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"Dorothy Fujita-Rony's 'The Memorykeepers: Gendered Knowledges, Empires, and Indonesian American History' examines the importance of women's memorykeeping for two Toba Batak women whose twentieth-century histories span Indonesia and the United States, H.L.Tobing and Minar T. Rony. This book addresses the meanings of family stories and artifacts within a gendered and interimperial context, and demonstrates how these knowledges can produce alternate cartographies of memory and belonging within the diaspora. It thus explores how women's memorykeeping forges integrative possibility, not only physically across islands, oceans, and continents, but also temporally, across decades, empires, and generations. Thirty-five years in the making, 'The Memorykeepers' is the first book on Indonesian Americans written within the fields of US history, American Studies, and Asian American Studies"--

Latin American neo-structuralism is a cutting-edge, regionally focused economic theory with broad implications for macruconomics and development economics. One of its most important proponents, Roberto Frenkel has spent five decades developing the theory's core arguments and expanding their application throughout the discipline, revolutionizing our understanding of high inflation and hyperinflation, disinflation programs, and the behavior of currencies and crises in emerging markets. Written by Frenkel's former students, collaborators, and colleagues, the essays in this collection assess Latin American neo-structuralism's theoretical contributions and its viability as the world's economies evolve. The authors discuss Frenkel's work in relation to pricing decisions, inflation and stabilization policy, development and income distribution in Latin America, and macruconomic policy for economic growth. An entire section focuses on finance and crisis, and the volume concludes with a neo-structuralist analysis of general aspects of economic development. For those seeking a comprehensive introduction to contemporary Latin American economic thought, this collection not only explicates the intricate work of one of its greatest practitioners, but demonstrates its impact on the growth of economics

Američka administracija zainteresovala se još pedesetih i šezdesetih godina prošlog veka za zemlje severne Afrike, kada su one stekle nezavisnost. Krajem Hladnog rata, američki zvaničnici pozvali su sve severnoafričke zemlje da se uključe u proces globalizacije svetske ekonomije, a posle događaja iz septembra 2001. godine u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama, njihovi istraživački centri počeli su ozbiljnije da proučavaju islamske pokrete unutar i izvan islamskog sveta. Predmet istraživanja ove doktorske disertacije je određivanje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti prema islamskim pokretima na severu Afrike na početku XXI veka. Naučni cilj ovog istraživanja je naučno objašnjenje američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, posebno uzroka promene u američkoj spoljnoj politici i njen budući pravac kretanja prema političkim partijama i pokretima, nakon revolucija arapskog proleća i dolaska ovih islamskih partija na vlast u Tunisu, Egiptu i Libiji. To podrazumeva naučnu deskripciju i klasifikaciju značajnih islamskih pokreta na severu Afrike s naglaskom na njihov uticaj na američku spoljnu politiku. Društveni cilj ove teze je da ponudi naučno zasnovane osnove za razvoj odgovarajuće američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, uključujući i ulogu nezavisnih istraživačkih centara kao i sredstava informisanja u kreiranju američke spoljne politike. Najveću primenu u ovoj disertaciji imale su statistička i komparativna metoda, kao i analiza sadržaja dokumenata kao metoda prikupljanja podataka. Rezultat, odnosno naučni doprinos doktorske disertacije zasniva se na dva bitna činioca. Prvo, ova tema nije razvijena u naučno delo u našoj i savremenoj naučnoj literaturi, dakle radi se o originalnoj doktorskoj disertaciji. I drugo, zbog naučnog cilja odnosno naučnog objašnjenja američke spoljne politike prema islamskim pokretima, kao i njihovoj klasifikaciji. Društveni značaj i očekivani rezultati odnose se na sprovođenje američkih spoljno-političkih interesa i vrednosti, i proučavanja uticaja međunarodnog terorizma i radikalnih islamskih pokreta na američku spoljnu politiku, posebno u procesu globalizacije. ; The American administration has shown interest during the 1950-1960's for the North Africa countries, after their independence. By the end of the Cold War, the US officials has invited all North African countries to engage in the process of globalization of the world economy, and after the events during September 2001 in the USA, their research centers has begun more serious to study the Islamic movements inside and outside the Islamic world. The subject of this doctoral thesis is to determine US foreign policy interests and values towards the Islamic movements in the North of Africa at the beginning of the XXI century. The scientific objective of this research is the scientific explanation of US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, particularly the causes of changes in US foreign policy and their trends towards political parties and movements, after the Arab spring revolutions and the arrival of these Islamic parties to power in Tunisia, Egypt and Libya. It includes scientific description and classification of the significant Islamic movements in the North of Africa, with an emphasis on their impact on US foreign policy. The social objective of this thesis is to offer science-based foundation for developing the appropriate US foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, including the role of independent research centers and the media in the creation of American foreign policy. The most used methods in this doctoral thesis were statistical and comparative methods, as well the content analysis for collecting the data. The result, ie scientific contribution of this doctoral thesis is based on two important factors. First, this theme has not been developed as scientific work in our and modern literature, so this is an original doctoral thesis. And second, because of the scientific explanation of American foreign policy towards the Islamic movements, as well as their classification. The social significance and expected results relates to the implementation of US foreign policy interests and values, and studying the impact of international terrorism and radical Islamic movements towards American foreign policy, especially during the process of globalization.

