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LANGUAGE SHIFT AND MAINTENANCE AMONG CHINESE COMMUNITY IN SURABAYA: A CASE OF NON-MIGRANT COMMUNITY Rizky Silvia Putri Sastra Inggris, Language and Arts Faculty, State University of Surabaya Rizky2790@gmail.com Drs. Slamet Setiawan, MA, Ph.D English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya slametsetia@yahoo.com Abstrak Bahasa Inggris merupakan bahasa Internasional dimana semua orang di dunia mengenal bahasa Inggris. Surabaya, sebagai kota besar di Indonesia menjadikan bahasa Inggris sebagai bahasa yang penting untuk dipelajari dan hal ini juga mempengaruhi area kerja dimana Bahasa Inggris adalah salah satu syarat untuk dikuasai oleh tenaga kerja. Fenomena ini membuat orang-orang mempelajari bahkan bahasa Inggris dipilih sebagai bahasa yang harus mereka kuasai. Penelitian ini berfokus pada komintas Cina di Surabaya yang memilih bahasa Inggris and menunjukan tanda untuk bergeser ke bahasa Inggris dan pemertahanan bahasa Indonesia. Keluarga yang dipilih yang mempunyai potensial untuk berbicara bahasa Inggris dan kemungkinan bergeser ke bahasa Inggris. Penelitian ini mempunyai tiga tujuan: 1.) untuk mendeskripsikan bahasa yang digunakan oleh keluarga-keluarga Cina, 2.) untuk mengetahui factor-faktor yang menyebabkan keluraga-keluarga Cina memilih bahasa Inggris, dan 3.) untuk mengidentifikasi bagaimana keluarga-keluarga Cina mempertahankan bahasa Indonesia. Penelitian lapangan dipilih dalam penelitian ini. Penemuan dalam penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa factor dalam memilih bahasa Inggris dari pada bahasa Mandarin dan Indonesia menunjukkan tanda pergeseran ke bahasa Inggris. Ini karena bahasa Inggris mempunyai peranan yang penting dalam factor pergeseran bahasa: sifat dan nilai, social, demografi, dan ekonomi dan politik. Pemilihan bahasa Inggris karena beberapa factor juga sebuah tanda dari tiga keluraga Cina untuk bergeser ke bahasa Inggris: era modern, komunikasi, pendidikan, kehidupan mendatang, dan bahasa kebiasaan. Walaupun begitu, bahasa Indonesia sebagai bahasa ibu dan bahasa mayoritas yang digunakan oleh orang Surabaya dipertahankan. Sikap yang positif yang ditunjukkan oleh para orang tua dan anak-anak menunjukkan cara dalam mempertahankan bahasa Indonesia. Kata Kunci: pemilihan bahasa, pergeseran bahasa, pemilihan bahasa Abstract English is an international language where people around the world know English. Surabaya as urban and multilingual city in Indonesia put English as an important language to be learnt and it gives affect in working area where English one of language requirements where employees must able to speak it. This phenomena make people learn even choose English as one of language that they must mastered. This study focuses on Chinese community in Surabaya who chooses English and shows the precursor to shifts into English and the maintenance of Indonesian. The families have been chosen as they are potential agent to speak English and show the possibility to shift into English. The study has three goals: 1.) To describe the language is used by Chinese Family in Surabaya, 2.) To find out the factors that contributes Chinese family in choosing English, and 3.)To identify how do the Chinese Family maintain the Indonesian. Qualitative research approach has been chosen in this study. The instruments used were questionnaires and interviews. The findings of the study show that the factors of choosing English rather than Mandarin and Indonesian by three Chinese families as multilingual families show the precursor of shifting into English. This is because English has an important role to the factors of language shift: attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and politic. The choice of English because of some factors also the precursor of these three Chinese families to shift into English: modern era, communication, education, future life, and language habit. However, Indonesian as mother tongue and majority language that is used by Surabaya people is maintained. The positive attitudes that are shown by parents and children show the way in maintaining Indonesian language. Keywords: Language choice, language shift, language maintenance INTRODUCTION English as an international language is nothing new in this modern world. Sharifi (2009: 2) said in general that English as an international language refers to a paradigm for thinking, research and practice. It marks a paradigm shift in Teaching English to Speakers of Other Languages (TESOL), SLA and the applied linguistics of English, partly in response to the complexities that are associated with the tremendously rapid spread of English around the globe in recent decades English has been categorized as an important language for non-native English speakers and the application of learning English for education even starts from in the very young age, for example in Surabaya. English has been taught in every school and needed almost in every working area. Surabaya is known as urban city which the center of business, industry, trade, and center of education. This is one of the most favorable places where businessman or business woman begin their career, place of education, and for job seeker. Surabaya is the second larger city after Jakarta and the capital of the province of East Java, and with total of population reaching over 3 million which make Surabaya is called as an urban city (http://www.surabaya.go.id/profilkota/index.php?id=22). While Lowenstein (1977:23) said that In general, populations in places of 2,500 or over were urban; those in places of less than 2,500 were rural This makes English become an important language choice by people in Surabaya and perhaps people will try to learn English to get a better future in life because the competition is real in urban areas. Chinese is one of ethnics which exist in Surabaya for a very long time ago. The first language brought in Surabaya was Mandarin because the Chinese at the first time was the result of migration. Meanwhile, the elder did not teach Mandarin as well as language inherited. This is happen because they do not living in China where Mandarin position as first and dominant language spoken. So, the situation is Mandarin does not function as the first language for young generation in Surabaya. In addition, it is considered too difficult with all its grammars, pronunciations, and intonations. It is said by Constance's letter in Liu (2005:140) wrote that English was easier than Chinese because English only had twenty-six letters while Chinese had many characters and did not have a spelling system. So, the language most spoken by Chinese in Surabaya today is Indonesian and it is considered as mother tongue that inherits to the next generation. In this case, Chinese people, who see a future must be a better future and life will think that English is needed to be learnt because there would be a competitor in urban city and must follow the modern era which make English is used almost in every places whether written or oral. Besides getting an English subject at school, parents might also put their children to the course, learning English and use it at home in daily communication. This use of language is chosen and spoken because of some favors. This is leading Chinese community tend to shift Indonesian into English. It is when people use a particular language in a particular area because of some favors. Chaer and Agustina (1995: 190) said that language shift is usually happened in a country or in an area which gives a big hope for the better social economic life. There are three research questions; (1) what language is used by Chinese family in Surabaya, (2) what factors that contribute Chinese family choose English?, (3) how does the Chinese family maintain the Indonesian language?. The purposes of this study are to identify the language used by Chinese family in Surabaya and the factors that contribute the families choose English. This study is expected to be able to enrich linguistics study dealing with phenomena of language shift among Chinese people in Surabaya. This study uses three members of Chinese family in Surabaya and focuses only with non-migrant communities which mean that they have been living for the next of three generation after the first Chinese ethnic who had been migrated in Surabaya. The topic language shift and it is not something new. It was already done by other ethnics who moved in Surabaya as migrants. The situation of choosing a new language in a new domain where they live in right now, make the use that language in order to be able in communicate with people in new domain. This situation makes them shift their ethnic language to other language because of some favors and the ethnic language on the other hand does not use in the new are where the majority of language used is in the place they live in now. This study was conducted by Wijayanti and Windarti about language shift that happen to migrant majorities. The first study was conducted by Wijayanti's (2008) of "language shift and maintenance found in bataknese families in surabaya" indicated that the Bataknese who lives in Surabaya shift to a new and maintain the old one. She also wants to describe the social contexts which are responsible for language shift and language maintenance by Bataknese in Surabaya. Wijayanti divided the informants into two groups: young and old generations of Bataknese in Surabaya which were chosen in random whom might represent their community in Surabaya. The young generation represented language shift while the old generation represented language maintenance. While the second previous study was conducted by Windarti's (2007) of "A Study of Language Shift among Flores People in Surabaya" is concerned about the shift of Flores language because of the speakers' movement to another place (in this case, Flores people move to Java). Although the Flores people have very good ability to master Flores language, they have very positive attitude towards Flores language, and they also have such organization Flores family in Surabaya, most of the Flores people (parents) have never taught Flores language to their children. It is because Flores people think that it is unnecessary to teach Flores language in Surabaya. In addition, Windarti's study took ten Flores families as the informants, who were divided into two categories, original Flores families (OFs), and mixed marriage Flores Families (MMs). Both of previous study above concerned about the language shift which occurs to the speaker who migrate to the another city and shift the language to majority language that is Surabaya language. Migration is the position which showing that most people who migrate to another city will use the language use in the place they migrate to. While in this study is concerned about the choice and the intensity of using English language that make three Chinese families tend to shift into English. The status of English in the world is one of factors that lead them to choose English. The subjects were 3 families consist of parents and children. The children here is represented their community who potential to choose English as language communication. The parents represented the figure that supported the children to use English and maintain Indonesian as mother tongue and majority language spoken by Surabaya people. There are some theories that are used in this study, but there are five main theories that support to answer the three research questions in this study. The first theory is about multilingualism that is said by Quay in Auer and Lie (2007: 45) that with the greater mobility of people and consequent cross-linguistic and cross cultural relationship, an increasing number of children are growing up with early exposure