Suchergebnisse

O presente artigo busca pensar qual é a função política do luto no cenário peruano atual, com o tema do conflito armado entre o Estado peruano e o Sendero Luminoso, que resultou em 70.000 mortos e mais de 15.000 desaparecidos, apresentando três iniciativas femininas de interrupções simbólicas ou poéticas do luto. Através de uma expansão na definição do que constitui um objeto artístico, descreve a utilização de bilhetes de ônibus, montagem de um manto simbólico e tessitura de um cachecol coletivo como espaços encontrados por estas artistas para trazer ao debate atual esta temática que o Estado peruano insiste em continuar ocultando. ; O presente artigo busca pensar qual é a função política do luto no cenário peruano atual, com o tema do conflito armado entre o Estado peruano e o Sendero Luminoso, que resultou em 70.000 mortos e mais de 15.000 desaparecidos, apresentando três iniciativas femininas de interrupções simbólicas ou poéticas do luto. Através de uma expansão na definição do que constitui um objeto artístico, descreve a utilização de bilhetes de ônibus, montagem de um manto simbólico e tessitura de um cachecol coletivo como espaços encontrados por estas artistas para trazer ao debate atual esta temática que o Estado peruano insiste em continuar ocultando. ; This article seeks to think what is the political function of mourning in the current Peruvian scenario, with the theme of armed conflict between the Peruvian government and the Shining Path, which resulted in 70,000 dead and over 15,000 missing, presenting three female symbolic interruption initiatives or poetics of mourning. By expanding the definition of what constitutes an object of art, this article describes the use of bus tickets, the assembling of a symbolic robe and the weaving of a collective scarf as spaces found by these artists to bring this issue to the ongoing debate which the Peruvian State insists in keeping it concealed.

The author discusses the progressive transformation of the cyberspace into one more battleground for international conflicts. The article begins with an analysis of the concept of cyber war, and a discussion about the difficulties of establishing a rigorous conceptualisation within the framework of the Law of Armed Conflict/International Humanitarian Law. Then, the capabilities and vulnerabilities of great powers are also object of analysis, and the complex role of non-state actors in cyber conflicts. The article ends with a discussion about the difficulty of assessing the economic impact of cyber attacks. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to analyze the occurrence of the process of security outsourcing and its implications for theory/practice. This task is based on the security decisions made by the Colombia neighbours countries to, between 2000-2011. The article also takes in account their internal realities on border areas stricken from non-traditional threats of armed conflict and the spread of drug-trafficking networks. Adapted from the source document.

This article aims to analyze the dynamics of the relationship between Colombia & United States, with emphasis on the Uribe Government. For this purpose, the internationalization strategy of the Colombian armed conflict & the aspects of the U.S. intervention under Plan Colombia were examined. In the final analysis, this paper suggests that recent political changes in the United States have impacted the guidance for U.S.-Colombia relations. Adapted from the source document.

This article analyses the way Portuguese diplomacy worked trough NATO to defend the regime's colonial policy, as well as the obstacles it faced during the 1960's after the beginning of the armed conflict in Angola. It also emphasizes the role of Kennedy & Johnson administrations in the Atlantic Alliance & in the Portuguese foreign policy development as well as the allies' perception on Portuguese behavior. Adapted from the source document.

The researchers of international relations and strategy have been focused their analysis in the phenomenon of war for so long. We had assisted to a change in the war model, from a clausewitzian model towards an irregular, global, asymmetric and permanent model with an undefined origin. According to this we will design the evolution in the armed conflicts and characterize the main threats to our security, presenting the association between these wars and the war of our century. Adapted from the source document.

After four years of negotiations between the Colombian government and the guerrilla of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP for its acronym in Spanish), from Havana, Cuba, on August 24, 2016, representatives of Cuba and Norway, guarantor countries, together with the negotiating parties, issued a joint communication in which they announced to the Colombian people and to the entire world the end of a conflict that lasted more than six decades, since they have reached a final, integral, and definitive agreement on all points of the agenda of the General Agreement to End the Conflict and to Build a Stable and Lasting Peace in Colombia. This agreement was ratified by the Congress of the Republic and then submitted to a referendum on October 2, 2016, so that the Colombian people decide on the final approval of its implementation (Gobierno Nacional y FARC-EP, 2016). ; Tras cuatro años de negociaciones entre el Gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), desde La Habana, el 24 de agosto de 2016, representantes de Cuba y Noruega, países garantes, junto con las partes negociadoras divulgaron un comunicado conjunto en el cual anunciaban a los colombianos y al mundo entero el fin de un conflicto de más de seis décadas y haber llegado a un "Acuerdo final, integral y definitivo, sobre la totalidad de los puntos de la agenda del Acuerdo General para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz Estable y Duradera en Colombia"1. Esta Acuerdo fue ratificado en el Congreso de la República y luego llevado a plebiscito el 2 de octubre de 2016 para que los colombianos decidieran la aprobación final de cara a su implementación (Gobierno Nacional y FARC-EP, 2016). ; Após quatro anos de negociações entre o Governo da Colômbia e a guerrilha das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia-Exército do Povo (Farc-EP), no dia 24 de agosto de 2016, em Havana, representantes de Cuba e Noruega, países fiadores, junto com as partes ...

