Suchergebnisse

For several decades, the Washington Post has functioned not only as a chronicler of national politics, but also as a social arbiter of the capital's elite. The two were fused in the paper's trendsetting 'Style' section, which was invented in 1969 by the legendary editor and scion of New England grandees Benjamin C. Bradlee. Two generations later, however, the Post is facing stiff competition for readers and attention in its own hometown from new rivals such as Politico, which was founded in 2007 by former Post staffers. But perhaps the most intriguing shift at the Post has occurred at the editorial page under the direction of Fred Hiatt. Throughout its history, the Post has been decisively shaped by different editorial-page editors. In writing this tribute, Hiatt, who joined the Post editorial board in 1996, was also expressing his own convictions. Hiatt's evident instinct to avoid the bromidic vapidity common in editorial pages is laudable. Adapted from the source document.

The symbol of apocalypse contains strong political connotations linked to eschatological expectations: the faith in a divine intervention on the course of history has often generated social instability, outbreaks of violence, and ideological claims.This article aims to demonstrate as the overlap between apocalyptic symbolism and political phenomena is still ongoing, even assuming new critical implications in connection with recent geopolitical dynamics on a global scale.The detection of the apocalyptic trends is supported by a historical premise, a brief summary of theoretical perspectives, and three study cases: the presence of messianic aspects in US imperialism, the influence of the doctrine of the Hidden Imam in the Iranian politics during the Ahmadinejad presidency, and the use of apocalyptic prophecies in the Islamic State's propaganda ; The symbol of apocalypse contains strong political connotations linked to eschatological expectations: the faith in a divine intervention on the course of history has often generated social instability, outbreaks of violence, and ideological claims.This article aims to demonstrate as the overlap between apocalyptic symbolism and political phenomena is still ongoing, even assuming new critical implications in connection with recent geopolitical dynamics on a global scale.The detection of the apocalyptic trends is supported by a historical premise, a brief summary of theoretical perspectives, and three study cases: the presence of messianic aspects in US imperialism, the influence of the doctrine of the Hidden Imam in the Iranian politics during the Ahmadinejad presidency, and the use of apocalyptic prophecies in the Islamic State's propaganda

From climate change to nuclear war to the rise of demagogic populists, our world is shaped by doomsday expectations. In this path-breaking book, Alison McQueen shows why three of history's greatest political realists feared apocalyptic politics. Niccolò Machiavelli in the midst of Italy's vicious power struggles, Thomas Hobbes during England's bloody civil war, and Hans Morgenthau at the dawn of the thermonuclear age all saw the temptation to prophesy the end of days. Each engaged in subtle and surprising strategies to oppose apocalypticism, from using its own rhetoric to neutralize its worst effects to insisting on a clear-eyed, tragic acceptance of the human condition. Scholarly yet accessible, this book is at once an ambitious contribution to the history of political thought and a work that speaks to our times

This essay examines how René Girard's most recent book, Achever Clausewitz (2007), expands on Girard's theory of the sacred to include a more specific and concrete notion of the apocalypse as a historically conditioned concept. In particular, I argue that the idea of "total war" (the kind of war engendered by mass conscription) is crucial to Girard's critique of Clausewitz, which consists in pointing out the irreconcilability between Clausewitz's famous formula "war is politics by other means" (i.e., war is contained or limited by politics) and Clausewitz's idea of the "escalation to extremes" (uncontainable violence). I show how this reading of Clausewitz allows Girard to deconstruct the opposition between archaic (irrational) and modern (rational) violence that defines Enlightenment hope. Finally, I ask if the advent of post-9/11 terrorism, which is a form of total war, might not lead us to rethink the role of international institutions (such as the International Criminal Court) in stemming the explosive potential of non-localized violence. ; Este ensaio examina como o mais recente livro de René Girard, Achever Clausewitz (2007), desenvolve a sua teoria do sagrado para incluir uma noção mais específica e concreta do apocalipse como um conceito historicamente condicionado. Em particular, argumenta‑se que a ideia de «guerra total» (o tipo de guerra assente no recrutamento militar em massa) é crucial para a crítica de Girard em relação ao pensamento de Clausewitz, que consiste em apontar a incompatibilidade entre a famosa fórmula de Clausewitz «a guerra é política por outros meios» (isto é, a guerra é contida ou limitada pela política) e a sua outra ideia da «escalada aos extremos» (violência incontida). mostra‑se como essa leitura de Clausewitz permite a Girard desconstruir a oposição entre a violência arcaica (irracional) e a moderna (racional), que define a esperança iluminista. Finalmente, pergunta‑se se o advento do terrorismo após o 11 de Setembro, que é uma forma de guerra total, não nos pode levar a repensar o papel das instituições internacionais (como o tribunal Penal internacional) na contenção do potencial explosivo da violência não localizada