to two languages in the family. Indeed, more than two languages may be in the linguistic repertoire of the family, rendering a case of family multilingualism, the second is about the ability of multilingual that is said by Sridhar in Wardhaugh (2006: 96) who says that Multilinguals develop competence in each of the codes to the extent that they need it and for the contexts in which each of the languages is used. The third is theory about factors of language choice by Setiawan (2013) suggests the certain reasons for language choice in bilingual or multilingual society from the city parent's view: Emblematic value, strategic reason (politeness), pragmatic reason. The fourth is about factors contribute language shift by Holmes (2001) who says that there are several factors that contribute to language shift: Values and attitude, social, demographic, and economic and political. The last is about language maintenance by Chaer and Agustina (1995: 193) who explain that language maintenance is the matter with the attitude to be consistent in using a language among other languages. RESEARCH METODE Qualitative or field research design is used in this study which mean to showing of human phenomena in the social interaction. The qualitative study is based on the quality which means to examine social meanings and grasp multiple perspectives in natural setting. According to Neuman (2007: 278), field research is based on naturalism, which is also used to study other phenomena (e.g. oceans, animals, plants, etc.). It involves observing ordinary events in natural settings, not in contrived, invented, or researcher-created-settings. The subjects in this study were 3 Chinese families in Surabaya who were born in Surabaya and living for the next of three generation for the first migration in Surabaya. The three Chinese families were multilingualism who able to speak three languages: Indonesian, Mandarin, and English. In this case, Indonesia was their mother tongue, not Mandarin. The sources of the data in this study were 3 Chinese families in Surabaya. They were parents and children. The data were information and opinion from each member and its parents. The data of research question number one, two and three are opinion and information about language used, factors contribute language shift, and the way of maintaining the Indonesian. The data are gotten from observation, Interview and questionnaires that are given to the subjects of the study; parents and children. Since the subjects of this study were humans, the writer collected the data in the form of written and oral words from the subjects being observed. Besides that, the instruments and tools were used to support to the data collection technique. There are two kinds of techniques applied in this study; questionnaires, interview. The three instruments were used to answer the three research question; (1) language used by Chinese family in Surabaya, (2) factors contributes language choice, and (3) the maintaining of Indonesian language. After that the data that had been obtained will be transcribed, and then classified the data. The last process is analyzing the data with the theory used in this study. RESULT AND DISCUSSION In this section, it collects all the data findings in result section and to be related with the theories provided. The data has founded is Multilingualism, Factors contribute language choice and the effort in Maintaining the Indonesian Language. Result In this section, it presents all data analyses gotten by related to research question number one, two, and three. In this part, there is no theory to be discussed which relate to the result. It will answer three research questions; language used, factors contribute language choice, and maintain Indonesian language. Then, the result is explained in the following parts: Language Used by Chinese Families in Surabaya The three Chinese families were known as multilingual families because they were able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian and English. These languages have its position and function towards these families. The position and function of these languages will be explained below: Mandarin Language Mandarin was one of languages that were used by three Chinese families in Surabaya. Mandarin still considered as minority language and not all people in Surabaya understood and wanted to spoke this language. As the result, Mandarin was only spoken by people who able to speak this language, such us Chinese who worked at international Chinese company and Mandarin teacher who used Mandarin in teaching and learning method in school and Mandarin course places. It had been spoken also by the elder who had been living in Surabaya in past time but it did not now. The children also argued that Chinese was important but they did not speak it because they were not living in country where Mandarin is positioning as Majority. This opinion was gotten from the subject of the study that both children and parents were giving the same opinion about their ethnic language. The conversation is written below: Data 1: Mother A: menurut saya bahasa Mandarin itu penting karena menunjukkan identitas kami sebagai orang Cina. Tapi bahasa Mandarin jarang dipakai jadi saya tidak ngomong dengan bahasa Mandarin. Dan juga menurut saya bahasa Mandarin terlalu ribet dan sulit. Saya cuman bisa sedikit tapi hanya dipakai sama saudara dan temen. (I think Mandarin is important because it shows our identity. But, I also understand that it is not a majority language to be spoken in Surabaya because in here people use Indonesian. And it is also considered to be difficult. I only speak a little with my sibling and my friends). In this case, mother A only used Mandarin with her friends but only a little. This was because she did not speak well and it was too difficult. Mandarin language was only a sign to show her identity. Indonesian Language Indonesian language is the majority language that is spoken by people in Surabaya. Since Mandarin did not inherit to the three Chinese families, Indonesian was known as their mother tongue. Mother tongue is the language that is used and taught by parents to their children in daily activities and the result of mother language usually comes up as the first language of the children and parents. The evidence of Indonesian language as mother tongue for Chinese family can be seen on the information of each parent below. Table 1. The evidence of Indonesian language that is used as mother tongue Mother A Mother B Mother C bahasa indonesia ya bahasa ibu dikeluarga kami. Soalnya dari kecil orang tua ngomongnya ya pakek bahasa Indonesia. (Indonesian is our mother tongue because it inherits by my parents). dari kecil saya pakek bahasa Indonesia, soalnya orang tua kalo ngomong ke kita ya pakek bahasa Indonesia. (I use indonesia since I was a kid because my parents also speak Indonesian to us). I was speaking Indonesian when I was a kid because parents taught that language to me. Meanwhile, we are living in Surabaya, so we must understand about Indonesian. From the table above, it proved that the three Chinese families used Indonesian as mother language because they were living in the area where Indonesian was used by people surrounding. In addition, the old generation also taught them spoke Indonesian. So, Indonesian was recognized as Chinese mother tongue. English Language English was the language that was also used by three Chinese families. English was becoming their language because it had an important role in many aspects: education and job opportunities. It was also known as International language and positioned as foreign language. English was one of foreign languages that are taught at every school since a long time.it was seen that Child C learnt English since she was a child. And it was also her language used. Data 2: Child C: yeah,, My parents taught me English since I was a child. They also sent me to English course. From the information above, English was her language used. It was proven that she her parents taught her English when she was a child and they also sent her to English course. It means that she used English as one of her languages used. On the other hand, English became a dominant language used by three Chinese families in Surabaya. It was argued by Family A and B that English must become the children's dominant language. They are stated as follow: Data 3: Father A: kami sudah terbiasa ngomong pakek bahasa Inggris. Itu sudah terbiasa karena digereja dan tempat kerja ya bahasa inggris yang dpakai. Di rumah kami juga ngomong pakek bahasa inggris. ya biar tambah lancar aja apalagi sama anak saya. Wajib itu mbak, meskipun gak setiap hari. (we used to speak in English. it is so because I speak it in church and working place because English is used there. I also speak English at home. it is because we will be fluent in it, especially with my children. It is a must even not in everyday communication). English became a dominant language to family A because they used to speak English almost in many domains: church, home, and working area. Father A supported his statement that English was also used at home in order to fluent their family English speaking. And it was strongly said that "wajib itu mbk meskipun gak setiap hari (it is a must even not in everyday communication)". So, from the statement above, English is recognized as their dominant language. It was proven that three Chinese families were multilingual families because they were able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian, and English. Indonesian was their mother tongue because it is inherited through generations. Mandarin was their ethnic language that is functioned to show their identity, and English was used as their dominant language use. In this case, they are considered as multilingualism, this is the ability of speaking more than two languages Factors of Choosing English Language There were several factors why did three Chinese families choose English as their language communication. The factors are represented in the form of tables which consists of; modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit. Here are some factors why did these families choose English. Modern Era See the advanced of high technology in modern era, it is proven that there so many communication tools with high technology that are used to interact with other people in order to get an easy ways to communicate with them. High technology facilitates the people to interact with people who live in foreign country. The three children were used English to chat with their foreign friends through social media. In this case, high technology helped them to interact with people who had long distance. The table below shows about English as language choice to interact with their foreign friends through social media. Table 2. Language Choice by Child A, B, and C in Modern Era Child A Child B Child C I like to speak in English with my foreign friends in social media. In social media, I am used to speak English with foreign friends. I have chat friends from Singapore. She is the daughter of dad's friend. I am used to talk with her in English. So, I like it. From the information on the table above, high technology was useful for three children to communicate with their foreign friends. English was usually used in high technology. It meant that social media was one of the result of high technology that used English as main language in the display. So, with the ability of speaking English by the children is helping them in using the technology to communicate with their foreign friends through social media. Communication The choice of language in a communication is affected both for speakers and addressees. It means that the language is chosen in order to