After four years of negotiations between the Colombian government and the guerrilla of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP for its acronym in Spanish), from Havana, Cuba, on August 24, 2016, representatives of Cuba and Norway, guarantor countries, together with the negotiating parties, issued a joint communication in which they announced to the Colombian people and to the entire world the end of a conflict that lasted more than six decades, since they have reached a final, integral, and definitive agreement on all points of the agenda of the General Agreement to End the Conflict and to Build a Stable and Lasting Peace in Colombia. This agreement was ratified by the Congress of the Republic and then submitted to a referendum on October 2, 2016, so that the Colombian people decide on the final approval of its implementation (Gobierno Nacional y FARC-EP, 2016). ; Tras cuatro años de negociaciones entre el Gobierno de Colombia y la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP), desde La Habana, el 24 de agosto de 2016, representantes de Cuba y Noruega, países garantes, junto con las partes negociadoras divulgaron un comunicado conjunto en el cual anunciaban a los colombianos y al mundo entero el fin de un conflicto de más de seis décadas y haber llegado a un "Acuerdo final, integral y definitivo, sobre la totalidad de los puntos de la agenda del Acuerdo General para la Terminación del Conflicto y la Construcción de una Paz Estable y Duradera en Colombia"1. Esta Acuerdo fue ratificado en el Congreso de la República y luego llevado a plebiscito el 2 de octubre de 2016 para que los colombianos decidieran la aprobación final de cara a su implementación (Gobierno Nacional y FARC-EP, 2016). ; Após quatro anos de negociações entre o Governo da Colômbia e a guerrilha das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia-Exército do Povo (Farc-EP), no dia 24 de agosto de 2016, em Havana, representantes de Cuba e Noruega, países fiadores, junto com as partes negociadoras, divulgaram um comunicado conjunto no qual anunciavam aos colombianos e ao mundo inteiro o fim de um conflito demais de seis décadas e um Acordo final, integral e definitivo, sobre a totalidade dos pontos da agenda do Acordo Geral para a Terminação do Conflito e para a Construção de uma Paz Estável e Duradoura na Colômbia. Esse Acordo foi ratificado no Congresso da República e logo levado a plebiscito no dia 2 de outubro de 2016, para que os colombianos decidissem a aprovação final para sua implantação (Gobierno Nacional e Farc-EP, 2016).

Kristina Lyons holds a Ph.D. in anthropology from the University of California, Davis. She is currently a professor in the Department of Anthropology and the Penn Program in Environmental Humanities at the University of Pennsylvania. Her work revolves around social studies of science, socio-legal studies, and socio-ecological conflicts in Latin America. Her book, "Vital Decomposition: Soil Practitioners and Life Politics" moves between farms, laboratories and forests in the Andean-Amazonian department of Putumayo and the capital city of Bogotá in Colombia. It explores socio-ecological conflicts, proposals for territorial transformation, the work of soil scientists, and the ways of life of rural communities immersed in the armed conflict and counter-narcotics policies of the U.S. and Colombia. ; Kristina Lyons es doctora en antropología, titulada en la Universidad de California, Davis. Actualmente es profesora del Departamento de Antropología y del Programa de Penn en Humanidades Ambientales en la Universidad de Pensilvania. Su trabajo gira alrededor de los estudios sociales de la ciencia, los estudios sociojurídicos y los conflictos socioecológicos en América Latina. Su libro, "Descomposición Vital: Suelos, selva y propuestas de vida", se mueve entre fincas, laboratorios y bosques en el departamento andino-amazónico del Putumayo y la ciudad capital de Bogotá en Colombia. En él explora los conflictos socioecológicos, las propuestas de transformación territorial, el trabajo de científicos de suelos, y las formas de vida de comunidades rurales inmersas en el conflicto armado y las políticas antinarcóticos de los EE.UU. y Colombia. ; Kristina Lyons é doutora em antropologia pela Universidade da Califórnia, Davis. Atualmente ela é professora no Departamento de Antropologia e no Programa Penn em Humanidades Ambientais da Universidade da Pensilvânia. Seu trabalho gira em torno dos estudos sociais da ciência, estudos sócio-legais e conflitos sócio-ecológicos na América Latina. Seu livro, "Descomposición Vital: Suelos, ...

