International audience ; Le dossier du quatrième numéro de Transposition. Musique et sciences sociales participe du développement de la réflexion sur les rapports entre les œuvres, les pratiques musicales et les conflits armés d'après 1945. Le choix chronologique se justifie par la relative absence de recherches en musicologie sur les conflits armés contemporains, en regard notamment de la richesse des travaux traitant par exemple des deux guerres mondiales.
This paper examines the effect of conflict on agricultural value added, using the example of the conflict in the Anglophone and Northern regions of Cameroon. The authors examine this relationship using data from FAO (FAOSTAT, 2022) and the World Bank (WDI, 2022) for the period 2000 to 2022. The econometric results show that the conflict variable, whose impact is the purpose of this exercise, has a negative sign and is statistically significant at the 1% level. The coefficient indicates that the years of conflict lead to a negative variation in agricultural production of sixteen percentage points, corresponding to a total estimated loss of nearly 4615 billion CFA francs over the eight years of conflict (2014-2022), or an average of 576.9 billion CFA francs per year. If conflict is a fundamental cause of the decline in agricultural value-added in Cameroon, then policies aimed at defusing and preventing conflict and promoting peace are an essential means of agricultural recovery, improving food security, and reducing rural poverty in Cameroon.
The purpose of this study was to verify the hypothesis that there is an association between peritraumatic dissociation (PD) and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) in individuals exposed to recurrent armed conflict. More specifically, we sought to evaluate whether PD differentially predicts PTSD according to the degree of exposure to the potentially traumatic event (PTE), the level of education, and gender. A total of 120 individuals between 17 and 75 years of age, including 51 women, completed the Traumatic Events List, the Peritraumatic Dissociative Experiences Questionnaire, and the French version of the Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist Scale, as well as a questionnaire providing information regarding sociodemographic details. The group of participants with high scores for PD had significantly more PTSD. PD differentially predicts PTSD depending on the level of education and gender of the individual. Those who had been physically assaulted and raped, as well as the less educated, were more likely to be dissociated during PTE· exposure compared to witnesses and those with a higher level of education. The primary target population for prevention and early management should comprise individuals with high levels of PD, low levels of education, and women. ; SCOPUS: ar.j ; info:eu-repo/semantics/published
In recent years, governments have increasingly detained children for suspected association with non-state armed groups, particularly in conflicts involving violent extremist groups. Between 2012 and 2017, the United Nations recorded a five-fold increase in the detention of children in armed conflict.1 At any given time, thousands of children are imprisoned for suspected association with armed groups, often without charge and in inhuman and degrading conditions. ; Ces dernières années, les gouvernements ont de plus en plus souvent détenu des enfants pour association présumée avec des groupes armés non étatiques, en particulier dans les conflits impliquant des groupes extrémistes violents. Entre 2012 et 2017, les Nations Unies ont enregistrées une multiplication par cinq du nombre de détentions d'enfants dans les conflits armés.1 À tout moment, des milliers d'enfants sont emprisonnés pour association présumée avec des groupes armés, souvent sans inculpation et dans des conditions inhumaines et dégradantes.
International audience ; Despite the horror caused by war, some armed conflicts of the twentieth century have raised great hopes for social justice among Marxist artists engaged in the international political struggles of their time. Such was the case of the Italian composer Luigi Nono (1924-1990). In this article, I examine how Nono addresses some of these armed conflicts, such as Third World liberation struggles, through his work for magnetic tape Für Paul Dessau (1974). I also analyse the relationship between the composer's use of technology, his political thinking and the historical and aesthetic dimensions of this work – especially within the context of the Cold War and the Marxist ideology. More broadly, this paper aims at contributing to the understanding of Marxism as advocated by Luigi Nono, as an intellectual and an activist artist in the Italian Communist Party (PCI), so as to see how it is articulated with his aesthetics and compositional practice. ; Au-delà de l'horreur que provoque la guerre en elle-même, certains conflits armés du XXe siècle ont suscité un grand espoir chez des artistes marxistes engagés dans les luttes politiques internationales de leur époque. Ce fut notamment le cas du compositeur italien Luigi Nono (1924-1990). Je propose d'examiner dans cet article de quelle façon Nono place certains des conflits armés, dont les luttes d'émancipation du tiers-monde, au cœur de son œuvre pour bande magnétique Für Paul Dessau (1974). De même, j'analyse la relation entre l'utilisation de la technologie par le compositeur, la pensée politique de ce dernier et les dimensions historique et esthétique de l'œuvre – notamment dans le contexte de la Guerre froide et de l'idéologie marxiste. Plus largement, l'ambition de ce texte est de contribuer à la compréhension et à la mise en perspective du marxisme défendu par Luigi Nono en tant qu'intellectuel et artiste militant au Parti Communiste Italien (PCI), dans son articulation avec ses idées esthétiques et son activité de compositeur.