get an effective ways to communicate with one to another. Three Chinese families used English in some domains and with certain addresses. It means that they used English with people who spoke English too. It was also said that the used of English was chosen because in some domains English was used. In this case, all people used English in church domain. Family B, on the other hand used English in church, working area, and home. This was because English was the language choice in church and working area, while it was their language used at home. Mother B showed that she spoke English in church, home, and working area. Data 4: Mother B: saya ngomong bahasa Inggris di rumah, tempat kerja, sama Gereja. Dirumah saya biasanya bicara sama suami sama anak-anak juga. Kalau ditempat kerja, saya ngomong pakek bahasa inggris sama GM soalnya dia dari India. Jadi bahasa kita ya Inggris sebagai penghubung. Kalau di gereja biasanya ya ngomong bahasa inggris sama head church sama temen-temen aja. (I speak English at home, working area, and church. I speak English with my husband and children. I also speak English at the office with general manager. This is because he is from India and English is our language. If it is at church, I speak English with the head of church and fellows). The intensity of using English language was a precursor for the family to shift into English. This was because English had become their dominant language used. Education Education sometimes becomes a place where English is used in state and public school but it is most used in international school. This was shown by three children of Chinese families who schooled at international language. The use of English was crucial in there and this was an obligation of each student to speak in English. Table 3. Language Choice by Child A, B, and C in Education Child A Child B Child C I speak English at school with teachers and friends. At school, I speak English with my teacher and friends I speak English at schools with teacher and friends The choice of English in school area is obvious. This is because it is the dominant language used in school. The school of three children is international school and English is language used in there. English is used to communicate with teacher and students in the classroom and used with friends outside the class. Future Carrier Future carrier always becomes a crucial part for someone to choose a language that gives a big role to the successful in working area. English is the language that gives a big contribution in future carrier. Most companies use English as one of language requirements for applicants who want to apply and get a job. Consider that Surabaya was urban city, big chance to get a good job in big companies. English must be the language that requires in there. It was argued by mother A that English was one of languages that were needed in big companies. Data 5: Mother A: pasti itu mbak. Karena pekerjaan sekarang banyak yang menggunakan bahasa inggris. Di Surabaya banyak sekali perusahaan-perusahaan yang syarat diterima untuk bekerja salah satunya adalah menguasai bahasa inggris. (ofcourse, this is because there are so many jobs that use English. in Surabaya, there are companies where one of conditions that the applicants can be accepted is able to speak in English). Saw Surabaya as urban city made mother A concerned about choosing English as one of language used in her family. This was because there were big companies that choose English as requirement for applicant who wanted to enter it. It was supported by her child who saw English as an important language for good job carrier in Surabaya. Data 6: Child A: because Surabaya is a big city after Jakarta and it is recognized as urban city where everything is in here. Everything means good education, good job, beautiful house, good technology, etc. It was argued by child A that in Surabaya had everything; good education, good job, beautiful house, good technology, etc. it means that to get all of them she must has a view to pass all of these. By learning English was one of steps to pass it because when she mastered it, she could work wherever she wanted. Language Habit The use of language in everyday communication will make this as language habit. Language habit can be a result of dominant language because it is the language used that is almost spoken. English was spoken at home as daily language because the parents wanted the children fluent their English. Father A showed that the using of English at home would make his family used to speak it. Data 7: Father A: iya. karena dengan memakai bahasa inggris dirumah kami jadi terbiasa untuk berbicara bahasa inggris.(yes, because with using English at home we will use to speak English). English was spoken in home domain where it was a crucial place to the acquiring the language that became the habit. It was supported by his child who used English as language habit because that was the perfect way in practicing of English. Data 8: Child A: Because practice makes perfect and if we think that English is important, we need to use it every day Child A said that the using of English for everyday communication was important. The used of English was showed as the real practice to make it perfect because it was because her daily language. The tendency of choosing and using English make English become the language habit. This is because they want to master English by using it as daily communication which makes English as their language habit. The factors of choosing English language show that English has an important role. The spread of English in many aspects make these three Chinese families choose English over other languages. The intensity of using English language show a precursor for these families to shift into English and it is unavoidable that these families will shift into English when they start to abandon their mother tongue and choose English as their new language. On the other hand, the precursor of shifting into English was also shown by three Chinese families because of some factors; attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and political. The factors that give these three Chinese families precursor to shift into English will be explained below. Attitude and Values Attitude is one of the factors to occur the language shift. The choice of a language where dominant language is chosen than mother tongue will give a big tendency to them who tended to shift into English. It is show by Family A, B, and C who agreed that English has a high value. Table 4. Father A, B, and C's opinion about the value of English language Father A Father B Father C People will see us as an educated people. Because English is considered as international language and it is important. It will show our family background. It is also the language in the world that is used by various people. The spread of English in the world is admitted. So, at least, people must learn English for better future. See the Value of English and the attitude of each family make English has high status. This is because the important of learning English is no doubt. The tendency of using English is one of ways that will make them look educated which shows their background of family and by seeing the value of English these families showed the positive attitude by teach their children even used it in everyday communication. Children themselves showed the precursor of shifting into English by used in daily. Demographic Demographic is also the one of factors that contributes Chinese family who tended to shift into English, especially for the children. Moreover, English is used in big and international companies. So, people must able to speak English as one of requirements in get in that companies. All families agreed that demographic was one of factors that made them learning English in order to get a better job among other people who come to Surabaya to find a better job too. It was shown by mother A that English was one of ways to compete with other job seekers. Data 9: Mother A: intinya mbak, saya ingin anak belajar bahasa inggris agar bisa mendapat pekerjaan yang bagus. Karena banyak orang yang datang ke Surabaya untuk mencari pekerjaan. Jadi ya, dengan bahasa Inggris kami bisa berkompetisi.(the point is, I want my children to learn English in order to get a good job. There are people who come in Surabaya to get a job, so only with English we can compete with them). From the opinion that was said by mother A, it proved that the competition in urban city was real. This was because there were many people who came from another city to get a good job in Surabaya. So, the only way to compete with them was able to speak in English because in big companies must use English as one of the requirement. If people wanted to be a success people, they must start it from big companies where so many chances could be found. Chinese people, with all their vision and to see the future must being the best future was about a competition in urban city. People who live in urban city with such kind of opportunities will make Chinese people not give up upon everything. Economic and Political Economic and political factors are considered as an obvious factor in language shift. From the data gotten, economic aspect gave a big contribution for three Chinese families who tended to shift into English. Child C went to international school and English course to fluent her English ability. Data 10: Child C: I go international school and having various kinds of friends. I also go to English course to learn English. My parents said that by learning English I will be a successful person and get much money so I can make them proud of me. It was seen that by studying English since the children was a kid will let them ready to the get a better life by having a good job. Social Social gives a big contribution to the shifting of one language to dominant language used. English was used by people in wider community; Church, working area, and environment. All parents and children were used English in church. The communities (addressee) in church were used English too to communicate with others. It happened to family C who tended to shift into English. Besides school and church, environment and working area were the area where family C used English as their daily language. It happened because some of their neighbors were mixed marriage couple. Data 11: Child C: I also speak with my friend, Farah. She lives next two blocks from my house. Her family is from Singapore. The tendency of using English by all families in certain domains and addresses in some situation make them tended to shift from Indonesian into English. The obvious way is showed by the children. The condition where English is used in certain domains and situations see the precursor of language shift where English replaces Indonesian. The choices of English as communication tool and the intensity that are shown by three Chinese families show the precursor of language shift. This is because they use English almost in their daily language. The factors of language shift also become the precursor by three Chinese families to shift into English. Language maintenance towards Indonesian Language by Chinese Family in Surabaya Chinese families were living in Surabaya where Indonesian is the majority language used by people in Surabaya. However English comes to Surabaya and influence all aspects in it, still, the majority language that was spoken in Surabaya was Indonesian. It was shown by family A who cared about Indonesian language as majority language in Surabaya. It was supported a reason given by Mother A: Data 12: Mother A: iya lah mbak. Semua harus bisa bahasa Indonesia, soalnya kita kan tinggal di Surabaya. terus kalo mau kemana-mana ya dominan