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The paper examines a possible ethics for the current scenario, in order to bring human beings closer together and awaken in them a feeling of solidarity. For such an examination, at first, theories such as the utilitarianism reviewed by Rawls are questioned. It searches for a valid criterion for all participants of a certain universalism or for a real and non-exclusive "us". The call for solidarity is proposed as a way of uniting people, as opposed to selfishness. Then solidarity is defended, according to Richard Rorty. This philosopher affirms the need for an agreement among the members of society, because only then would there be a real "we". Next, there is the question about how to make people more supportive, but without resorting to the traditional metaphysical perspective on humanity: there is a bet on the existence of shared characteristics that lead to democratic equality, however, respecting the differences of each one. It is still questioned what would lead the richest to sympathize with the poorest, observing the proposals made by Rorty about raising awareness, presenting the risk of poverty to the rich and appealing to the feeling of humanity. Finally, Rortyan egalitarianism is considered, according to which solidarity is beyond rationality. It would be historically constituted and based on the relationship with the other, on the common feeling of vulnerability, crucial to society in times of pandemic.

Two distinct experiences in the field of microfinance promoted by Banco do Nordeste do Brasil are evaluated here: (1) Crediamigo Program, oriented productive urban microcredit; and (2) Support Program for Solidary Productive Projects (PAPPS), under the assumptions of the solidarity economy. Therefore, the ethnographic approach is presented as an important methodology in the development of evaluation processes. It is pointed to the reach of subjects, relatively, in the same social group, but who present themselves as different audiences and receive attention, impacts and disparate investments on their lives and trajectories, according to the programs in which they are inserted. The results map how these two policies dialogue while differing and distancing themselves in focus and weight given the economic, social and political dimensions in the Brazilian Northeast. By way of conclusion, the logic followed by the programs is evident; the impacts on the lives of those reached; and what qualities, limits and possibilities of these programs. ; Duas experiências distintas no campo das microfinanças promovidas pelo Banco do Nordeste do Brasil são aqui avaliadas: (1) Programa Crediamigo, de microcrédito urbano produtivo orientado; e (2) Programa de Apoio a Projetos Produtivos Solidários (PAPPS), nos pressupostos da economia solidária. Para tanto, o enfoque etnográfico é apresentado como importante metodologia no desenvolvimento de processos avaliativos. Aponta-se para o alcance de sujeitos, relativamente, no mesmo grupo social, porém que se apresentam como públicos diferentes e recebem atenções, impactos e investimentos dispares sobre suas vidas e trajetórias, de acordo com os programas em que se inserem. Os resultados mapeiam como essas duas políticas, dialogam ao mesmo tempo em que diferem e se distanciam em foco e peso dados às dimensões econômicas, sociais e políticas no Nordeste brasileiro. À guisa de conclusão, evidencia-se a lógica seguida pelos programas; os impactos proporcionados na vida dos alcançados; e que qualidades, limites e possibilidades desses programas.

OBJETIVO: Propor a "solidariedade crítica" como valor a ser incorporado na agenda bioética do século XXI e como instrumento que guia as pessoas e associações na prática voluntária. MÉTODOS: Para explicar de que modo a solidariedade se materializa são analisadas as motivações à atividade voluntária das associações que integram o voluntariado do Instituto Nacional do Câncer, Rio de Janeiro. Os dados para análise foram obtidos pela aplicação de dois instrumentos: um questionário dividido em duas partes que o identificam o perfil socioeconômico, e a solidariedade como valor que motiva a atividade voluntária; e entrevista semi-estruturada para obtenção de dados complementares à análise. RESULTADOS: Os resultados mostram que a atividade voluntária se dá em torno de três tipos de motivações básicas: a) motivações pessoais relacionadas à vida do voluntário, b) motivações decorrentes da crença professada, e c) motivações despertadas pelo sentimento de solidariedade. CONCLUSÕES: A incorporação da solidariedade crítica impõe a ruptura do modelo de voluntariado assistencial detectado. Isso implica em visibilizar os interesses, que egóicos, em geral, permeiam as práticas voluntárias. Assim, qualifica-se um voluntariado orgânico, politizado e comprometido em atender demandas específicas dos tempos atuais. ; OBJECTIVE: The study proposes "critical solidarity" as a value to be incorporated into the 21st century's bioethics agenda and as an instrument to guide people and associations in volunteer praxis. METHODS: To explain how solidarity materializes itself, the motivations for engaging in volunteer activities in associations that integrate the corps of volunteers of the Instituto Nacional do Cancer [National Cancer Institute] in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, are analyzed. The data for analysis were obtained by applying two instruments. The first one consists of a questionnaire divided into 2 parts: one part identifies the socioeconomic profile, and the other identifies solidarity as a value that motivates volunteer activity. The second instrument comprises of semi structured interviews utilized to collect supplementary data for analysis. RESULTS: The results indicate that volunteering is based on three basic motivations: a) personal motivations related to life as a volunteer, b) motivations resulting from professed beliefs, and c) motivations aroused by the feeling of solidarity. CONCLUSIONS: It was concluded that the incorporation of critical solidarity requires a rupture with the detected model of patronizing volunteering; it implies explicating the common selfish interests that permeate volunteer activities and qualify an organic volunteering, that is, volunteering which is politically aware and committed to responding to the specific demands of the present time.

