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The author gives an overview of political sociology as a (sub)discipline of modern political science, with special reference to Croatia. The paper consists of three parts. In the first part the method and the development of modern political sociology is given by putting special emphasis on the eclectic nature of the (sub)discipline. The second part is dedicated to the bibliometric analysis with respect to the subject matter of political sociology of three journals relevant to political science in Croatia, namely Politicka misao, Anali Hrvatskog politoloskog drustva and Suvremene teme. The analysis results show an extremely small number of papers in the field of political sociology in all three journals, as well as the uneven distribution of topics within the subject of political sociology. The third and final part of the paper compares Croatian experiences in the field of political sociology with international trends and other political science (sub)disciplines. The author concludes that the Croatian political sociology is underdeveloped and inconsistent with the topics of political sociologies in other countries. Adapted from the source document.

Rad pokazuje filozofijski diskurs opasnosti od društva normalnih. Riječ je o razmatranju odnosa ludila i nenormalnosti važnih za društvo i političku zajednicu iz nekadašnje optike Michela Foucaulta i današnje perspektive Manfreda Lütza. Smisao je rada pokazati kako je pojam norme i iz njega proizašloga normiranja i discipliniranja doveo do imperativa zdravog društva utemeljenoga na normi. Takvo društvo isključuje sve one koji na bilo koji način odstupaju od ponašanja predviđenoga normom. U takvu se zahtjevu krije opasnost suvremenoga društva koje ne razlikuje nenormalnost i ludilo, nego ih koristi za diskreditiranje svojih članova koji ne pristaju na postavljeno normiranje. Radi se o tome da biti nenormalan samo znači kritički ne pristajati na postojeću normu koju je nametnula većina bilo da je riječ o pravnoj, političkoj, društvenoj, vjerskoj, obrazovnoj, odgojnoj ili medicinskoj normi. Na temeljima Foucaultovih filozofskih i Lützovih psihologijskih uvida rad pokazuje kako opasnost po društvo ne predstavljaju oni koji po bilo čem odstupaju od norme nego upravo oni »normalni«, koji kao nosioci »normalnoga« društva nekritički pristaju i provode normativni poredak. ; The paper presents a philosophical discourse on the dangers of the society of normal persons. It is about the importance of relation between madness and normality within the society and the political community from the former Michel Foucault's optics and today's Manfred Lütz's perspective. The purpose of this paper is to show how the concept of the norm, and accordingly of the normalisation and discipline, leads to the imperative of the healthy society based on norms. Such society excludes all those who in any way deviate from the behavior predicted by the norm. Such request is the danger of modern society that does not differentiate abnormality from insanity, but use them to discredit its members which refuse to be subordinate. To be abnormal means only to be critical toward the norm that is set by majority, whether is it a legal, political, social, religious, educational or medical norm. On the foundations of Foucault's philosophical and Lütz's psychological insights, the thesis shows that the danger to society are not those who deviate from the norm, but the "normal people" who, as bearers of "normal" society, uncritically accept and implement the normative order.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Upoznali smo se sa kvantitativnim mjerilima političke snage u sustavu glasovanja da-ne i njenim utjecajima na konačni rezultat glasovanja. Iskazali smo kvantitativna mjerila političke snage pomoću četiri rezultata, a to su Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnston i Deegan-Packel indeks snage, koje smo prikazali pomoću primjera. Pristupanjem novih članica koaliciji iskazali smo paradoks novih članova, gdje nam se čini da indeks snaga treba biti manji, a zapravo je veći. Na primjeru saveznog sustava SAD-a smo vidjeli snagu predsjednika, članova Senata i Zastupničkog doma. Takđer, opisali smo paradoks predsjedavajućeg. Pomoću pojma ordinalne snage, definirali smo jesu li snage pojedinog glasača usporedive ili neusporedive. ; We introduced us with the quantitative measure of political power in the yes-no voting system and its influence on the final voting result. We have presented the quantitative measures of the political power by four results, which are Shapley-Shubik, Banzhaf, Johnson and Deegan-Packel index of power which were shown by means of examples. With the joining of new members to the coalition, we have shown the paradox of new members, where the power seemed to be smaller but is actually bigger. In the example of the U. S. federal system, we have seen the power of president, members of the Senate and the House of Representatives. We presented the president's power which is a paradox called The Chair's Paradox. Through the ordinal power we have defined when we can say that power of voter is comparable or incomparable.