nya pakek bahasa Indonesia. (Yes, of course. All my family must able to speak in Indonesian because we are living in Surabaya. If we want to go somewhere, the dominant language that is spoken is Indonesian). The positive attitude towards Indonesian was showed by the family. It was shown that Indonesian is important to be learnt and spoken. Chinese family, especially parents inherits Indonesian to their children. This is because they are living in Surabaya. The positive attitude toward Indonesian that is spoken at home makes its language long- maintained. Discussion In Discussion section, it collects all the data findings in result section and to be related with the theories provided. The data has founded is Multilingualism, Factors contribute language choice and the effort in Maintaining the Indonesian Language. Those data that have been related to the theories provided will be discussed below: Language Used by Chinese Families The finding shows that both parents and children of Chinese families were able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian, and English. Indonesian was their mother tongue because it inherited to their children. Mandarin was their ethnic language that was learnt in order to show their identity, and English was their dominant language used among three Chinese families because the intensity of using English was more than Indonesian and Mandarin. In this case, they are considered as multilingualism because they able to speak more than two languages. Quay in Auer and Lie (2007: 45) said that with the greater mobility of people and consequent cross-linguistic and cross cultural relationship, an increasing number of children are growing up with early exposure to two languages in the family. Indeed, more than two languages may be in the linguistic repertoire of the family, rendering a case of family multilingualism. Factors of Choosing English Language There were some factors that contributed three Chinese families chose English language in their daily communication. They were modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit. High technology was useful for three children to communicate with their foreign friends. English was usually used in high technology. It meant that social media was one of the result of high technology that used English as main language in the display. So, with the ability of speaking English by the children is helping them in using the technology to communicate with their foreign friends through social media. In communication factor, these families chose English to communicate to because the addressees had the same potential of speaking English and because of some reasons made these families chose English; working area and neighborhood. The intensity of using English language could precursor them tend to shift into English. This was because English had become their dominant language used. In addition, the families chose English to communicate to because the addressees had the same potential of speaking English and because of some reasons made these families chose English; working area and neighborhood. Schooled in international language was the reason by three Chinese children to choice English in education area. This was because it was the dominant language used in international school. English is used to communicate with teacher and students in the classroom and used with friends outside the class. In future life factors, it was said by the three Chinese families in Surabaya that they were trying many ways to prepare their children to have a good quality of life in future. By studying English since the children was a kid, put them in international school and English course will let them ready to the get a better life by having a good job in the future. It was shown by the three Chinese families that the tendency of choosing and using English in certain domains and addresses in some situation make English became the language habit. This was because they wanted to master English by using it as daily communication which made English as their language habit. Setiawan (2013) suggests the certain reasons for language choice in bilingual or multilingual society from the city parent's view: Emblematic value, strategic reason (politeness), pragmatic reason. And the factors of language choice by Chinese families is related with the pragmatic reason that is connected to practical purposes; modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit The intensity of using English is the precursor that is shown these families to shift into English which was also shown by three Chinese families in some factors; attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and political. The factors that give these three Chinese families precursor to shift into English will be explained below. Attitude and Values Saw the important value of English made Chinese families showed the positive attitude towards English language. This was because English was considered as international language which has high value in the world. The attitude of parents by put their children to the international school showed that the important of English was obvious. It is supported by Holmes (2001:61) that when second language has status of an international language, it can contribute to positive attitude towards the language and it is chosen by the speakers over first language. This positive attitude toward the value of English made these families tended to shift into English. Demographic Consider that Surabaya is urban city, English is used in big and international companies. So, people must able to speak English as one of requirements in get in that companies. It was shown by three Chinese families who learn English to compete with other people in order to get a good job. With many populations and the competition in big city are reasons for these families to learn English. Holmes (2001:59) said that resistance to language shift tend to last longer in rural than urban areas. This is partly the fact that rural groups tend to be isolated from the centers of political power for longer. Economic It was found that three Chinese families in Surabaya were trying many ways to prepare their children to have a good quality of life in future.by studying English since the children was a kid will let them ready to the get a better life by having a good job. It is supported by Holmes (2001:58) that economic is the factor that leads community to shift from using one language to another language by seeing an important reason for learning the second language to get a good jobs. Social The tendency of using English was showed by all families in certain domains and addresses in some situation make them shift the Indonesian into English. It is supported by Myers-Scotton (2006) that in case after case, when a younger generation is exposed to a more dominant language in the nation than the L1 (through schooling and school peers) and it is hard to stop a shift to that second language by the next generation. The effort in Maintaining the Indonesian Language The important figure to maintain Indonesian is parents. And all three Chinese family has already shown the effort to maintain Indonesian by inherit it to their children. And the most obvious effort was that the use of Indonesian in home domain, even only a little. This is one of the ways to maintain Indonesian. Children used it to appreciate the Indonesian speakers and the appropriate ways of language contact with Indonesian speakers. The positive attitude toward Indonesian makes its language long- maintained. It is supported by Chaer and Agustina explain that language maintenance is the matter with the attitude to be consistent in using a language among other languages (1995: 193). CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTION In this chapter, there are two sections that are displayed. Those are conclusion and suggestion. The conclusion is drawn based on the results and discussions that relate to the statement of the problem in this research in the chapter 4 which also presented. In addition, the suggestion is the section to give any information or advice that will lead the further researcher related to the area of language shift and maintenance in specific and sociolinguistic in general. Conclusion Three Chinese families are known as multilingual families because they are able to speak in three languages; Mandarin, Indonesian, and English language. Mandarin is known as their ethnic language because it has a function to show their identity. Indonesian is known as their mother tongue because it inherits through generations. English, on the other hand is known as their dominant language because the intensity of using English was more than Mandarin and Indonesian. Regards to the multilingual family, they use the three languages in different domains and addressees. There are some factors that support these families choose English as language in communication. They are modern era, communication, education, future carrier, and language habit. In addition, the choice of English because of those factors gives a precursor for these three Chinese families, especially for the children. It is also shown that they tend to shift into English. The factors contribute language shift appear in three Chinese families that show the precursor to shift into English. The factors are attitude and values, social, demographic, and economic and political. The choice of English becomes the precursor of these families to shift into English. The shifting may be happen if the children show the negative attitude towards Indonesian which can be said that they abandon their mother tongue and replace it with the new language. The positive attitude that is showed by three Chinese families is the way to maintain Indonesian. Besides, Indonesian language is known as mother tongue of each family, it is considered as the majority language used by Surabaya people. So, these make three Chinese families maintain Indonesian language. Suggestion Through this study, it can be seen language shift can occur to anybody and any situation even the process to become shifting. Language shift and maintenance are the obvious situation that can happen to all people in a city, country, even village. It is just the way and effort of every people to shift or maintain their language from the changing of culture, language, or even economic. The researcher hopes that the study of Language shift and maintenance by non-migrant community; Chinese families in Surabaya who show the precursor of language shift would help the next researchers to find more phenomena about language shift and maintenance that is done by other ethnics who come from non-migrant community in Surabaya. The next researcher may use the theory from Joshua A. Fishman about language shift. REFERENCES Chaer, A., & Agustina, L. (1995). Sosiolinguistik Suatu Pengantar. Jakarta: Rineke Cipta. . Holmes, J. (2001). An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. England: Pearson Education Limited. Liu, H. (2005). The Transnational History of a Chinese Family: Immigrant Letters, Family Business, And Reverse Migration. US: Rutgers University Press. Loewenstain, L. K. (Ed.). (1977). Urban Studies: An Introductory Reader (Second Edition ed.). United States of America: The Free Press. Myers-Scotton, & Carol. (2006). Multiple Voices: An Introduction to Bilingualism: Blackwell Publishing. Setiawan, S. (2013). Children's Language in a Bilingual Comunity in East Java. Germany: Scholars' Press. Sharifian, F. (Ed.). (2009). English as an International Language: Perspectives and Pedagogical issues Great Britain: MPG Books Ltd. Wardhaugh, R. (2006). An Introduction to Sociolinguistic (FIFTH EDITION ed.): Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Wijayanti, R. D. (2008). language shift and maintenance found in bataknese families in surabaya. Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Unpubliced. Windarti, L. (2007). A Study of Language Shift Among Flores People In Surabaya. Universitas Negeri Surabaya, Unpublished. http://www.surabaya.go.id/profilkota/index.php?id=22