OBJETIVO: Propor a "solidariedade crítica" como valor a ser incorporado na agenda bioética do século XXI e como instrumento que guia as pessoas e associações na prática voluntária. MÉTODOS: Para explicar de que modo a solidariedade se materializa são analisadas as motivações à atividade voluntária das associações que integram o voluntariado do Instituto Nacional do Câncer, Rio de Janeiro. Os dados para análise foram obtidos pela aplicação de dois instrumentos: um questionário dividido em duas partes que o identificam o perfil socioeconômico, e a solidariedade como valor que motiva a atividade voluntária; e entrevista semi-estruturada para obtenção de dados complementares à análise. RESULTADOS: Os resultados mostram que a atividade voluntária se dá em torno de três tipos de motivações básicas: a) motivações pessoais relacionadas à vida do voluntário, b) motivações decorrentes da crença professada, e c) motivações despertadas pelo sentimento de solidariedade. CONCLUSÕES: A incorporação da solidariedade crítica impõe a ruptura do modelo de voluntariado assistencial detectado. Isso implica em visibilizar os interesses, que egóicos, em geral, permeiam as práticas voluntárias. Assim, qualifica-se um voluntariado orgânico, politizado e comprometido em atender demandas específicas dos tempos atuais. ; OBJECTIVE: The study proposes "critical solidarity" as a value to be incorporated into the 21st century's bioethics agenda and as an instrument to guide people and associations in volunteer praxis.METHODS: To explain how solidarity materializes itself, the motivations for engaging in volunteer activities in associations that integrate the corps of volunteers of the Instituto Nacional do Cancer [National Cancer Institute] in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, are analyzed. The data for analysis were obtained by applying two instruments. The first one consists of a questionnaire divided into two parts: one part identifies the socio-economic profile, and the other identifies solidarity as a value that motivates volunteer activity. The second instrument comprises of semi structured interviews utilized to collect supplementary data for analysis. RESULTS: The results indicate that volunteering is based on three basic motivations: a) personal motivations related to life as a volunteer, b) motivations resulting from professed beliefs, and c) motivations aroused by the feeling of solidarity.CONCLUSIONS: It was concluded that the incorporation of critical solidarity requires a rupture with the detected model of patronizing volunteering; it implies explicating the common selfish interests that permeate volunteer activities and qualify an organic volunteering, that is, volunteering which is politically aware and committed to responding to the specific demands of the present time.