This essay examines how René Girard's most recent book, Achever Clausewitz (2007), expands on Girard's theory of the sacred to include a more specific and concrete notion of the apocalypse as a historically conditioned concept. In particular, I argue that the idea of "total war" (the kind of war engendered by mass conscription) is crucial to Girard's critique of Clausewitz, which consists in pointing out the irreconcilability between Clausewitz's famous formula "war is politics by other means" (i.e., war is contained or limited by politics) and Clausewitz's idea of the "escalation to extremes" (uncontainable violence). I show how this reading of Clausewitz allows Girard to deconstruct the opposition between archaic (irrational) and modern (rational) violence that defines Enlightenment hope. Finally, I ask if the advent of post-9/11 terrorism, which is a form of total war, might not lead us to rethink the role of international institutions (such as the International Criminal Court) in stemming the explosive potential of non-localized violence. ; Este ensaio examina como o mais recente livro de René Girard, Achever Clausewitz (2007), desenvolve a sua teoria do sagrado para incluir uma noção mais específica e concreta do apocalipse como um conceito historicamente condicionado. Em particular, argumenta‑se que a ideia de «guerra total» (o tipo de guerra assente no recrutamento militar em massa) é crucial para a crítica de Girard em relação ao pensamento de Clausewitz, que consiste em apontar a incompatibilidade entre a famosa fórmula de Clausewitz «a guerra é política por outros meios» (isto é, a guerra é contida ou limitada pela política) e a sua outra ideia da «escalada aos extremos» (violência incontida). mostra‑se como essa leitura de Clausewitz permite a Girard desconstruir a oposição entre a violência arcaica (irracional) e a moderna (racional), que define a esperança iluminista. Finalmente, pergunta‑se se o advento do terrorismo após o 11 de Setembro, que é uma forma de guerra total, não nos pode levar a repensar o papel das instituições internacionais (como o tribunal Penal internacional) na contenção do potencial explosivo da violência não localizada

Elle Flanders's 2005 documentary film Zero Degrees of Separation subtly weaves together two seemingly distinct narratives: the settlement of Palestine in the 1950s by a hopeful generation of pioneering Jewish immigrants and the challenges of gay Israeli-Palestinian relationships in contemporary Israel/Palestine. By innovatively interlacing archival footage shot by Flanders's own grandparents as early as the 1920s with interviews conducted with Israeli and Palestinian queers in 2002, Flanders demonstrates the mutual implication of these narratives. This essay examines how through the unique temporal collision of these two historical moments, prominent tensions of the current conflict are made visible in the haunting utopian images of the early Zionist movement. By filtering the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through the lens of sexuality, Flanders's film deconstructs certain constitutive myths of the modern nation-state, offering an intimately personal glimpse into questions seminal to both the political genealogy of the current conflict and the quotidian lives of Israelis and Palestinians: human rights violations, violence, the policing of bodies, the geopolitics of Israeli expansion, the politics of mobility, and the mapping of Western colonial ideologies onto racialized conflicts—both between Israelis and Palestinian and within the Israeli community itself between Jews of Arab (Mizrahim) and European (Ashkenazim) descent.