No Peace No War: An Anthropology of Contemporary Armed Conflicts
In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 9, Heft 18, S. 169-172
ISSN: 1331-5595
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In: Polemos: časopis za interdisciplinarna istraživanja rata i mira ; journal of interdisciplinary research on war and peace, Band 9, Heft 18, S. 169-172
ISSN: 1331-5595
Autori problematiziraju tri različite filozofijske ideje o čovjeku kojima odgovaraju tri različita odgojna modela. Prvi model je model radikalnog individualizma koji ne priznaje nikakvu vrijednost drugog bića (F. Nietzsche). Takvo biće nužno odgaja sebe samoga. Drugi model je model različitih figura prijatelja i neprijatelja (J. Derrida). Ovome modelu odgovara odgoj u funkciji javne ili politički posredovane stvarnosti. Konačno, treći model je model antropologije vrijednosti (P. Vuk-Pavlović). Autori pokazuju kako upravo u ovom potonjem modelu do izražajadolazi komplementarnost antropološkog i odgojnog područja. Njime se izbjegavaju napetosti između ideje individualizma i kolektivizma, osobnog i socijalnog, prijateljskog i neprijateljskog, a čovjeka se promatra kao primatelja i davatelja vrijednosti. ; The authors deal with three different philosophic ideas about the human being and three different models of education. The first model is the model of radical individualism which does not recognize any value of other human being (F. Nietzsche). That being educates himself/herself necessarily. The second model is a model of different figures of a friend and an enemy (J. Derrida). The education in the function of the publicly or politically mediated reality corresponds to this model. At last, the third model is the model of the anthropology of values (P. Vuk Pavlović). The authors show that in this last model we can see the mixture of the anthropological and educational area. With this model we can avoid the tensions between the idea of individualism and collectivism, personal and social, friendly and hostile, and a human being is observed as the receiver and the giver of values.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 198-210
Education & breeding, like culture in general, are, in the broadest sense, universal human phenomena inseparably linked & interactive. Anthropology, generally speaking, is a holistic science of man, his nature, & culture, so its approach & findings are always current, even in the scientific pedagogic treatment of education & its application. Because of that, the notions "education & breeding" & "anthropology," as a science of man & culture, are first theoretically determined so they can both contextually & explicitly be deduced & their necessary dialectical connection & mutuality be ascertained. The second, applied part of this paper is about religious education (scientifically, religiologically based) as a school subject & studies in the context of democratic social & political changes in Croatia & their relation to catechism. Adapted from the source document.
Diplomski rad ""Sve izgleda nemoguće dok se ne ostvari" - Prelog kao Europski grad sporta 2019. godine" analizira i predstavlja Prelog kao europski grad sporta u Hrvatskoj kroz prizmu nagrade (titule) koju je osvojio 2019. godine. Rad ispituje političku pozadinu Preloga kao grada sporta kroz narative petero kazivača različitog stupnja involviranosti u sport i politiku grada Preloga, propitujući pritom, ne samo stavove kazivača o Prelogu kao gradu sporta, već i intrinzična shvaćanja i razmišljanja kazivača o svrsi i važnosti sporta u svakodnevnome životu i njegovu ulogu u zajednici. Primjenjujući teorijske postavke antropologije sporta i filozofije sporta, rad produbljuje kazivanja pridodajući im i filozofsku komponentu analiziranjem stavova kazivača kroz prizmu filozofije i antropologije sporta. ; Master thesis "Everything seems impossible until it is realized" - Prelog as a European city of sports in 2019 "analyses and presents Prelog as a European city of sports in Croatia through the prism of the award (title) Prelog won in 2019. The paper examines the political background of Prelog as a city of sports through the narratives of five narrators of varying degrees of involvement in sports and politics of the city of Prelog, questioning not only the narrator's views on Prelog as a city of sports, but also the narrator's intrinsic understandings and thoughts about sport and its role in the community. Applying the theoretical assumptions of the anthropology of sport and the philosophy of sport, the paper deepens the narrations by adding a philosophical component to them by analysing the attitudes of the narrators through the prism of the philosophy and anthropology of sport.