As sanitation conditions in Brazil are precarious in rural areas, it is important to build territorial actions that value culture and strengthen good living based on solidarity economy to achieve sustainable solutions. Dardot and Laval see the "common" as a counterpoint to the current political and economic context, in which individuals assume the role of protagonists in their lives and manage the "commonalities" for their community. In this approach, the Oswaldo Cruz Foundation (Fiocruz), through the Observatory of Sustainable and Healthy Territories of Bocaina (OTSS), constituted an ecological sanitation research in the Caiçara Community of Praia do Sono, in Paraty, with the participation of the community during thewhole process and, through a qualitative evaluation, the relationship between the community and the common could be understood. Local builders were hired as social mobilizers, thus valuing endogenous resources. Through this articulation, joint action with public agencies was sought to foster actions that came from the community itself and inclusive public policies that put a society at the center of the process. Supported by the concept of common and by semi-structured interviews, this psychosocial study examines the unfolding of the solidarity economy. ; Como as condições de saneamento no Brasil são precárias nas áreas rurais, é importante construir ações territorializadas que valorizem a cultura e fortaleçam o bem viver, baseadas na economia solidária para alcançar soluções sustentáveis. Dardot e Laval veem o comum como um contraponto ao atual contexto político e econômico, em que os indivíduos assumem o papel de protagonistas em suas vidas e gerenciam os "comuns" para a comunidade da qual fazem parte. Partindo dessa abordagem, a Fundação Osvaldo Cruz (Fiocruz), por meio do Observatório dos Territórios Saudáveis e Sustentáveis de Bocaina (OTSS), constituiu pesquisa-ação de saneamento ecológico na Comunidade Caiçara da Praia do Sono, em Paraty, com envolvimento da comunidade durante todo o processo e, por meio de avaliação qualitativa, pôde-se entender a relação da comunidade com o comum. Como os construtores locais foram contratados como mobilizadores sociais, os recursos endógenos foram valorizados. Por meio dessa articulação, buscou-se a atuação conjunta junto aos órgãos públicos para fomentar ações que partissem da própria comunidade e políticas públicas inclusivas que colocam a sociedade como protagonista do processo. A partir do conceito de comum e de entrevistas semiestruturadas, esta pesquisa psicossocial tem como objetivo relatar o desdobramento da economia solidária no comum.

Starting with the reflection on solidarity as the true and concrete element of the European Union, this article aims to reflect on the solidarity between people and states of Europe as the basis of the European construction.

Richard Rorty (1931-2007) stood out as a relevant thinker of contemporary political life, in addition to building a framework of ideas of language, culture, freedom and solidarity. One of his most recurrent banners was the primacy of literature over philosophy and freedom over truth. For the purposes of this article, we start with excerpts from Rorty's interview by Helmut Mayer and Wolfgang Ulrich, compiled in the text It's good to persuade, in Take care of freedom that the truth will take care of itself. In addition to this text, we also use Philosophy and social hope (from 1999), and, in particular, Education as socialization and individualization (from 1989), a text in which the author, moving away from the enchantment of traditional philosophy and defending the adoption of a philosophizing, primacy of freedom the edifying truth, by dogmatic, over a markedly essentialist and anti-foundationist posture.

O momento de ataques à democracia e ruptura com políticas desenvolvidas pelos governos populares (2003-2016), no Brasil hoje, vem produzindo reverberações na política educacional e tem encontrado diversas resistências. Propomos neste texto, tratar das especificidades dessa forma de resistência que foi a realização da CONAPE, em maio de 2018, em Belo Horizonte. No desenvolvimento de nossa argumentação, primeiramente situamos o golpe e suas consequências no contexto do que chamamos de tsunami conservador transnacional que opera em diferentes dimensões e aspectos da vida social, em que vamos tratar das resistências em geral, e da CONAPE, em particular, apontando que a luta por um mundo justo e solidário não se deixa paralisar. ; The current scenario of attack on democracy and rupture with policies developed by popular governments (2003-2016) in Brazil has been producing reverberations in educational policies not without resistance. This article proposes to address the specific form of resistance that CONAPE (National Conference on Popular Education) held in May 2018. In the development of our argument, we first situate the coup and its consequences in the context of what we call a transnational conservative tsunami that operates in different dimensions and aspects of social life, in which we will deal with resistances in general, and CONAPE in particular, pointing that the struggle for a fair and solidarity world that does not allow itself to be paralyzed.