Discusses results of UN involvement in military missions, problems of peace-keeping, command and control, use of force, peace-building, and the reluctance of states to contribute troops and money. Summary in English p. 255.

On September 24, 2015 the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia(FARC) gave themselves six months to reach a definitive peace agreement, which would reincorporate the oldest insurgent group in Latin America -founded in 1964- into democratic society. This would mean the direct participation of the guerrilla group in the country's political life. The FARC, inspired by the ideals of Communism and of the peasant movement, espoused the use of violence to achieve agrarian reform that would respond to the demands of the peasantry (at the time of its foundation comprising over half the country's population). Since then, the armed conflict, like any war, has created a legacy of violence and death that affects the parties to the conflict, and has created an indelible mark on the memory of all Colombians. ; El 24 de septiembre de 2015, el Gobierno de Colombia y las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) se dieron seis meses para alcanzar un acuerdo de paz definitivo y, de esta manera, insertar en el modelo democrático del Estado de derecho al grupo insurgente más antiguo de Latinoamérica, que nació en 1964. Esto implicaría directamente la participación del grupo guerrillero en el escenario político del país. Esta guerrilla, inspirada en ideales comunistas y de movimientos campesinos, en sus orígenes propone la toma de armas como medio para reclamar una reforma agraria que resuelva los reclamos de la población campesina (que para ese entonces comprendía más de la mitad de la población del país). Desde entonces, el conflicto bélico, como cualquier guerra, ha dejado una ola de violencia y muerte para las partes en conflicto, así como una huella imborrable en la memoria de los colombianos. ; Em 24 de setembro de 2015, o governo da Colômbia e as Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (Farc) deram-se seis meses para chegar a um acordo de paz definitivo e, dessa maneira, inserir, no modelo democrático do Estado de direito, o grupo insurgente mais antigo da América Latina, que ...

Violence is the intentional use of physical strength or power, actually or under threat, against oneself, someone else, or against a group or community, which results or has a high probability of resulting in injury, death or psychological damage, bad development or deprivation(1).In Brazil and in the world, a lot is told about violence, which is present in various forms in everyday life, whether in the country or in urban area. Cities have grown without proper planning, people have migrated, generating unsatisfied social demands in the large centers, television has invaded home and modified people's thinking in great extension, families have loosen moral principles, governments do not set good examples.Therefore, violence has spread into all aspects of life, revealing itself in economics (exploitation of man by man, state coercion, material dependence, discrimination against women's work, child labour, unfair impositions etc.), in politics (control by one or various parties, authoritarianism, exclusion of citizens from decision-making, revolution, war and armed conflict etc.), in ideology (implementation of official criteria, prohibition of free thought, censorship, manipulation of public opinion, advertisements and issues of violent nature), in religion (submission to clerical interests, strict control of thought, prohibition of other beliefs and persecution of "heretics", etc.), within the family (exploitation of women and children etc.), in education (teachers and principals authoritarianism etc.), in the army (unquestioning obedience to commanders etc.), in the culture (excluding innovating trends, prohibiting publication of works, bureaucracies, etc.). (2)It is health's responsibility dealing with people affected by physical or psychological violence, in hospitals, ambulatory facilities or clinics. As researches in health are responsible for statistical data consolidation. In 2002, the World Health Organization (WHO) released its first report on violence and health, achieving a comprehensive review on the ...

One of the most vibrant theories that constitute the theoretical framework of Foreign Policy Analysis is the Decision Unit Framework created by Margaret & Charles Hermann. This article aims to present a critical view of this theory, demonstrating its strengths & weaknesses, always with the attempt of demystifying some of its excessive simplifications in relation to actors' characteristics. We exemplify a more sharpened analysis of the coalition decision-making process through the demonstration of the conflict that opposed then Portuguese President Spinola & the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) during the Portuguese democratic transition process between 1974 & 1975. Tables, Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.