Suchergebnisse

Frontmatter -- CONTENTS -- A NOTE ON SOURCES -- ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -- INTRODUCTION -- CHAPTER ONE. THE FORMATION OF AN ARABOTTOMAN GENTLEMAN -- CHAPTER TWO. WAR AND EXILE -- CHAPTER THREE. ADOPTION OF THE ARAB CAUSE -- CHAPTER FOUR. ADVOCATE OF ISLAMIC NATIONALISM: THE ARAB EAST -- CHAPTER FIVE. MENTOR TO A GENERATION: NORTH AFRICA -- CHAPTER SIX. THE INTEGRITY OF TRADITION -- CHAPTER SEVEN. TOWARD THE AXIS -- CHAPTER EIGHT. CONCLUSION -- A CHRONOLOGY OF SHAKIB ARSLAN -- NOTES -- SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY -- INDEX

This study aims to analyse, the general power structure of Turkish society, and specifically the Turkish power elite. Also, the relationships within and between the elite groups, and the distribution of power will be examined. This paper will also try to understand and explain the distribution of power in Turkish society: How far is power (effective power) diffused in society or how far it is centralised and concentrated in the hands of elite groups? In accordance with the pluralists views one could argue that, power has been diffused and fragmented among many people or elite groups which together participate in the decision-making process in contemporary Turkish society. Nevertheless, decisive and effective power (parallel with the main thesis of the elitist view) has been concentrated and centralised in the hands of the small number of elite groups which are the most powerful in the national power structure. They are predominant over other groups and these dominant groups know what others do not know and can do what others cannot do. ; This study aims to analyse, the general power structure of Turkish society, and specifically the Turkish power elite. Also, the relationships within and between the elite groups, and the distribution of power will be examined. This paper will also try to understand and explain the distribution of power in Turkish society: How far is power (effective power) diffused in society or how far it is centralised and concentrated in the hands of elite groups? In accordance with the pluralists views one could argue that, power has been diffused and fragmented among many people or elite groups which together participate in the decision-making process in contemporary Turkish society. Nevertheless, decisive and effective power (parallel with the main thesis of the elitist view) has been concentrated and centralised in the hands of the small number of elite groups which are the most powerful in the national power structure. They are predominant over other groups and these dominant groups know what others do not know and can do what others cannot do.

This study aims to develop a theoretical approach to define the culture of peace and its dimensions in the workplace based on De-Rivera's peace culture dimensions at the international level. This study offers an organizational model in the workplace and it needs empirical tests in further studies. This paper is an attempt to develop a theoretical framework for peace culture in the workplace. Peace culture will be analyzed in four underlying dimensions: liberal development, violent inequality, state use of violent means, and nurturance. This study transfers De Rivera's peace culture dimensions into the organizational level, and it is assumed that peace culture in the workplace could be a remedy for a harmonious and peaceful workplace. Peace culture in the workplace is also expected to be a beneficial factor to employees' behavior, job performances, and organizational commitment as well as work outcomes. In a conclusion, it is expected that this study fills the gap in the literature and will have a leading role for further studies.