This article presents reflections on a Training Course in Solidarity Economy by Senaes, which is part of a public policy conducted by the Federal Government for Solidarity Economy (SE) in Brazil. Based on the relationship between the social movements and the State, the effort is to grasp the meanings of solidarity economy along this process of formation. Considering the objectives, values, and principles expressed by the SE movement in the literature and in the documents gathered, two strands are identified: critical SE and neoliberal SE. The empirical research took place in two steps: a documentary and an ethnographic step, addressing the three different moments of the course: pre-conception, conception, and implementation. Data were examined through content analysis and, once the course was completed, it was possible to perceive that, in general, there is a consonance of meanings in the three moments identified around the critical SE and an appropriate pedagogical practice in the classroom. In addition, we found a moderation of the speech by Senaes, and, in principle, it does not mischaracterize the SE movement, but presents a potential risk of deviating from its ideals and objectives. In the final considerations, the highlights of the research are shown followed by a brief discussion of what seems to be the limits and possibilities of actions like these promoted through the State. ; Neste artigo, apresentam-se reflexões sobre um curso de Formação em Economia Solidária da Senaes, que é parte de uma política pública do Governo Federal para Economia Solidária (ES) no Brasil. Tendo como referência a relação entre o movimento social e o Estado, buscou-se perceber os sentidos da economia solidária nesse processo de formação. Considerando-se os objetivos, valores e princípios manifestados pelo movimento da ES na literatura e nos documentos coletados, identificou-se a ES crítica e a ES neoliberal. A pesquisa empírica ocorreu em duas etapas: uma documental e outra etnográfica, que abordaram os três momentos diferentes do curso: pré-concepção, concepção e implementação. Os dados foram examinados por meio da análise de conteúdo e, após esse percurso, foi possível perceber que, de forma geral, há uma consonância de sentidos nos três momentos identificados em torno da ES crítica e uma prática pedagógica apropriada nos espaços de sala de aula. Constatou-se ainda uma moderação do discurso feita pela Senaes que, a princípio, não descaracteriza o movimento da ES, mas apresenta potencial risco no que diz respeito ao desvio de seu ideário e objetivos. Nas considerações finais, retomam-se os pontos de destaque da pesquisa e discutem-se brevemente os limites e possibilidades dessas ações promovidas via Estado.

The notion of public opinion as a process cannot be limited solely to the empirical basis of a theory, it must also focus on the position that this notion occupies with respect to the interpretation of society. Jürgen Habermas's approach to public opinion stems from his classic work on Bourgeois Advertising. Habermas constructs the Normative Theory of Democracy, which is based on the communicative conditions in which a Discursive Formation of the Opinion and Will of a public formed by the citizens of a State can take place as an unfolding of the analyzes about the public opinion. In this argumentative way, Habermas takes up the historical-philosophical project of modernity, attributing to the public opinion the function of legitimizing the political domain through a critical process of communication based on the principles of a rationally motivated consensus. The scope of this article is to make explicit the constitutive elements of the habermasian reflections on the Rational Formation of Opinion and Will, since it is from this primordial concept that we can understand the legitimation of the Rule of Law. We will trace what led the habermasian reflection to seek the conditions of an authentic participation of individuals in a public space, where there is responsibility and solidarity in the execution of the solutions of the problems of a community, and its consequent unfolding that leads to the theory of political power.

This article analyzes the Indigenous Peasant Movements (IPM) of Ecuador as a social force and political actor. By proposing an alternative to the Ecuadorian crisis based on the Sumak Kawsay (Good Living) values, the IPM expand democratic spaces and formulate an expanded sense of citizenship. It focuses on the events of the 2019 national strike in Ecuador, in retrospective dialogue with previousuprisings. The article draws on the testimonies of the Kayambi people, collected before and after the strike, in semi-structured interviews, and ethnographic work. Results show that the memory of previous struggles was an essential motivation for the emergence of the uprisings. Besides, unity and solidarity among rural actors and other sectors of the Ecuadorian society were the basis for the strike's strength and power. In dialogue with the Emancipatory Rural Politics, the article contributes to critical approaches about the role of indigenous peasant peoples in struggles for life alternative. ; Cet article analyse les mouvements paysans autochtones (MIC) de l'Equateur en tant que force sociale et acteur politique. En proposant unealternative à la crise équatorienne fondée sur les valeurs du Sumak Kawsay (Bien Vivre), les MIC élargissent les espaces démocratiques et formulent un sens élargi de la citoyenneté. L'analyse se concentre sur les événements de la grève nationalede 2019 en Équateur, en dialogue rétrospectif avec les mobilisations précédentes. L'article s'appuie sur des témoignages du peuple Kayambi, recueillis avant et après la grève, lors d'entretiens semi-structurés et des travaux ethnographiques. Les donnéesmontrent que le souvenir des luttes précédentes a été une motivation essentielle pour l'émergence des manifestations. En outre, l'unité et la solidarité entre les acteurs ruraux et les autres secteurs de la société équatorienne ont été à la base de la puissance et de la force de la grève. En dialogue avec le champ de la «politique rurale émancipatrice », l'article apporte des contributions aux approches ...

