Suchergebnisse

An approach to the content analysis of evaluative discourse is proposed that is based on identification of meaning objects -- including actors, empirical variables, attributes, norms & values, & abstract philosophical entities -- & of two place predicates -- ie, verbal statements about the relation between one meaning object & another. This relation is interpreted in graph theoretical terms. This technique is applied to political texts & demonstrated to generate reliable content analyses. 11 Diagrams, 1 Appendix, 13 References. Modified HA

In political participation research it is widely assumed that it is irrelevant on whose behalf a protest action is used, as claimed in A. Marsh's "Exploration in Unorthodox Political Behavior: A Scale to Measure 'Protest Potential"' (European Journal of Political Research, 1974, 2, 107-129). To investigate this claim, interview data were obtained from Dutch adults (N = 34) from 10 cities in 5 provinces on the acceptability of specific political acts, the extent to which they held firm opinions, & the degree to which a specific act would be acceptable in relation to a certain issue. A cursory analysis of data would uphold the commonly held claim; however, closer examination reveals that just over 50% of the responses were made according to the usual expectations. The results indicate that different rules for making decisions are employed not only among different people, but also by the same individual, depending on the issue. 11 Tables, 7 Figures, 3 Graphs, 11 References. Modified HA

A thorough overview of the foreign policy conducted by the government of Flanders which was granted the status of autonomous region in the 1993 reform of the Belgian state. Discussed are: (1) the principles of equality in domestic & foreign policy promulgation & the parity of federal & regional governments encoded in the 1993 law, (2) the strategic objectives of the Flemish foreign policy, (3) the continuity/discontinuity in the Flemish foreign policy of the 1990s, (4) the basic components of the Flemish foreign policy, & (6) the description & evaluation of bilateral & multilateral policies carried out by the Flemish government since 1993. The nine criteria applied in deciding toward which countries & regions of the world should the Flemish foreign policy be oriented are listed, & representation offices abroad & bilateral agreements & contracts are tabulated to demonstrate the effectiveness of the Flemish government on the international arena. Multilateral policies pursued within international organizations are discussed & evaluated for their relevance & impact on the region of Flanders, the Belgian federation, & the organizations within which such policies are carried out. An assessment of the Flemish government's accomplishments in its foreign policies identifies both pioneering initiatives & missed opportunities. Foreign policy challenges in the near future for both the regional & federal governments are identified. 42 References. Z. Dubiel

Belgian policies & development aid for Sub-Saharan Africa are reviewed, examining the priority countries to which aid was allocated by the successive Belgian governments in the 1990s & differentiating between bilateral support agreements & contributions to the African aid fund of international institutions & nongovernmental organizations. The principles governing aid distribution to African countries are outlined, explaining the notions of macroconditionality, selectivity, & ownership. Belgian aid to a group of partner countries, concentrated in Central Africa & representing historical ties (colony or a trust territory), is placed in the context of other developed countries' involvement in the region. The shift in African policy & new modalities of aid elaborated by the current Belgian government of prime minister Guy Verhofstadt are critically assessed, discussing the administration, management, & control of aid, organizational dimensions (geographic localization, distribution channel, & sector division), the inefficiencies of excessive compartmentalization, & the threat of defederalization (shifting decision making from the federal to regional governments). 3 Tables, 1 Appendix, 18 References. Z. Dubiel

With the local elections in 2006, new organizational schemes have been applied by the Flemish government to the 308 municipalities. These schemes included institutional reform aimed to change the outset of local government. In this article we studied the influence of these reforms in practice. Are they actually carriers of change? We thereby focused on the direct aspects linked to these reforms. While many instruments of reform had indirect intended effects, acceptance & action among key decision-makers (both voters & local governors to the extent of their discretion) to use them directly becomes crucial. Our analysis has shown that, with some exceptions, direct autonomous space for action was only limitedly used, hence reducing the chances for indirect change. While it is still too early to fully assess the foreseen indirect effects, in our opinion it is crucial to understand the nature of these local reforms within the central (Flemish) bargaining arena. The latter seems to have transformed the new schemes of local governmental organization to the path-dependent art of the political feasible. Tables, Figures. Adapted from the source document.

Majority rule has various applications. In parliamentary theory, it intervenes at the level of relations between assembly & gov, & again, in elections. We find it in democratic theory where the majority of the people must approve decisions of the constitutional organs. Finally, it is employed in the decisionmaking process of the assemblies, & it is this aspect which forms the object of the present study. Since antiquity the majority principle has been generally observed in the decisions of deliberating bodies; but it was not until the 16th cent that it triumphed in England & France. In Switzerland up to the 16th cent majority rule was in effect, disappeared for a while, & then reappeared after the transition from confederation to federation. In Holland, majority rule was applied with certain restrictions from the 16th cent on. Poland had the 'liberum veto' up to the beginning of the 19th cent. From a theoretical viewpoint, the jurists of the Middle Ages based their justification of majority rule on an old Roman adage, & Canon Law has also made an important contribution to this doctrine. The authors of the 18th cent elaborated a legal theory based on rational fictions & on the doctrine of the Social Contract in particular. Among the moderns, 3 principal schools can be distinguished: those who, with Duguit, give a utilitarian basis to the principle, those who see in it a sublimated power, particularly sociol'ts, & finally the theoreticians who accept the principle for ethical reasons. The problem has increased in importance with the existence of international org's where at present, the majority principle is applied only exceptionally. (Translated by Z. Dana from IPSA).

In the literature on the impact of gender quota party magnitude appears as one of the most critical explanatory variables. A high party magnitude has long been argued to be a necessary condition for quota to be effective. However, recently a number of studies have shown that gender quota can be equally effective in the case of low party magnitude. An analysis of the Belgian regional elections for the years 1999, 2004 and 2009 shows that for quota to be effective it is crucial that they are tailored to the electoral system in which they are applied. Quota prove to be particularly effective when party magnitude is high while a placement mandate is effective when it covers a substantial part of the eligible list positions. We therefore conclude that effective quota can be designed for both high and low party magnitude. Adapted from the source document.