COCO'S IDENTITY CRISIS AND LOVE IN WEI HUI'S SHANGHAI BABY Rosandina Amalia English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University Ochan.strezz@gmail.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si English Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, Surabaya State University much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Identity adalah tanda seseorang untuk membuat mereka berbeda dari yang lain. Dalam hal perbedaan, sering menjadi krisis bagi mereka yang tidak bisa mengendalikan identitas mereka. Mereka mengalami identity crisis; itu adalah masalah yang membawa orang ke jalan yang sesat. Ada begitu banyak faktor yang menyebabkan krisis ini; dalam penelitian ini salah satu faktor terbesar adalah love. Selain itu, love adalah akar dari identitas masyarakat karena itu adalah pusat untuk mengenali diri mereka dan juga orang lain. Penelitian ini memfokuskan pada identity crisis Coco dan pengaruh love yang dapat mempengaruhi identity crisisnya di Wei Hui Shanghai Baby. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengidentifikasi identity crisis Coco di Wei hui Shanghai Baby dan menganalisis love Coco yang mempengaruhi identity crisisnya. Penelitian ini menggunakan dua teori, identity crisis mengacu pada teori Erikson yang menunjukkan gejala identity crisis. Teori love yang mempengaruhi identity crisis diambil dari Robert. J. Stenberg. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa identity crisis Coco memiliki dua gejala; mereka adalah kebingungan peran dan keintiman. Identity crisis Coco itu sendiri disebabkan oleh love. Love memiliki tiga komponen-keintiman, gairah dan komitmen-dan masing-masing komponen memiliki empat jenis yang menjadi pembangunan komponen tersebut. Pengaruh identity crisis pada Coco memiliki semua komponen love. Terakhir dari semua, identity crisis adalah gangguan yang dapat menyebabkan seseorang untuk menuju ke jalan yang sesat, dengan cara yang berlebihan. Kelebihan ini membuat orang memaksa diri mereka untuk menutupi semua kebutuhan itu, termasuk love. Dengan demikian, love bisa menjadi aspek untuk pembangunan sebuah identity. Kata kunci: identity, identity crisis and love Abstract Identity is the sign of someone to make it different from another. In terms of differences, it often becomes a crisis for those who can not control their identity. They face an identity crisis; it is the problems that bring people into an astray way. There are so many factors that lead this crisis; in this study one of the biggest factors is love. Additionally, love is the root of people's identity because it is the ground to recognize their self and also someone else. This study focuses on Coco's identity crisis and the influences of love that can influence her identity crisis in Wei Hui's Shanghai Baby. The purpose of this study is to identify Coco's identity crisis in Wei hui's Shanghai Baby and to analyze the way Coco's love influences her identity crisis. This study uses two theories, the identity crisis refers to Erikson's theory that shows the symptoms of identity crisis. The theory of love that influences the identity crisis is taken from Robert. J. Stenberg. The result of the analysis shows that Coco's identity crisis has two symptoms; they are role confusion and intimacy. Coco's identity crisis itself is caused by love. Love has three components—intimacy, passion and commitment—and each component has four types that become the construction of the components. Coco's influence of identity crisis has all of the components of love. Last of all, identity crisis is the disorder that can lead someone to an astray way, an excessive manner. This excess makes people force their selves to cover all of the necessity, including love. Thus, love can be an aspect for the construction of an identity. Keywords: identity, identity crisis, and love. INTRODUCTION Identity is one of the most favourable themes because it is the parts of human life. Identity is ubiquitous in contemporary of social value, cutting across psychoanalysis, psychology, sciences, history, politics, culture and also sociology. Identity is defined as all information associated with an individual or organization. It defined a set of meaning applied to the self in a social role or situation defining what it means to be who one is (Jacobson, 2003: 3). The relative usages of identity is in terms of the essential to the culture of a people, to common identification with a collectivity or a social category, also in contemporary works on social movement, thus creating a common culture among participants. Individual, ethnic, national, transnational are the instructors of the identity hierarchy that some of them are acquisitive and selective whereas some of them are non-acquisitive, depending on the structure and circumstances person's opportunity. Identity crisis is a universal issues and each of every person can actually experiences the crisis. Identity crisis is the reflection of person life that can make them stronger or even weakness in the identity. Identity crisis is one of the biggest problems for human life because it brings people that face it into an astray way. Another thing is that people that have an identity crisis will have an excessive to something. They will have something pleonastic to something that they think its important and can make them happy, comfortable and also feeling better. It means people who have the identity crisis will do something that can make their self happy even its too much and they never care about what other people thought about her/him as long as they satisfied about something that they need. So, the identity crisis is the identity problem of a person that brings them into an astray way, an awkward character and even an excessive to something. Its interesting when Shanghai Baby (1999) by Wei Hui has much controversy in Chinese culture and beyond in the earlier of millennium era, because it is generally a taboo novel in People's Republic of China (PRC). It is rightfully banned in China because of its controversy, things that make it becomes as the controversy is not only about the audacious topics such as sex, pornography portrayed, desire and all taboo subjects in Chinese literature, cultural criticism imagine and also the construct tension between a gender, race and ethnicity. It is about a young urban woman leading a wild and an extravagant lifestyle. Her high desire to her couple makes her forget for a while about her identity as a Chinese woman. These presences of the love and the identity crisis of a woman as the main character in the novel, Coco, indeed, are portrayed clearly. The love in this novel is something that can make the main character in the novel has the crisis in her identity. Love is the one that has a big influenced to find the right identity. It depends on the people that choose the love. Love can control everything, include the identity of a person. The crisis of a person can show by their character to the people and the society around. People that usually have a problem with their identity, they have an identity crisis inside their identity. In Wei Hui's Shanghai Baby, the main character here is a woman named Coco, 25 years old. Her real name is actually Nikky, but she called Coco because her idol named Coco Chanel. She is a waitress but she is also a writer for her novel but she still does not finish her literary works until she meet with a guy named Tian Tian. Then he becomes Coco's boyfriend but he is an impotent boyfriend which leads her to another man because Tian Tian can not give her the satisfaction in her sexuality. Coco feels so frustration because she can not get her satisfaction with her boyfriend. This brings her to the other man named Mark. He is a foreign guy from Germany. He only becomes a man that will give her the satisfaction in the bed. Beside she had a frustration with her boyfriend, she also faced a role confusion which makes her has only limited friends. She also often isolates her self alone in the apartment of her boyfriend that she placed it to finish her novel. Furthermore, she has an intimacy with her 2 lover, whether from her real boyfriend and also from her affair man. Because she is a writer, she also has a good imagination of something, but she also can not distinguish which one is the imagination and which one is the reality. Her dreams is always blows her up, it brings her everywhere until she goes everywhere that she did know where should she go and what should she did. She confused which man than she loves. The ending of the story is so ironic which is her Germany lover should back and live forever in Berlin and after that not long after the leaving of Mark, her beloved Tian Tian death cause of he consumed drugs. Coco finally decided to go to Berlin to publish her novel. Coco loses her lovers, both of them but she still alive even she only has a limited power to live. It gives clear portrayed that Coco has a problem with her identity, especially with her love identity. She can not choose the man that she loves because she loves both of them while the balance in life is people should choose only one person to be our lover, to be the one only that can share a future together. In accordance of background study above, it can be simplify to discuss among two problems that emerge as significant concern toward this novel. How is Coco's identity crisis reflected in Wei Hui's Shanghai baby? How does Coco's love influence her identity crisis in Wei Hui's Shanghai baby? Based on all of the facts above, this study intended to a key which is about the human identity crisis by one of the post-Freudian theories, Erik H Erikson. Beside the theory of identity crisis, it uses the theory of love to give a clear explanation about Coco's love that influences her into the crisis of the identity. The love theories come from Robert Stenberg that has 3 main components of love that related to the main character in the novel to solve the statements of problems. RESEARCH METHOD It must be a data in every researches, even the literary research has a data. The data is not contains of a numeric data but it contains of a qualitative data which emerge a fascination to interpret literary works. Qualitative data are attractive. They are sources of well-grounded rich description, and explanation of processes occurring in local context (Miles and Huberman, 1984: 11). It means that the qualitative data in literary research indeed more interesting because it contains of a deep and clearly explanation and description about the literary works as an object of the data. Here, it will present the data from 2 kinds of classify, they are: Data Source Data source is a subject of the research. There will be 2 kinds of data sources, first is the primer data. It takes from the subjects of the research. The concrete data sources that will be used in this thesis is the novel itself, entitled Shanghai Baby by Wei Hui. It published in 1999. It will envolves quotations, fragments and dialogues or monologues that indicate the factors and the resolution leading to Coco's identity crisis and her love. And the second is secondary data which can take from many kinds of books, journal, magazine, previous studies about the related topic. It also puts to the references where the researcher finds the secondary data. Data Collection During the collected of the data, the researcher had read the novel as the subjects, comprehend the contents of