Defence date: 21 November 2008 ; Examining Board: Prof. Doutor Jacques Ziller, Instituto Universitário Europeu; Prof. Doutor Pedro Bacelar Vasconcelos, Universidade do Minho; Prof. Doutor Rui Moura Ramos, Universidade de Coimbra; Prof. Doutor Francesco Francioni, Instituto Universitário Europeu. ; First made available online 14 January 2015. ; Portugal is a very good illustration of the current identity quests that are pursued by communities of all shapes and sizes – local, national, supranational, international, civilizational – in response to old urges and new threats posed in a globalised, but also "glocalised", world. Torn between its European body and its atlantic/lusophone "soul", Portugal tries to strike a balance between the two dimensions of its identity as a polity and, in the process, claims a special role as mediator between north and south, Europe and the African continent. Although fully committed to the European immigration policy, with its restrictive dimensions and its focus on integration, Portugal purports to articulate the European demands with the special solidarity bonds that exist with the Portuguese speaking countries. It has been so for a number of years, but the recent developments in both the Portuguese nationality and immigration laws show that the fears expressed by many that Schengen would surpass the lusophone ties were well founded and that, no matter how well intended the Portuguese policies are in these matters, the result will be detrimental to the so-called lusophone citizens. They do enjoy a special status – encompassing voting rights and access to public office that is generally forbidden to all foreigners (a status unparalleled in the two other European countries under scrutiny, France and the United Kingdom) – but their access to the Portuguese territory has been curtailed. Even more than Portugal, which until recently was the last of the European "nation states" and only now faces visible cultural diversity in its society, the European Union and the Community of the Portuguese Speaking Countries (CPLP) struggle with the definition of their respective identities and sense of purpose, seeking to win the hearts and minds of their peoples. Commonly considered a natural spontaneous community, due to the existence of a common language, the CPLP faces the difficulties posed by mutual distrust and old grudges and the fear, by many, that it is only an expression of imperial nostalgia on the part of Portugal. Its member states show only a mild commitment, engaged as they all are in other regional communities of their own, as can be seen in the discussions on citizenship and free movement within the lusophone area. There are many similarities between the legal systems of the CPLP member states, which can be explained by the cooperation between lawyers and academics specially in Africa and East Timor, but some of those similarities are merely formal, with little correspondence in the law in action, and coexist with relevant differences due mostly to different levels of socio-economic development and political will. For the European Union the purpose of fostering a feeling of belonging and solidarity between the peoples of Europe is an ongoing struggle for legitimacy which has suffered major setbacks in recent years. After the constitutional momentum, the Union has adopted a more modest stance, but has by no means given up winning the support of the European citizens. One of the fields in which its intervention is demanded is directly linked with the identity quest in progress – border definition and control, policies towards illegal and legal aliens. Stressing the need to integrate the third country nationals who are legal residents and adopting the mantra of intercultural dialogue, the EU presents itself as a guardian for human rights and a fighter against racism, at the same time as it tries to keep Europe for the Europeans as much as possible. Its member states are willing, for European or domestic reasons, to go along and easily drop old preferences for extra-community bonds of solidarity. Portugal may again be the last of the empires, keeping a special status for the foreigners of lusophone origin, but it nevertheless keeps with the times when it comes to admission to its territory.

This essay is a contribution to the tribute given to David-Maria Sassoli, highlighting the human values that characterized his presidency of the European Union, namely democracy and freedom, peace, solidarity, which are the fundamental pillars for the construction of the future Europe based on the cultural diversity of each member state.

David Sassoli has best interpreted the great Italian tradition of Europeanism, which had in Giuseppe Mazzini, Vincenzo Gioberti, Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto G. Rossi, the highest and most concrete theoretical and political expressions of the contemporary age. Europe means democracy, therefore freedom, social justice, solidarity among the peoples and within the peoples that make up the European Union. It means building and looking upwards towards peace.