Since some decades, Africa is «the most destabilized strategic area of the plane. » the issue of armed conflicts represent a real «African puzzle» as well for local actors as international ones who are involve in, with its internal characteristic contrast with the transnational consequences which result from.How to get out of this chronically in security and the civil war which permanently watch out behind curtain in order to reach sustainable development and stability in order to better limit numerous violations of human rights done in that fact?Some approaches of solution are numerous, going from military solution less respecting human lives, to the negociated solutions which call for the human genius and his intelligent, anxious to preserve human gender by «imaging» or by « inventing» Compromises signed in agreements, essentially political. Its then, precisely that African issue translated by an updated heading: agreements in the resolution of internal armed conflits in Africa. »The analysis considered in the present study will expose the conclusion of political agreements by insisting distinctly on political environment, their formation as well on the legal framework which characterizes them, on one hand. On the other hand, it seems important to examine the application of those agreements by analyzing in details the agenda in which they evoluate in order to draw up scientifically the balance sheet of the objective in order to assess the affectivity of their implementation and their effectiveness in domain of human rights protection. ; L'Afrique est, depuis quelques décennies, « la zone stratégique la plus déstabilisée de la planète ». La question des conflits armés constitue un véritable « casse-tête africain » aussi bien pour les acteurs locaux qu'internationaux qui s'y intéressent en ce que son caractère interne contraste avec les conséquences transnationales qui en résultent.Comment sortir de cette insécurité chronique et de la guerre civile qui guette en permanence derrière le rideau et parvenir à une ...
Since some decades, Africa is «the most destabilized strategic area of the plane. » the issue of armed conflicts represent a real «African puzzle» as well for local actors as international ones who are involve in, with its internal characteristic contrast with the transnational consequences which result from.How to get out of this chronically in security and the civil war which permanently watch out behind curtain in order to reach sustainable development and stability in order to better limit numerous violations of human rights done in that fact?Some approaches of solution are numerous, going from military solution less respecting human lives, to the negociated solutions which call for the human genius and his intelligent, anxious to preserve human gender by «imaging» or by « inventing» Compromises signed in agreements, essentially political. Its then, precisely that African issue translated by an updated heading: agreements in the resolution of internal armed conflits in Africa. »The analysis considered in the present study will expose the conclusion of political agreements by insisting distinctly on political environment, their formation as well on the legal framework which characterizes them, on one hand. On the other hand, it seems important to examine the application of those agreements by analyzing in details the agenda in which they evoluate in order to draw up scientifically the balance sheet of the objective in order to assess the affectivity of their implementation and their effectiveness in domain of human rights protection. ; L'Afrique est, depuis quelques décennies, « la zone stratégique la plus déstabilisée de la planète ». La question des conflits armés constitue un véritable « casse-tête africain » aussi bien pour les acteurs locaux qu'internationaux qui s'y intéressent en ce que son caractère interne contraste avec les conséquences transnationales qui en résultent.Comment sortir de cette insécurité chronique et de la guerre civile qui guette en permanence derrière le rideau et parvenir à une ...
Preliminary Material /André Alen , Johan Vande Lanotte , Eugeen Verhellen , Fiona Ang , Eva Berghmans and Mieke Verheyde -- Chapter One. Introduction /André Alen , Johan Vande Lanotte , Eugeen Verhellen , Fiona Ang , Eva Berghmans and Mieke Verheyde -- Chapter Two. Comparison with Related International Instruments /André Alen , Johan Vande Lanotte , Eugeen Verhellen , Fiona Ang , Eva Berghmans and Mieke Verheyde -- Chapter Three. Scope of the Optional Protocol /André Alen , Johan Vande Lanotte , Eugeen Verhellen , Fiona Ang , Eva Berghmans and Mieke Verheyde.