the novel and also understand about the concepts of the topic. It called as the library research. Analysis during data collection lets the fieldworker cycle back and forth between thinking about the existing data and generating strategies for collecting new-often better quality data (Miles and Huberman, 1984: 49). It means an extensively and intensively close reading through to the novel. And then finding some proper quotations which are used to reveal the main idea of the novel that emerge the identity crisis of the main character in the novel. The data collection will have a long process during the research as long as the researcher feels that the data is accurate or not. The researcher will move forward and even move back again to make the research becomes better. ANALYSIS The first section is about Coco's identity crisis. the related theory of identity crisis comes from Erik H. Erikson. It decided into 8 stages and each stage has a psychosocial crisis (Erikson, 1974: 90). The psychosocial crisis is symptoms that every stage of age will have the different crisis. There are many symptoms that emerge an identity crisis, such as shame and doubt, guilty feeling, inferiority, role confusion, intimacy and isolation, self-absorption, and despair. In this case, Coco's character emerge two symptoms that really related to the crisis. They are role confusion that has in the fifth stage and then an intimacy that put in the sixth stage which in the adulthood. Role confusion is the act of confusing or the state of being confused. As Erikson said that human experience an identity confusion in an area's, such as career, and some path areas of interest choice of friends relationship and etc (Erikson, 1974: 93). Role confusion is the act of confusing or the state of being confused. As Erikson said that human experience an identity confusion in an area's, such as career, and some path areas of interest choice of friends relationship and etc (Erikson, 1974: 93). I sat on the sofa, my hand cradling my head, asking myself if I really understood myself as a woman. Was I really attractive? Wasn't I a bit hypocritical, snobbish, and fuzzy minded, too? The problems of my life stacked up one on another, and it would take an entire lifetime just to overcome them. (Weihui, 1999: 105) When she is alone while holding her head, she often thought about something. Even it is about her self, another thing about life, her fantasized and she always has a thought about something when she is in a lonely circumstances. In this time, she thought about her self as a woman. She is still in a confused condition with her gender as a real woman. It gives the real fact that her confusion about her minds. She is confused about her characteristic as a woman. She thought that she is a woman but she still can't understand about her self as a woman. She even can't choose who really she is. She actually has the quality of attracting to the men. She is a charming woman. But, she is still confused about that. Whether she is a woman with a certain character or not she still does not know well about it. "Wasn't I a bit hypocritical, snobbish, and fuzzy minded, too?" (Weihui, 1999: 105). She told to her mind that is she a liar, hypocrite, or even a person that has a big heart but really likes to show off to everyone, and also between her fussy minded that talks too much. It is so complicated problem for her. She faces a professing feelings or virtues one does not have. She has a characteristic of those who incline to social exclusiveness and who rebuff the advances of people considered inferior. This is the causes of her problem that stacked and being mess up. "I didn't know what to do, what day it was, or who I was" (Weihui, 1999: 239). She never be a normal person if she still has a fussy minded and confusion about her self. For instance, she always has confusion between her self. One day, when she has no friends in her apartment, she has nothing to do, not even has a plan to go out to do something. But she also confused what day is that and who really she is. Her problems will overcome to her as her fussy minded emerge. "Agitated, I circled the room. At last, I decided I had to leave the apartment, for where I didn't know, but I had money in my handbag and my face was made up." (Weihui, 1999: 105). She is a fussy minded but sometimes she also has a nothing thought. It proves when there is no one in her room, she decided to leave. But she even does not know about where she would go after she is leaving her room. Her mind told that as long as she had enough money, she can go everywhere she likes. She is totally out of focus of something. She can not focus only in one way, to finish her novel. "I'm in Beijing," I said, as my heart was seized by a sharp wave of tired tenderness. I didn't even know why I was in Beijing at this moment." (Weihui, 1999: 111). After she circled her room, she decided to go to Beijing to meet her old friend. She went there only for spending her time, not to be alone and lonely in the apartment. But, she actually didn't know exactly what her purpose to go to Beijing. It was so useless when she told to Tian Tian on the phone. This really shows that her minds is still wishy washy. She even didn't know about the place that she went at that time. The second role confusion is between a woman in the real life or as the writer in the unreliable life. Her grandmother decided what she wants to be in the future. In fact, it was my grandmother who predicted that I would be a writer. With a literary star shining down on me and a belly full of ink, I would, she said, make my mark one day. (Weihui, 1999: 18). By the predicted of her grandmother, Coco's feeling had been hypnotic that she will be a writer. She fetch up all standing by her grandmother's predicted. "Coco, I've got an idea," he said. "What idea?" "Why don't you give up you job at the cafe?" Tian Tian said. "Then what would I do?". "We have enough money, not to have work all the time. You could write your novel." (Weihui, 1999: 6) In a time, when she mets Tian Tian at the first time and Tian Tian asked her to be a writer, she suddenly agreed with that decision without thinking about another risk. Actually, she had already made a several job, it is in the magazine company publisher and also she had already wrote a several short stories but it didn't make succeed. That is the causes she quits become a writer until she met Tian Tian. She started to write again as Tian Tian grant to her. Tian Tian asks Coco to become a writer again because he trusts Coco that she can write again. It brings the clear explanation that she still uncertain about her ability to be a writer. After she met Tian Tian that makes her ability suddenly appear again. "From the moment I first saw you at green stalk, I just feel you were cut out to be writer." Tian Tian went on (Weihui, 1999: 23). As Tian Tian said that he totally sure that Coco's life were being set as a writer. He saw Coco at the first time when she done her job in Green stalk cafe. Started at that time, Tian Tian saw Coco that she is correctly to set as being a writer. But she still uncertainty about her self to be a writer. The novel had brought me in a worry. I didn't know how to disguise myself effectively to my readers. In other words, I didn't want to mix my novel up with my real life and to be honest, I was even more worried that as the plot developed, it could have an impact for my future. (Weihui, 1999: 92) This is become her trouble to become a famous author. The novel that she wrote, she had to be an invisible woman. She had to separate between herself in the real life with her self in her novel. She needs to modify the manner in order to conceal her identity of her character in the novel. Because if she wrote her real life in the works, people thought about her life is abnormal. By the time she felt so worry if she went so far. She feels truly sad and becomes so pessimistic about her novel. Her pessimistic appears since her novel did not make any significant change or even she has no feeling that her novel will become a sensational novel or she will become a famous author. She even more worries when she can't distinguish her real life that proper to be written in her works. It gives an impact in her future, what is the impact of it she still does not know about it. Who knows what the future brings, but she has to avoid the bad things happen in her life. The way to avoid the bad thing is not to invoke her real life in her novel that she wrote. She wants to be a writer but not to write about her real life as public consumptions. Another thing that can appear her spirit to become a writer is her psychologist, David. He is not only suggested her as a writer but also give a value to Coco's character. The third Coco's role confusion comes from her love. She has two different characteristics of her lover. Between her real love Tian Tian and also her affair Mark. After she quits from her job in the Green Stalk cafe and her parents forbid her to live in Tian Tian's apartment, she gets so out of control. She meets with the Germany man in her friend party, Madonna. The Germany man named Mark. Mark's abilities seemed to have been a gift from the gods, whereas Tian Tian was the total opposite. They were like beings from two different universes. Their existences met in inverted images of themselves projected onto my body (Weihui, 1999: 177). Her role confusion to choose between Mark and Tian Tian started when all of them show their differences. Mark has so much abilities and much power to attrack his opposite. He is also a business man that has so much relation everywhere. He is a business man that work for a while in Shanghai. Tian Tian just couldn't handle sex. I'm not sure if it was related to the tragedy that caused his mental problems, but I remember the first time I held him in bed. When I discovered he was impotent, I was devastated, so much so that I didn't know if I could stay with him. Ever since college I had seen sex as a basic necessity (although I've since changed my mind about this). (Weihui, 1999: 5) In that quotation shows that the men named Tian Tian is Coco's boyfriend that she just recognised him not too long. Tian Tian also has a problem with his identity because his background of his life is not really good. "Grandmother was convinced it was murder. My dad didn't have any history of heart disease; she said my mother killed him. That she had another man over there, and they plotted it together" (Weihui, 1999: 3). In addition, the background life of Tian Tian is because of the mystery death of his father and the unfaithful mother. But, he still does not believe her grandmother, it can probably true. These bring his silent and cool characterisation in his daily life. "Tian Tian just couldn't handle sex" (Weihui, 1999: 5) from the quotation, it gives clear description that Tian Tian has a trouble with his sex ability. He can not handle his lust even he has a trouble with his sex ability. He is an impotent, but Coco does not know the cause of his impotent. "I'm not sure if it was related to the tragedy that caused his mental problems, but I remember the first time I held him in bed" (Weihui, 1999: 5). Perhaps, it has a relation to his mental tragedy that caused his mental problem. That is the causes of his impotent. He has no desire to a women, Coco is the one that he loves much. In the other hand, Coco feels disappointed with the sexual of Tian Tian. "I was devastated, so much so that I didn't know if I could stay with him" (WeiHui, 1999: 5). Until she is speechless to lay waste and think about what should she does for the next after she knew he was an impotent. If it takes a look to the Erikson stages, this case has a problem with Coco's love that