Rad smjera pokazati značaj i relevantnost poststrukturalnog pogleda na ekonomiju kako trasiranjem sada već općih konceptualnih mjesta tog pristupa tako i prakticiranjem te teorijske pozicije u konkretnoj analizi zaduženosti financijskog sustava. Kratkotrajna i lokalizirana, ali značajna tradicija poststrukturalnog problematiziranja kategorije ekonomije ovdje se prezentira preko tri ključne discipline – governmentality studies, ekonomske sociologije i međunarodne političke ekonomije. Nakon opisa dometa i ograničenja tih disciplina ulazimo u drugi dio rada gdje analiziramo aparaturu standardifikacije i validacije kreditnog rizika kod banaka, točnije Basel kapitalne uvjete i prakse sekuritizacije. Pružanjem genealogije tih tehnika interpretiramo domenu financija kao diskurzivni prostor (re)artikuliran preko skupa normaliziranih mehanizama i praksi koji zajednički tvore racionalnost vladanja. Na taj način ukazujemo na važnost performativnih, simboličkih, relacijskih, decentriranih i kontingentnih momenata u kritičkom poimanju (financijske) ekonomije, odnosno pokazujemo da kritika ekonomije ne mora nužno biti organizirana i provedena kroz matricu kapital – klasa – ideologija. ; This paper aims to demonstrate the significance and relevance of the poststructural gaze towards the economy by both tracing the conceptual commonplaces of this approach as well as practicing this theoretical position in the concrete analysis of indebtedness of the financial system. A brief and localized, but nonetheless significant tradition of the poststructural problematizing of the category of economy is here presented through three key disciplines: governmentality studies, economic sociology and international political economy. After portraying the contributions and limitations of those disciplines, the second part of the paper analyzes the apparatus of standardification and validification of credit risk within banks, namely the Basel Capital Accord and practices of securitisation. By offering a genealogy of those techniques, we interpret finance as a discursive space (re)articulated through an aggregate of normalized mechanisms and practices which collectively form a rationality of governance. In this way, we point out the importance of performative, symbolic, relational, decentered and contingent moments in the critical conception of (financial) economy, as well as show that the critique of economy does not necessarily have to be organized and conducted through the capital – class – ideology matrix.

Povijesna izmjena pedagoških ideja i usmjerenja koja ih utemeljuju pokazuju upućenost pedagogije prema općim tijekovima društvenog razvoja. Svako povijesno razdoblje stvara interpretativan okvir odgoja djece. Tumačenja odgojno-obrazovnih koncepata zavisna su od političko-ekonomsko-gospodarskog konteksta življenja zajednice, opće filozofije koja se društveno zagovara i značajki razvoja raznih znanstvenih disciplina. Uvažavajući društveni kontekst, pedagoška paradigma konceptualizira se stvarajući autentične znanstvene spoznaje i prihvaćajući saznanja komplementarnih znanosti. Radom se razmatraju sličnosti i razlike tradicionalne i suvremene pedagoške paradigme vezane uz kontekst ranog i predškolskog odgoja. Također se izdvajaju znanstvene pretpostavke, polazišta i istraživanja disciplina s kojima suvremena odgojno-obrazovna paradigma dijeli isti predmet interesa, a pomoću kojih osmišljava i na temelju kojih zastupa svoj odgojno-obrazovni pristup. Problematizira se način implementacije suvremenih odgojno-obrazovnih koncepata u praksu ranog i predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja. Kroz prethodno navedena težišta promatra se na koji način suvremeni pedagoški koncept zastupa svoj autentičan pristup i u kojoj mjeri njegovi principi odmiču, a koliko se nastavljaju na prevladane pedagoške prakse. ; Historical changes in pedagogical ideas and orientations that underpin them show that pedagogy orientates towards the general course of social development. Each historical period creates an interpretative framework for children upbringing. Interpretations of educational concepts depend on the political-economic context of community life, general philosophy advocated by society, and the characteristics of development of various scientific disciplines. Taking into account the social context, pedagogical paradigm is conceptualized by creating authentic scientific knowledge and accepting the knowledge of complementary sciences. This paper discusses similarities and differences between traditional and contemporary pedagogical paradigms in relation to the context of early and preschool education. It also highlights scientific assumptions, starting points and studies of the disciplines with which the contemporary educational paradigm shares the same subject of interest, and through which it conceives and underpins its educational approach. It also problematizes introduction of contemporary educational concepts into practice of early and preschool education. The aforementioned allows focusing on the way in which contemporary pedagogical concept represents its authentic approach, how its principles depart, and in what way they continue on pre-established pedagogical practices.