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The Unmik, United Nations Mission in Kosovo, was launched in the aftermath of mass violations of War Law and of International Humanitarian Law, perpetrated by the Republika Srpska against the Albanian civilian of Kosovo. The Unmik was mandated to prevent the interethnic violence and to neutralise the roots of conflict, and to let emerge a new society where intercommunity antagonisms do not exist anymore. The mass education appears to be a tool that leads to a sustainable development of society. Therefore, the International Community links education and conflict prevention due to the role of education in social integration and development, and through specific contents. The supranational principles of education to conflict prevention are framed by an international framework, mostly developed in the nineties. Finally, education was at stake and was instrumentalised by the nationalist propagandas during the conflict between Serbs and Albanian in Kosovo. The main object of this research is to explore the way these principles of education to conflict prevention are operationalized in the primary public education system in Kosovo, through the study case of the main city Prishtina. The premise is that the operationalization can carry some boundaries to the complete expression of these supranational principles. The first step was dedicated to the research of the supranational principles in a normative and legislative corpus of local texts. The second step was a study of the expression of the principles of prevention in the primary public schools of Prishtina and with some members of the education system of Kosovo. This work highlights the sustainability of the operationalized principles on the formal and structural stages, due to the integration in the local normative and legislative frame. However, the operationalization can lead to an incomplete or a limited expression of the principles of an education involved in the conflict prevention. The top down approach of the Unmik and its lack of practical application of the principles are important elements in the limited expression of these principles. The boundaries are linked to the failure in questioning the education model applied in Kosovo as well, and to the assumptions it carries. Finally, the inadequate support to the educational staff and the inadequacy of this education model to the specificities of Kosovo are equally major factors of the limited operationalization of the supranational principles of conflict prevention in the primary schools of Prishtina. ; La Minuk, Mission intérimaire des Nations Unies au Kosovo, a été déployée suite à la violation massive et systématique des normes internationales, commise par la Republika Srpska de Milosevic envers les populations Albanaises. Le rôle de la Minuk est de déconstruire la violence inter-ethnique et de neutraliser les racines du conflit, pour permettre l'émergence d'une nouvelle société dans laquelle les conflits armés n'auront plus de raison d'émerger. De par son potentiel de diffusion à large échelle et son impact sur les générations futures, l'éducation est un canal privilégié de pérennisation de cette nouvelle donne sociale, économique et gouvernementale. La Communauté internationale lie également directement l'éducation à la prévention des conflits armés, de par son côté intégratif et son rôle dans le développement, ainsi qu'à travers certains contenus spécifiques à la construction de la paix et à la neutralisation de la violence. Les principes supranationaux qui encadrent l'éducation à la prévention des conflits armés, sont contenus dans un cadre normatif international, dont le développement s'accélère dès les années 1990. Par ailleurs, l'éducation a représenté un enjeu dans le conflit albano-serbe et a été instrumentalisée à des fins nationalistes. L'objectif de cette recherche est d'explorer la façon dont ces principes supranationaux de prévention des conflits armés sont mis en oeuvre dans le système éducatif primaire public du Kosovo, à travers l'étude de cas de la ville de Prishtina. Le postulat de base est que la mise en oeuvre peut entraîner des obstacles à la bonne expression des principes supranationaux. Après l'étude de l'insertion des principes du corpus normatif international dans un corpus normatif et législatif local, la mise en oeuvre et l'expression de ces principes supranationaux ont été appréhendées dans les écoles primaires publiques de la ville de Prishtina, ainsi qu'auprès des acteurs du système éducatif. Ce travail a permis de mettre en évidence la pérennité de la mise en oeuvre des principes supranationaux sur les plans structurels et formels, à travers le cadre normatif et législatif. Cependant, il apparaît que la mise en oeuvre entraîne l'expression partielle et/ou limitée de ces principes dans les écoles primaires de Prishtina. L'action top-down de la Minuk et son manque à appliquer les principes qu'elle cherche à faire exister sont des facteurs qui influencent négativement leur expression dans le système éducatif primaire de Prishtina. Les difficultés apparaissent également comme liées à la non interrogation du modèle éducatif appliqué au Kosovo et aux présupposés et implicites qu'il contient, ainsi qu'au manque d'accompagnement du corps enseignant et à la non adéquation du modèle aux spécificités et capacités du Kosovo.
The protection of children during armed conflict - Comparative study between international law and Libyan lawChildren are a vulnerable group in society and as such they require special protection, especially in times of armed conflict where their rights may be violated, whether they belong to the civilian population or they are militarily involved in armed conflict. This protection is a recent problem and remains more than ever current. It raises the question of what is the purpose of the specificity announced to the extent that there is already a general protection of civilians. Must we then understand that the latter is insufficient to protect children in war situations? Also, does the general as well as the specific protection applied to children vary according to whether the armed conflict is international or non-international? All of these questions will be the subject of the first part of the thesis entitled: « The protection of civilian children in times of armed conflict ».The second part of the thesis on « The protection of child soldiers in times of armed conflict » examines the legal consequences of the participation of children in hostilities. And in this context, whether these children captured by the enemy will get the status of prisoner of war and whether they will be criminally prosecuted in case of commission of war crimes. The other issue raised in this section is the responsibility of the State, the group, the individual, who recruits children for use in armed conflict, despite their commitment not to do so. . The case of Libya appears here the most indicated; indeed, the country has dealt with these issues in its legislation which however presents flaws that we highlight, especially since in that state broke out in February 2011 a war where are recruited and used children. ; Les enfants constituent un groupe vulnérable de la société et à ce titre ils nécessitent une protection spécifique, en particulier en temps de conflits armés où leurs droits peuvent être violés, qu'ils appartiennent à la ...