has in the sixth stage. The sixth stage believed that love could become something that heal everything, include the crisis of identity. But, in this case, it would never happen because the cause of the crisis itself is love. Coco's feeling is so shatter when she knows that her lover can not give her a satisfaction. Coco has a big lust to a man that she loves. "Ever since college I had seen sex as a basic necessity (although I've since changed my mind about this)" (Weihui, 1999: 5). It shows when she was in the college, she really likes sex and she makes sex as her necessary in her life even she tried to handle this but she can't. In this case, she has role confusion in her adolescence period that can cause the refusal from the society because of her attitude. It proves in her last sentence. Furthermore, for her sex is her basic necessity, it is also for everyone. She has a life compulsion. As it mentions, she needs a sexual satisfaction to give her alive and defend her self. "The man I love can't give me a sexual satisfaction, and worse, he can't give me a sense of security. He smokes drugs, and he's disengaged from the world. Now he's carried his kitten off to the south, and it seems as if he could leave me at any time. I mean forever. Meanwhile, a married man is giving me physical satisfaction but has no impact on my emotions. We use our bodies to interact and rely on them to sense each other's existence, but they're also a protective layer between us, keeping us from connecting mentally" (Weihui, 1999: 104) That is all of her explanation to her psychologist, David. It is clear enough that she really has a serious trouble with her life, the people that she loves. Her first serious problem is with her real love, Tian Tian. He can't give her satisfaction in the bed. She is lack of the gratification of a desire's needed. She is insecure from many bad things around because Tian Tian can't save her. He unconnected him self from something that holds fast and entangles. He is a serious drugs smoker. He is also alienate him self from the world. He really likes to be alone and push him self away from people. This is really bad for Coco that has an ambition's character. Another side comes from her affair. Mark is a husband from a Germany woman. But Coco felt satisfaction with Mark. He gives too much about a lust to Coco. Unfortunately she has no emotion to Mark, even it is only about caring him even less for loving him. He is capable of giving protection to Coco but she only relies on Mark's body to give her a satisfaction in the bed. She only separates herself with Mark as a sex partner to give a mental satisfaction. Her purpose to hang affair with Mark is only to give her alive. Without a lust from the man, Coco's feeling will be so wild because she can't life without a sex from a man. Without sex, she is never being an existed woman. She is really in trouble. As it mentions in the first paragraph, "ever since college I had seen sex as a basic necessity (although I've since changed my mind about this)." (Weihui, 1999: 5). This novel has a thick relation to love. Love is something that Coco's need to life alive. Indeed, she has so many people around that really love her so much. But, she needs the special person to love her, to share her life together for her future. Sometimes, love can become the cause of someone's problem. It becomes the causes of an identity, characteristics and also another psychological problem. In this case, Coco faces an identity problem that influenced by her love. Intimacy love appears because of there is comfortable feeling, ability to intimate a relationship between people. Intimacy as the component to create a love, intimacy emerges in the Coco's love. There are also several types of love that will make this intimacy appears. They are types of liking as a friendship, romantic love, companionate love, and also consummate love. All of those types emerge in Coco's love. For the first types of love in this intimacy is the type of liking as a friendship. It only happens between her friends, Madonna. As she knows her not too much from Tian Tian, she spends not too much time with her. But one day, they spend a couple days to share about their love in warmth. "Poor you! Your worries have used up all your endorphins. You need to watch your health!" (Weihui, 1999: 173). It shows when Madonna feels so worry about Coco's condition because of her bad mood circumstances. She tired in her worries about her novel. Until, she spends a week to write a lot, finish her novel until she never gets out form her room. She needs refresh her mind, then Madonna comes and stays there. That's what a friend for. The next type of love that emerges her identity crisis is the type of companionate. Companionate of love occurs in the family, when there is a big commitment but has no passion at all. Coco's commitment to her family is about her life as being a good woman in front of her family. A well-manner man, he spoiled me from the start. By the time I was three, he had trained me to appreciate operas such as La Boheme. He always worried that when I grew up I'd lose my body and soul to a sex maniac. I'm his most precious baby, he says, and I should treat men cautiously and never shed tears over them. (Weihui, 1999: 19) This fact shows that she doesn't grow as a good woman as the wishing of her parents. Her family had reined her to become a good woman. But her parents are totally go in the wrong way. Her father comes from a well manner man contains of a lot of knowledge as the lecture in one of the university in Shanghai. He is so worried about her daughter. When Coco still in the three years old, he often brought her to see an appreciate opera such as La Boheme. He thought that it would trained her about how to be a good woman. But, that's all about her father's efforts is totally useless. She won't to disappoint her father, and she hides her real self in front of her family. As long as she doesn't make them cry or disappointed, she still stay calm in front of them. Even thought she has no one to share about her boyfriend, about her novel and even about all of the whole cruel life that she faced. The next type of love in this intimacy is the romantic love. The deepest love comes from Tian Tian, a man younger than her. Their introduction from one to each other is too fast. Until, that is, the day he gave me a note said "I love you" along with his name and address." (Weihui, 1999: 2). It's clearly enough that Tian Tian falling in love with Coco at his first sight when Coco still does a job in the cafe. He directly gives her a note that he loves her by not saying any words or even knowing her name. "I don't know why. I just wanted you to make love to me perfectly just once. I want you so much, because I love you." (Weihui, 1999: 245). The strength of romantic love appears. Romantic love also has a passion beside the intimacy to the closeness. Even she has an impotent boyfriend, but she still wants to heal her boyfriend. Her statement proves that she really loves her boyfriend even she has to convey to herself that he never has sex with her. This leads her intimacy to another man that can satisfied her. She really wants him to be a normal person in order to feel the real sex from the one that she really begs on her life. This passion brings her to the deepest romantic love. The passion's component of love is one of the parts that take much in this novel. It has a lot of impact to Coco's identity crisis because of this component of love. There are types of love that can be the shape of passion. They are infatuation love, fatuous love and also romantic love. As it explained in the previous chapter, infatuation love is a love at the first sight and also a crazy love because of something that interact people to stay with their couple. In this case, Coco also faced love at the first sight to Mark. "His eyes were shining in the darkness, like those of an animal lurking in the shrubbery. I was surprised by the feeling those eyes gave me." (Weihui, 1999: 29). She suddenly feels so attracted by Mark's gaze on her. His eyes is so glistening with his sharp sight. She feels like she has no power at all not to look his eyes stared at her. This is the symbol of the love at the first sight to Mark. Started her meeting with Mark, she begins affair from Tian Tian. Her first sight to Mark is the inception of her problem with her confusing love, confusing identity and confusing her intimacy. While her fatuous love started when she was in a college. Coco's infatuation love emerges when she was in college. It shows that she has a big lust since she was in her college. She told about her crazy boyfriend. He is the person that teaches Coco about sex. Started at that time, she has a big lust, a high desire to the man that she loves. "My ex just happened to cater to several of those dispositions, from dependence to masochism to narcissism, and my need to atone to my mother for my sins would be an emotional theme throughout my life." (Weihui, 1999: 35). He leads Coco to the bad characteristic. Masochism brings Coco to an abnormal condition in which pleasure, especially sexual pleasure, is derived from pain or from humiliation, domination by her ex boyfriend. She has the tendency to derive sexual gratification, from being physically or emotionally abused. Romantic love from Coco between her relationship with Tian Tian and also her affair with Mark is appears. She is deliberately behaves in such a way as to attract attention from Tian Tian. She performs dangerous stunts to attract attention and also a compulsive desire to expose her genitals. He showed no pity, never stopping for a second. The pain burst into a kind of apoplexy. "I opened my eyes wide and looked at him, half in love, half in hate. I was aroused by his naked white body." (Weihui, 1999: 63). It happens when they had a sex. Mark is really lustful to Coco, he until didn't give Coco a chances to take a breath. He has no compassion to Coco because he is in the top of his lust. He had a sex with Coco such a fit of an extreme anger to her. He is just like loss of his consciousness. She also stimulated her sexual desire by Mark's body. She feels a great sexual desire with Mark. "That very night he successfully improved his knowledge of me, from my breast down to my toes, from my heavy breathing to my loud cries." (Weihui, 1999: 69). Until, Coco feels so satisfied with Mark's act in the bed. She is really enjoying that sexual affair. I promised Tian Tian I would visit him often and that I would take a good care Fur Ball and myself. I would write seriously and finish my novel. I wouldn't let myself sink into nightmares. I had to believe I was the luckiest and most beautiful woman alive and that miracles do happen. It was all I could do. I swore I would await his return. I love you. And that's how my love is (Weihui, 1999: 165). Fatuous love is love pushes by desire and also a commitment to go to the future, it is marriage. This happens between Tian Tian and Coco. Coco wants Tian Tian to go to the Reproduction Healthy Centre because she really wants him to recover him self. It means that she really hopes to Tian Tian's health. She really cares to Tian Tian but Tian Tian never cares about his health. Beside Tian Tian has a problem with his genital, he is an impotent, he is also a drugs user. He becomes so drugs user when he was far away from Coco. He took morphine. Unfortunately, he doesn't realize that Coco wants him so much in the future. Beside her care to Tian Tian is too much, she also has a commitment to her self that she will finish her novel. Her novel is the only hopes for Tian Tian's life. She wants to grant Tian Tian's hope. She won't disappoint him. Her commitment here will bring her to the