Hrana kao esencijalni sastojak ljudske egzistencije oduvijek je igrala važnu ulogu u međudržavnim odnosima i diplomatskoj praksi te je bila korištena kao medij kroz koji se projicira utjecaj, komuniciraju kultura i identitet te poruke koje izražavaju prijateljstvo ili neprijateljstvo. Uloga hrane sve je istaknutija u javnodiplomatskoj praksi različitih država, dok su akademska razmatranja gastrodiplomacije, kulinarske diplomacije ili diplomacije hranom do sada bila ograničena unutar discipline međunarodnih odnosa. Cilj je članka predstaviti različite aspekte ovog novog interdisciplinarnog polja istraživanja široj akademskoj zajednici, polazeći od hipoteze da hrana u sve većoj mjeri postaje prepoznata kao službeno sredstvo meke moći i javne diplomacije. U članku se prezentiraju rezultati inicijalnog istraživanja provedenog među diplomatima akreditiranima u Republici Hrvatskoj te anketnog istraživanja provedenog među studentima Fakulteta političkih znanosti Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. ; Food as an essential ingredient of human existence, has always played an important role in interstate relations and diplomatic practice. It has been used as a medium for projecting influence, communicating one's culture, identity and messages that express friendship or enmity. Its role is becoming increasingly prominent in the public diplomacy practices of various countries, while academic accounts on gastro diplomacy, food diplomacy or culinary diplomacy within the International Relations (IR) discipline have so far been limited. The aim of this article is to introduce different aspects of this new, developing field of interdisciplinary research to the wider academic community, building on the hypothesis that food is becoming more recognized as an official soft power or public diplomacy tool. The article contains an analysis based on an initial survey conducted among the diplomats accredited in the Republic of Croatia as well as among the students of the Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb.

The author looks into Buchanan's contribution to the contemporary political economy. His starting point is that Buchanan's concept of economy as exchange links political science & economics, showing that this is feasible, since Buchanan has rejected the theory of allocation, a standard in economics, & promoted the market theory based on exchange. The theory of allocation is dubious for Buchanan since it reduces the subject of economics to a set of problems & not to a characteristic form of human activity. That is why he uses the concept of the symbiotic, meaning the attitude based on the study of links among various actors that are beneficial for all. Buchanan's basic concept evolved & was shaped in the 1980s in the form of the constitutional political economy, which is an attempt to explain the possibilities of different legal-constitutional rules that determine the basic framework for selecting economic & political actors. The author claims that for political science, particularly important is the fact that Buchanan defines this type of political economy as a redux of the political in economics. In this way, on the one hand, it became questionable in economics as a discipline, & on the other, more acceptable for political science. However, the fact that Buchanan's work transcends the rigid boundaries of social disciplines does not mean that he unreservedly paves the way for political science. On the contrary, Buchanan is pursuing such a fundamental revision of the rigid boundaries among disciplines in social sciences that it may challenge the present status of political science. 31 References. Adapted from the source document.