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In: Politicka misao, Band 32, Heft 2, S. 167-187
The author analyzes a late essay by Carl Schmitt, Hamlet or Hecuba, as Schmitt's attempt at an aesthetic recapitulation of his entire theoretical & political convictions. It is significant that Schmitt does not make any adjustments in his theoretical & political opinions, despite the historical failure of his ideas & despite the accumulated historical experience. The author highlights & interprets those aspects of Nietzsche's philosophy & Scheler's early phenomenology & anthropology that permanently influenced Schmitt &, consequently, his interpretation of Shakespeare's tragedy Hamlet, ie, Nietzsche's & Scheler's definition of tragic & the fictional in human activity. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
Ovaj rad prati profesionalnu i znanstvenu karijeru Franje Ivaničeka, prvog bioarheologa u Hrvatskoj. U vrijeme Drugog svjetskoga rata ustaški poručnik Ivaniček školovao se na Institutu cara Wilhelma za antropologiju, znanost o ljudskom nasljeđivanju i eugeniku u Berlinu, mjestu stvaranja većine znanstvenih teorija nacističke eugenike i rasne higijene. Provodi rasistička antropološka istraživanja u skladu sa službenom rasnom politikom NDH, što ga 1944. godine dovodi na poziciju rukovoditelja Hrvatskog državnoga antropoložkog zavoda u Zagrebu. Nakon rata, postaje voditelj Antropološkog odsjeka Biološkog zavoda na Medicinskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu te mijenja znanstveni diskurs u proučavanje geneze među staroslavenskom i suvremenom populacijom Jugoslavije kako bi opovrgnuo njemačke i mađarske znanstvene teorije o naseljavanju Nijemaca i Avara na teritoriju Jugoslavije. ; This paper focuses on the professional and scientific career of Franjo Ivaniček, the first bioarchaeologist in Croatia. During World War II Ivaniček, an Ustaša Lieutenant, was educated at the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Anthropology, Human Genetics and Eugenics in Berlin (KWI-A), place of birth of most scientific theories of Nazi eugenics and racial hygiene. He conducted racist anthropological research following the official racial policy of the Independent State of Croatia (NDH), thus becoming the head of the Croatian State Anthropological Institute in Zagreb in 1944. After the war, he became the head of the Anthropological Department of the Institute of Biology at the School of Medicine of the University of Zagreb. Ivaniček completely changed the scientific discourse of study of the genesis of the Old Slavic and modern Yugoslav populations to refute German and Hungarian scientific theories of German and Avar settlement in Yugoslavia.
