Americanism in Italy are revealed. Finally, the analysis examines two cases of anti-Americanism in Italy: the case of Vietnam and the case of military base in Vicenza. The analysis revealed that notwithstanding the long history of anti-Americanism there still does not exist unanimous definition of anti-Americanism. However, at this moment we can understand anti-Americanism as a sum of criticism of American society/culture, the rejection of economical model of the US and the opposition to the global projection of the American power. Besides, each country's encounter with the US forms the unique context for anti-Americanism. Furthermore, many different sources of anti-Americanism exist. Hence, we can confirm the H1 hypothesis. The analysis of the case of Italy had revealed a some kind of myth of America which had been formed in Italy and transformed into a model of America after the Second World War. The attitude of the Italian sources of anti-Americanism toward America is also very ambiguous. The traditional political parties still appreciate a "special relation" with the US, which has lost its importance in the Italian society. The analysis of both cases (the Vietnam war and the military base in Vicenza) had shown very similar results: only in cases of society's reaction all the elements of anti-Americanism were found and we could not reveal any significant deterioration of Italy-US relations. Furthermore, both cases testified that anti-Americanism often becomes a significant tool in internal political dispute. Hence we can deny the H2 hypothesis and confirm the H3 hypothesis.
The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].
The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].
The United States of America and France are states that have much in common. The USA has the greatest political, economic and military power in the world, and France held this position before the Second World War. Both, the Unites States and France, were the sources of democratic values in the eighteenth century. Currently the two countries have the same values and objectives for the world community: defence of human rights, promotion of democracy, maintenance of international stability and peace, fight against terrorism. However, France has always opposed the United States on one issue or other. It may be in the realm of international diplomacy, where one can discern a distinct distaste for America's oftproclaimed sole-superpower status, or on matters of culture, where France is always the first to denounce American "cultural imperialism." Lately, Franco – American friction has manifested itself most visibly in the UN Security Council over the Iraq war. Both countries realized the necessity to disarm Iraq yet France opposed the resolution authorizing the war against Iraq. France's antipathy to war, pessimism to crate stability in Iraq and refusal to recognize the leadership of the United States can be conceived as the reasons of the opposition. France is no longer the superpower that it was, and that leads to a strategic difference in how the two countries pursue their goals. [.].
The paper presents the most prominent 20th century trumpet teachers of the United States (V. Cichowicz, W. Vacchiano) and Russia (Y. Bolshiyanov, T. Dokshizer), which best reflect the trumpet schools of these countries. In both schools of trumpet, both in the United States and Russia, playing the trumpet is united by a look through an artistic prism, an effort to copy and align its phrasing to vocalists and string players, and to keep up with virtuosity. Trumpet teachers in the United States paid close attention to the technological side of playing, breathing and articulation, doing everything they could to make it easier to achieve the result. Russian trumpet teachers, meanwhile, paid close attention to finding an individual method of engaging each trumpet player. Also important for trumpet teachers in the United States was musical artistic interpretation, for which sound, its concept and work with sound were crucial, while Russian trumpet teachers focused specifically on preparing trumpet players to play in symphony orchestras and prepare for the challenges ahead.
Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]
Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]
Egypt is one of the most important Middle East countries for the USA in a strategic sense. This article deals with the USA-Egypt relations and the USA democracy promotion in Egypt during the Arab Spring (2011) with an emphasis on interaction of pragmatic interests and idealistic aspirations. The aim is to reveal the influence of the USA on ongoing change of Egypt's regime. Revolution in Egypt gives the USA a reason for concern because their interests could be no more guaranteed because of the instability in Egypt, which may be very harmful to bilateral relations of the United States and Egypt. The main interest of the USA is the stability of Egypt. The USA is also interested in the Middle East conflict settlement, cooperation in counter-terrorism and counter-proliferation, projects of infrastructure, secure military and commercial transport transit through the Suez Canal, continuous transit of oil and gas. With reference to the democratic peace theory, establishment of democracy in Egypt can be considered a long-term interest of the United States, but the promotion of democracy has been often overshadowed by short-term and medium-term interests. In the beginning of the Arab Spring in Egypt, the USA relied on the moderate rhetoric rather than concrete actions. The USA still strongly supports the Egyptian army, which should ensure the governance of the state in the period of transition to democratic governance. B. Obama has been highly criticized for cutting funding for. [to full text]