Uporedo sа porаstom političkih tenzijа u globаlnim okvirimа usled аntаgonizmimа ekonomski i vojno nаjmoćnijih zemаljа, prve decenije nаkon Drugog svetskog rаtа donele su i intenzivirаnje konflikаtа unutаr аmeričkog društvа te njihovo problemаtizovаnje u jаvnom i političkom polju. Grаđаnsko nezаdovoljstvo nа tlu SAD-а imаlo je rаzličitа ishodištа kаo i rаzličite vidove kаnаlisаnjа kаdа je reč o metodаmа političkog i društvenog orgаnizovаnjа ugroženih ili obesprаvljenih društvenih grupа. Kаo jedаn od njegovih nаjupečаtljivijih oblikа ispoljаvаnjа bilo je političko, kulturno i društveno delаnje аfroаmeričke zаjednice nаročito tokom 60-ih godinа prošlog vekа, u "nаjborbenijoj" fаzi Pokretа zа grаđаnskа prаvа.2 U ovom periodu znаčаjаn deo аfroаmeričke populаcije počev od predstаvnikа njene političke i kulturne elite do аkterа iz nаjnižih slojevа bio je uključen u rаzličite vidove аktivnosti sа ciljem dezintegrаcije represivnih mehаnizаmа аmeričkog društvа, te otklаnjаnjа ključnih činilаcа političke, kulturne i ekonomske nejednаkosti njegovih pripаdnikа. ; Since the beginning of the 20th century African American intellectual and political elite strived to define the place of black minority in the American society by formulating its political, cultural and economic goals. During that time different concepts of African American culture as well as different cultural policies were promoted in the political, artistic and academic fields. In the 1960s distinct visions of the future of African American community in the American society were consolidated and mediated through the Civil Rights Movement and its multiple organizations that included both the activist from the lower social strata and intellectuals and artists. Among them were many male jazz musicinas as well as a few female jazz artists. Focusing on the artistic work of Nina Simone in the 1960s as a specific example of fusion of political and feministic activism, we will examine the ideological and aesthetical distinction of her position in the fields of politics, music and culture of that period. In that process we will analyze the artistic sublimation of Simone`s understanding of African American racial and feminist identity comparing her views with the predominant perspectives of the African American political, intellectual and artistic elite.

Walking the Gendered Tightrope analyzes the gendered expectations for women in high offices through the examples of British Prime Minister Theresa May and U.S. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi. Even at their highest positions, and while completing their greatest achievements, both May and Pelosi faced gendered critiques and intraparty challenges to their leadership. While other books have analyzed the barriers to higher office that women face, this book reveals how women in positions of power are still forced to balance feminine stereotypes with the perception of power as masculine in order to prove their legitimacy. By examining intraparty dynamics, this book offers a unique comparison between a majoritarian presidential and Westminster parliamentary system. While their parties promoted Pelosi and May to highlight their progressive values, both women faced continually gendered critiques about their abilities to lead their caucuses on difficult policy issues, such as the Affordable Care Act and two Trump impeachment votes for Nancy Pelosi, or finishing Brexit for Theresa May. Grounded in the legislative literature from the United States and Britain, as well as historical accounts and personal interviews, Walking the Gendered Tightrope contributes to the fields of gender and politics, legislative studies, American politics, and British politics

This book examines the social construction of legal relations between people and things in Brazil during the 19th century through the analysis of court cases discussing dominion and possession over slaves and land. The chapters address topics such as the role of social recognition in situations of possession, the process of delegitimizing acts of land usage from indigenous peoples, dependent persons and women, and the widespread illegal acquisition of slaves and land

Souverainete, autonomie et subjectivites politiques autochtones en Mesoamerique et dans les Andes / Martin Hebert et Stephanie Rousseau -- Sortir du colonial en Oceanie ou comment reconquerir sa souverainete en situation de minorisation / Natacha Gagne et Marie Salaün -- La souverainete à l'aune de la militance des peuples autochtones du Guatemala / Martin Hebert, Ignacio Ochoa et Lucas Aguenier -- L'autonomie autochtone "sous tutelle" en Bolivie / Stephanie Rousseau et Hernán Manrique -- Le Perou : des assises de la communaute au projet politique de la nation autochtone / Raphaël Colliaux et Stephanie Rousseau -- Souverainetes intriquees, contestees et concurrentes : la difficile construction d'un pouvoir local aux îles Marquises / Pascal-Olivier Pereira de Grandmont -- La grammaire de l'emancipation polynesienne et ses paradoxes / Natacha Gagne -- "Se constituer en "societe civile"" : l'apres 1994 au Chiapas / Éric Gagnon Poulin -- Être jeune, conscient, implique et libre de se determiner : regard ethnographique sur une bande de jeunes Kanak de Kone (Nouvelle-Caledonie) / Ève Desroches-Maheux -- Danser pour transformer la nation : l'entrada folklorique de l'Universidad Mayor de San Andres, La Paz (Bolivie) / Marie-Ève Paquet -- Affirmation de soi et autodetermination : le tatouage en Polynesie française / Catherine Charest -- OEuvrer à la decolonisation de la societe neo-zelandaise grâce à l'art : le cas des femmes artistes contemporaines māori / Catherine Pellini.

Die indigenen Bewegungen Lateinamerikas fordern auch Jahrzehnte nach dem Ende der Kolonialzeit eine umfassende Dekolonialisierung ein. In diesem Kontext setzt Olaf Kaltmeiers Studie an, um die Kontinuität von Kolonialität in Ecuador im historischen Wandel von der Kolonialzeit bis heute zu erfassen und bedeutsame Konjunkturen der (De-)Kolonialisierung im Spannungsdreieck von Raum, Temporalität und Politik zu identifizieren. Anhand von über 50 Interviews und intensiver Archivarbeit in der für das Andenhochland paradigmatischen Region Saquisilí analysiert er u.a. die Etablierung von Haciendas, die Kommunikation an der Schnittstelle postkolonialer Staatlichkeit sowie die indigenen Kämpfe von der Kolonialzeit über kommunistische Gremien bis hin zur zeitgenössischen indigenen Bewegung