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Iznosi se izbor ključnih aspekata načina na koje su se otuđenje čovjeka i ljudska sloboda zamišljali i doživljavali u kontekstu reformacije i Oktobarske revolucije. Nastoji se odgovoriti na sljedeće pitanje: Je li točno da se negativna antropologija reformatora paradoksalno povezivala sa širenjem pojedinačne i društvene slobode, dok se pozitivna antropologija sovjetskih revolucionara povezivala sa smanjivanjem tih sloboda? S jedne strane, danas se prihvaća da je reformacija pomogla poticanju i učvršćivanju poimanja političke i osobne slobode u Europi, no ne bez proturječja i nauštrb stvaranja uske veze između nastajućih političkih i ekonomskih sila koje su se počele uspostavljati u novome svjetskom poretku naziva »kapitalizam«. S druge strane, Oktobarska revolucija, koja je sebe razumijevala kao onu koja u praksu dovodi Marxove ideje i otvara vrata povijesti novome dobu slobode i napretka, pomogla je formirati režim kojim upravlja profesionalna birokracija koncentrirajući u svojim rukama svu ekonomsku i političku moć te pokrećući slijepi mehanizam ugnjetavanja pojedinca i zajednice. Ipak, Oktobarska je revolucija imala i jedan neočekivani ishod: širenje kršćanskoga vjerovanja o pobožanstvenjenju na Zapadu. ; In this paper are briefly presented some key aspects of how human alienation and human freedom were conceived and experienced in the context of Reformation and October Revolution. An attempt is made to answer the following question: Is it true that the negative anthropology of the Reformers was paradoxically associated with an expansion of individual and social freedom, while the positive anthropology of the Soviet revolutionaries was associated with a reduction thereof? It is accepted today that the Reform helped to foster and to consolidate the notion of political and personal freedom in Europe, but not without contradictions and at the expense of forming a close alliance with the emerging political and economic powers that were beginning to establish the new world order known as "capitalism". Moreover, the October Revolution, that understood itself as bringing into practice Marx's ideas and opening the door of history to a new Era of freedom and prosperity, helped to form a regime ruled by a professional bureaucracy concentrating in its hands all economic and political power and setting into motion a blind mechanism of oppression of the individual and the community. Nevertheless, the October Revolution had one unexpected aftermath: The Western expansion of the Christian belief on theosis (divinization).
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Čovjek je neodvojiv od ostaloga stvorenja bez kojega se ne može misliti. Na ovu goruću problematiku upućuju brojni pokreti, građanske inicijative kao i političke stranke koje u svoje statute ugrađuju brigu za okoliš i odgovorno ponašanje. Rad polazi od suvremene antropologije koja predstavlja temelj krivoga razumijevanja stvorenoga svijeta, odnosno opasnost od izrabljivanja njegovih potencijala. Naime, sve je pogubnija novovjekovna koncepcija koja je izrodila dogmatičnu ideju antropocentrizma. Ugrozu predstavlja i ideja biocentrizma koja krči put do praktična ostvarenja ravnopravnosti svih oblika života. Toliko potrebno ekološko obraćenje treba uključiti opću solidarnost kao i integralnu ekologiju u kojoj Franjo Asiški može poslužiti kao zaštitnik i svjedok. Obnovljeni bioetički edukacijski sustav pak ne smije isključiti duhovno umijeće vladanja. Valja graditi globalnu ekološku pismenost koja će osobito naglasiti djelovanje čovjeka na životnu sredinu u različitim fazama i dimenzijama. ; A man is inseparable from the other creature without which it is impossible to think. This burning issue is pointed out by many movements, civil initiatives as well as political parties which incorporate care for the environment and responsible behavior into their statutes. The paper starts with the contemporary anthropology which represents the foundation of the wrong understanding of the created world or danger from exploitation of its potentials. Namely, modern conception that created a dogmatic idea of anthropocentrism is becoming more ruinous. The idea of biocentrism, which clears the way to practical realization of all forms of life equalities, also represents a danger. That much-needed ecological conversion should include general solidarity as well as integral ecology in which Francis of Assisi can serve as a protector and witness. Renewed bioethical educational system cannot exclude spiritual art of behavior. Global ecological literacy should be built in order to emphasize the effect of a man on the environment in different phases and dimensions.
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Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".
