Suchergebnisse

The approximately 18,000 imperial troops who arrived in New Zealand with the British regiments between 1840 and 1870 as garrison and combat troops, did not do so by choice. However, for the more than 3,600 non-commissioned officers and rank and file soldiers who subsequently discharged from the army in New Zealand, and the unknown but significant number of officers who retired in the colony, it was their decision to stay and build civilian lives as soldier settlers in the colony. This thesis investigates three key themes in the histories of soldiers who became settlers: land, familial relationships, and livelihood. In doing so, the study develops an important area of settler colonialism in New Zealand history. Discussion covers the period from the first arrival of soldiers in the 1840s through to the early twentieth century – incorporating the span of the soldier settlers' lifetimes. The study focuses on selected aspects of the history of nineteenth-century war and settlement. Land is examined through analysis of government statutes and reports, reminiscences, letters, and newspapers, the thesis showing how and why soldier settlers were assisted on to confiscated and alienated Māori land under the Waste Lands and New Zealand Settlement Acts. Attention is also paid to documenting the soldier settlers' experiences of this process and its problems. Further, it discusses some of the New Zealand settlements in which military land grants were concentrated. It also situates such military settlement practices in the context of the wider British Empire. The place of women, children, and the regimental family in the soldier settlers' New Zealand lives is also considered. This history is explored through journals, reminiscences, biography and newspapers, and contextualised via imperial and military histories. How and where men from the emphatically male sphere of the British Army met and married women during service in New Zealand is examined, as are the contexts in which they lived their married lives. Also discussed are the contrasting military and colonial policies towards women and marriage, and how these were experienced by soldier settlers and their families. Lastly, the livelihood of soldier settlers is explored – the thesis investigating what sort of civilian lives soldier settlers experienced and how they made a living for themselves and their families. Utilising newspapers, reminiscences, biography, and government records the diversity of work army veterans undertook in the colony is uncovered. Notable trends include continued military-style roles and community leadership. The failed farming enterprise is also emphasised. Going further, it offers analysis of the later years of life and the different experiences of soldier settlers in their twilight years, particularly for those with and without family networks in the colony. The thesis challenges the separation between 'war' and 'settlement' by focusing on a group whose history spanned both sides of the nineteenth-century world of colony and empire.

The Amanded of UUD 1945 changed basically the structure and State institutional. the change of the structure State institutional that is, was formed several of the new State institutionals, among them the Yudisial Commission (KY), the Constitutional Court (MK) and the Council of Representative of the Area (DPD). The UUD 1945 amanded unclear defined the State institutional, that is caused the inter-institutional authority dispute . Who right to interpreted the State institutional and what institution that were said as the State institution according to UUD 1945 fourth amanded . The Institution that the Right to interpreted UUD 1945 is the Constitutional Court. The State institutional that were meant in UUD 1945 is People's Consultative Assembly, the People's Representative Council, DPD, President, The ministry of the State , BPK, , DPRD, the Commission of general election (KPU), the Yudisial Commission, , the central bank, Republic of Indonesia Army, Republic of Indonesia State Police, and the Council of President consideration . The constitutional court had the authority to settle of the inter-institutional authority dispute of the country that his authority was given by UUD 1945.

Revolusi Iran tahun 1979 menjadi sebuah titik balik terhadap dinamika politik, budaya, dan sosial yang ada di Iran. Pemimpin revolusi, Khomeini, ingin Iran menjadi negara mandiri secara militer, salah satunya adalah membentuk milisi yang disebut Basij e-Mustafasin. Basij adalah milisi yang loyal terhadap Ayatollah yang terdiri dari masyarakat sipil. Basij telah begitu aktif terlibat dalam berbagai macam konflik yang melibatkan kepentingan Iran, seperti perang Irak-Iran 1980, perang Lebanon 2006, hingga perang sipil Suriah 2011. Menurut Paul Bucala (2017), penggunaan milisi Basij Iran dalam Perang Sipil Suriah yang terjadi dinilai tidak efektif, menghabiskan dana dan memunculkan korban yang cukup banyak, selain itu terdapat sebuah anomali dimana milisi yang seharusnya digunakan untuk bertahan di dalam teritorial negara (Calder, 1910). Namun hal ini tidak membuat Ali Khameini sebagai pemimpin agung untuk meminimalisir penggunaan milisi Basij pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Penelitian ini membuktikan bahwa terdapat konsistensi serta peningkatan dalam penggunaan milisi Basij dikarenakan budaya strategis yang mengakar dalam kultur militer Iran yaitu exporting sectarianism dan ideological army mobilization yang di sebutkan oleh Kamran Taremi (2014). Melalui hal tersebut peneliti akan menggunakan kerangka pemikiran Ole Waever tentang konstruksi sejarah sebagai identitas utama dari budaya strategis. Peneliti juga menggunakan kerangka beprikir militerisasi sipil oleh Julian Schofield (2007) untuk melihat fenomena milisi yang ada di Iran. Laporan penelitian ini kemudian menunjukkan bahwa adanya sebuah penyerapan pemahaman kolektif budaya strategis dalam perumusan kebijakan luar negeri Iran khususnya dalam bidang militer.

The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.