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U ovome broju časopisa Etnološka tribina objavljujemo temat koji problematizira turizam – njegove aktere, politike i procese – kako one koji oblikuju i usmjeravaju turizam tako i one koje turizam stvara i pokreće. Radovi u tematu bave se različitim vizijama i strategijama turističkog razvoja (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero i Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); primjenom načela stvaranja doživljaja u suvremenim muzejskim postavima (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić i Matea Senkić); vezom tradicijske prehrane, okusa i nostalgije u istarskim agroturizmima (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); oblikovanjem memorijalnih mjesta bitki na Soči u Prvom svjetskom ratu i posjetima tim lokalitetima u međuratnom razdoblju (Petra Kavrečič); okolišnim, društvenim i političko-ekonomskim procesima koji utječu na baštinu i turizam na Zlarinu i u Trenti (Peter Simonič); životom Danice Brössler u Dubrovniku kao primjerom turističkih aktivnosti pojedinaca (Tihana Petrović Leš). ; The thematic section of this year's issue of Etnološka tribina problematises tourism and its actors, politics and processes – both those which shape and direct tourism, and those which are created and sparked by tourism. The articles deal with different visions and strategies of tourist development (Antonio Miguel Nogués-Pedregal, Raúl Travé-Molero and Daniel Carmona-Zubiri); the application of the principles of experience creation in contemporary museum displays (Daniela Angelina Jelinčić and Matea Senkić); the relationships between traditional food, tastes and nostalgia in Istrian agrotourism (Tanja Kocković Zaborski); the construction of the memorial sites of the Soča front in WWI and visits to those sites in the interwar period (Petra Kavrečič); environmental, social and political-economic processes which influence heritage and tourism on Zlarin Island and in the Trenta Valley (Peter Simonič); and the life of Danica Brössler in Dubrovnik as an example of an individual's tourist activities (Tihana Petrović Leš).
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U članku nastojim detektirati Krležinu antitetičku vrtešku, da uporabim Lasićev termin, prema miru u Brest-Litovsku s obzirom na Krležin zapis, polemički disput Razgovor o Brest-Litovsku (1918). Naime, iz perspektive 1918. godine Krleža Brest-litovski mir (3. ožujka 1918.) određuje kao anticipaciju "internacionalističke solidarnosti proletarijata evropskog", kao politički manevar pro futuro (DD2, 180). Međutim, u podrupku teksta, pisanom iz perspektive 1967. godine, kao korekciju vlastite interastralne retorike upućuje kako su se već u veljači 1918. godine "sve moskovske iluzije o generalnim štrajkovima na terenu centralnih vlasti, a naročito u Berlinu" rasplinule pod "terorom soldateske", a "lenjinska koncepcija mira u Brest-Litovsku našla se u bezizlaznoj ulici" (DD2, 188). ; In the paper I shall endeavour to identify Krleža's antithetical carousel (to use Stanko Lasić's term), with regard to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in Krleža's written entries, specifically a polemical dispute titled Discussion on Brest-Litovsk (1918). In fact, from the perspective of 1918, Krleža defined the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk (March 3, 1918) as the anticipation of "the international solidarity of the European proletariat", i.e. a political manoeuvre pro futuro (BD2, 180). However, in the footnote to the text, written from the perspective of 1967, Krleža suggests, as a correction of his own interastral rhetoric, that "any Moscow illusion about general strikes in the area of central government, particularly in Berlin" dissipated under the "terror sewing military hordes" in February 1918, and "the Leninist concept of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk ended up in a cul-de-sac" (BD2, 188).
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Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
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Demokracija se obično shvaća kao organizirani oblik vlasti koji karakterizira vladavina naroda. Velik broj građana vjeruje u demokraciju kao najpoželjniji oblik vlasti. S druge pak strane, sve je više prisutno nezadovoljstvo građana, razočarenje u demokratske institucije i sve manje povjerenje u izabranu vlast. Kroz ovaj rad nastojala se dati šira slika ovog problema te ukazati na teoretske probleme demokracije, ali i one u stvarnim demokratskim sustavima. Teoretski temelji rada osnivaju se na radovima teoretičara kao što su Robert Dahl, David Held i Joseph Schumpeter. Nedostaci demokracije, ali i njen potencijalni novi smjer prikazan je kroz primjere Turske i Katalonije. Jednakim demokratskim mehanizmom, a s potpuno različitim interesima i Turska i Katalonija udaljile su se od zamišljenog demokratskog ideala te su na taj način poslužile kao koristan primjer za potkrjepljivanje iznesenih tvrdnji u cijelom radu. Ovi primjeri ukazuju i na krizu demokracije, ali i na njen novi smjer u suvremenim političkim sustavima. Demokracija možda u svojoj suštini i nije toliko loša već je problematična njena primjena u stvarnim uvjetima koji stalno zahtijevaju prilagodbu postojećem stanju, rješavanje novih prepreka i problema. ; Democracy as a broad term is usually understood as an organised form of governance characterised by the rule of people. The majority of the citizens believes in democracy to be the best possible and the most desirable form of governance. On the other hand, discontent and disappointment in the democratic institutions as well as distrust in the elected officials has been more and more prominent. The bigger picture of this problem is described throughout this thesis. The main goal was to highlight the problems with the theoretical idea of democracy but also the problems within actual democratic systems in the modern era. Theoretical foundations of this thesis are based on the works of authors like Robert Dahl, David Held and Joseph Schumpeter. Using the examples of recent political events in Turkey and ...
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Cilj je rada ustanoviti je li u Europskoj uniji i Republici Hrvatskoj došlo do smanjenja broja građana koji se identificiraju kao građani Europske unije te koji elementi utječu na dinamiku kreiranja europskoga identiteta. Razlog se istraživanja tematike vidi u rastu populističkih narativa u Europskoj uniji koji su npr. vodili izlasku Velike Britanije iz Europske unije. Međutim, za razliku od uobičajenih politoloških analiza koncepta europskoga identiteta u radu se nastoji dati uvid u interdisciplinarni okvir proučavanja. U prvome se dijelu rad donosi pregled teorija kolektivnoga identiteta u psihologiji i antropologiji. Psihološke se teorije identiteta interpretiraju socijalnom i kulturalnom psihologijom. Antropološke se teorije identiteta dijele na ranije i postmoderne antropološke interpretacije. Fokus je rada na interpretiranju kategorije europskog identiteta, proizvoljno odabranim elementima psihologije i antropologije. Metodološki dio rada obuhvaća analizu i interpretaciju statističkih podataka na temelju niza longitudinalnoga istraživanja Eurobarometer Standard. Kod analize podataka pravi se razlika između razine Europske unije i razine Republike Hrvatske. Rezultati provedene analize upućuju na rast hibridnoga oblika identiteta koji se sastoji od nacionalnoga identiteta na prvome mjestu i europskoga identiteta na drugome mjestu. Isto tako, građani Europske unije smatraju da im je identitetski bliža lokalna razina države, grada ili sela. Konačno, elementi koji kreiraju dinamiku razvoja europskoga identiteta nisu isti za sve građane Europske unije te ovise o široj društveno-političkoj situaciji. ; The main goal of this article is to establish whether in the European Union and Croatia there has been a decrease in the number of citizens who identify themselves as citizens of the European Union, and what are the elements that contribute to the dynamics of creation of the European identity. The reason for exploring this particular topic is the growth of populist narratives in the European Union that potentially led to the UK's exit from the European Union. However, unlike the usual political analysis of the concept of European identity, the article tries to provide an interdisciplinary insight. The first part of the article provides an overview of the theories of collective identity in psychology and anthropology. Psychological identity theories are interpreted through social and cultural psychology. Anthropological theories of identity are divided into earlier and postmodern anthropological interpretations. The focus of the article is on interpreting the European identity through arbitrarily selected psychological and anthropological elements. The methodological part of the paper covers the analysis and interpretation of statistics based on the Eurobarometer Standard series of longitudinal surveys. When analyzing data, a distinction is made between, on one hand, the European Union and, on the other hand, the country of Croatia. The results of the analysis indicate the growth of a hybrid form of identity consisting of national identity in the first place and European identity in the second place. Furthermore, citizens of the European Union consider that their local, national or rural, level is closer to their identity. Finally, the elements that govern the dynamics of European identity development are not the same for all EU citizens and depend on the wider socio-political situation.
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