spirit of a life instinct, so does Tian Tian. Commitment love also has a several type of love that built this component. They are an empty love, companionate love, fatuous love and the last is consummate love. The companionate love and fatuous love had been discussed in the previous component of love. They also emerge the strong commitment. an empty love appears because of a compulsion from someone. Even a strong love suddenly can become an empty love because of the broken role of a relationship, but it still has a commit through to the future. In the commitment component, Tian Tian had to fix him self to life with Coco but he had no responsibility to her. While the opposite happens to Coco, she had to take a full responsibility to Tian Tian because he has not much friends to share, dissociable from her family and also his society around. She has to be more carefully also to Tian Tian because he consumes morphine too much everyday. "For no good reason, I felt responsible for him – and also a sense of remorse." (Weihui, 1999: 23). She feels a sense of deep regret and guilt for some misdeed. She has to be more patient and has a strong enough emotion to face Tian Tian's character as being a drug user. Coco also is a woman that has a strong desire for success or achievement. He describes Coco is a person who wishes to rise above her present position or condition. She has full of power to be a success woman that has an enough effort for her better life. She is also a loyalty person to her future. From all of Coco's power to be a success woman, it gives an impact to Tian Tian. He has to commit to him self that he has to be alive because of Coco. He stated to him self of being committed or pledged to Coco that he had to have a good effort for his better future. In order to convince Coco about his committed. CONCLUSION In Wei Hui, Shanghai Baby, the main character is Coco. She has an identity crisis and it influences by her love. As the identity emerges problem for Coco, it followed by the appearing of 2 statements of analysis in this study. Therefore, based from all of the recent analysis of the data, the result can be concluded that there are two conclusions. Firstly, she has a different character because in her previous period she can't choose a certain identity for her self. She has a problem with her identity. If an identity can't be the people's necessity, they will out of control and have a divergent in their identity. It called as an identity crisis. She faces an identity crisis with the role confusion and also an intimacy. Her role confusion emerges between her profession as a writer and also her self as a woman. She can't choose which one that will be the most important for her life. She is a writer, she also has a good imagination of something, but she can not distinguish which one is the imagination and which one is the reality. Her dreams is always blows her up, it brings her everywhere until she goes everywhere that she did know where should she go and what should she did. Her role confusion emerges because of her lover too. She has 2 lover, but her real lover is an impotent while another one is a foreigner from German. This brings her a sexual disorder with her boyfriend, Tian Tian while Tian Tian is an impotent. She can not choose which one is the best for her. So, her choice is just only depending on her 2 lover whether Tian Tian will leave her or Mark that leave her away. Whereas her intimacy between 2 lover run well, she has no problem when she met with Mark. She can not get what she wants from Tian Tian. Mark only becomes a man that will give her the satisfaction in the bed. She does an affair with Mark, she really satisfied with Mark but she won't to fall in love with Mark because she still has Tian Tian. Even she has Tian Tian, he can't give her the best secure for her, lack of attention because Tian Tian is too busy with his morphine. She can not choose the man that she loves because she loves both of them while the balance in life is people should choose only one person to be our lover, to be the one only that can share a future together. Secondly, an identity crisis appears because of many factors. Actually the identity can go weakness because of the society around. Identity of someone sometimes annoys by many factors. The biggest factor from this novel that emerges the identity crisis is because of love. Love is a general way to healing something. But in this case, love becomes a trouble for Coco's identity. There are components of love that leads Coco to her identity problem. Her love contains of an intimacy, passion and also a big commitment for her future. All of the components appear a trouble for her life in searching for her identity about her self as a woman or as a writer. In every components of love, it has a several types of love that built becomes one strong component. The deepest love of Coco is only to Tian Tian but he can't give the satisfactions to her. This leads her to affair with Mark. She breaks the law of faithful, this brings her minds so blind until she can not think about what the future brings. She makes a relationship without thought what are the consequences that emerge by her relationship. Love needs a sacrifice to get the immortality of it. Tian Tian sacrificed his love to affair with another man even he knew it exactly what her lover did behind him, he still did not care much about it. He realizes that he can not give her the satisfaction. As final words, love can emerge not only as a happiness for people who feels it but also it can be a trouble for people who has not understanding well about their identity. Everybody wants the love and to be loved by people around. Love also can emerge the crisis of identity. REFERENCE Alwisol. (2009). Psychology Kepribadian. Malang: UMM Press. Arkoff. Abe, (2006). Psychology and Personal Growth. Allyn and Bacon Burns, D. D., (1985), Intimate Connections: The Clinically Proven Program for Making Close Friends and Finding a Love Partner. New York: Signet (paperback) Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and Society. New York. _________. (1968). Dimensions of a New Identity. New York. _________. (1974). Identify: Youth and Crisis. Norton; New York. _________. (1964). 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AN ANALYSIS OF TRANSLATING THE ADDRESSING TERMS IN PRAMOEDYA ANANTA TOER'S THIS EARTH OF MANKIND Azimatul Fauziah English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya azimatul13@gmail.com Dian Rivia Himmawati, SS, M.Hum. English Language and Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya dianrivia@gmail.com ABSTRAK Studi ini focus pada penerjemahan sapaan dalam Bumi Manusia sebagai bahasa sumber dan This Earth of Mankind sebagai bahasa sasaran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh dari kekuasaan dan solidaritas dalam penerjemahan sapaan dan mengetahui faktor yang menyebabkan ketakterjemahan dalam menerjemahkan sapaan. Metode deskriptif kualitatif, teori penerjemahan (House; 2009), hubungan antar kata , kata ganti orang yang memiliki kekuasaan dan solidaritas (Brown and Gilman; 1960), dan register kategori Halliday digunakan untuk menganalisa data. Hasil analisa menunjukan bahwa ada tiga macam sapaan di This Earth of Mankind, sapaan dalam bahasa Belanda, Melayu, dan Jawa. Beberapa sapaan dari bahasa yang berbeda memiliki makna yang sepadan dan penerjemah menerjemahkannya dengan istilah yang sama dengan menggunakan 'denotative equivalence' dan pragmatic equivalence. Penerjemah gagal memahami bahwa penulis membedakan sapaan untuk penjajah dan jajahan, keluarga bangsawan dan masyarakat umum, hubungan formal dan keakraban. Masalah penerjemahan sapaan terjadi ketika sapaan tersebut memiliki konsep khusus yang berhubungan dengan budaya tertentu namun tidak memiliki istilah padanan dalam bahasa sasaran dan karena sistem tatabahasa yang berbeda. Oleh karena itu, penerjemah menggunakan dua pandangan yang berbeda untuk menerjemahkan sapaan. pandangan yang pertama terpusat pada bahasa sumber sedangkan pandangan yang kedua terpusat pada proses penafsiran penerjemah. Hal tersebut membuat terjemahan menjadi sangat berbeda jika dilihat dari mode (cara), field (bidang), dan tenor (tujuan). Kata Kunci: penerjemahan, sapaan, padanan, budaya, kekuasaan ABSTRACT This study focuses on the translation of addressing term in Bumi Manusia as source text and This Earth of Mankind as target text. The purpose of this study is to find out the influence of power and solidarity in translating the addressing terms and find out the factors of untranslatability in translating addressing term. Descriptive qualitative method, translation theory (House; 2009), lexical relation (Kreidler; 1998), pronoun of power and solidarity (Brown and Gilman; 1960), and Hallidayan register categories are applied to analyze the data. The result show that there are three kinds of addressing terms in This Earth of Mankind, Dutch addressing term, Malay addressing term, and Javanese addressing term. Some addressing terms from different language have the same proportional meaning and the translator translated them as the same term and the translator used denotative equivalence and pragmatic equivalence. The translator failed to catch that the author differ the addressing term to show the difference between colonize and colonizer, aristocrat family and common people, intimacy relation and formal relation. The problem of translating addressing terms appeared when the special concept of addressing term related to particular culture do not have any equivalence term in target text and the different of grammatical system. Therefore, it makes the translator use double perspective in translating the addressing term. The first focuses on the source text while the other focus on the process of interpretation by the translator. It made the result of the translation become really different from the original seen from register categories: mode, field, and tenor. Keywords: translation, addressing term, equivalence, culture, dan power INTRODUCTION Bumi Manusia is one of the greatest works of Pramoedya Ananta Toer who was frequently discussed as Indonesia's and Southeast Asia's best candidate for a Nobel Prize in Literature. Terms of addressee plays important role in Bumi Manusia because it indicates the social status of someone. There are three kinds of addressing terms based on ethnicity in this novel. They are Dutch addressing term, Malay addressing term, and Javanese addressing term. Oyetade (as quoted in Chu-Cing Hsu; 2) defines terms of addresseeas words or linguistic expression which speakers use to designate the person being talked to while talk is in progress or which writers use to address the recipient in written communication. Moreover, Braun (1988:7) explains that the actual use and the function of addressing terms depands on the stucture of language, on the speaker's intention and on the address relationship between two interlocutors, as well as on the occasion of the occurrence. Juliane House (2009: 4) defined translation as a process of replacing a text in one language by text in another language. He also explained that translating is not only a linguistic act but it is also an act of communication across culture. Translating terms of addressee from Indonesian into English is not easy because they have different pronominal form. In translating addressing term, the translator should notice on the detail. Words can only be understood when it is considered together with the cultural context. So, in translating addressing term, it is not only replacing the word to another language but creating the same meaning and atmosphere as similar as the original text. Moreover, the addressing terms in Bumi Manusia are closely related to power. Braun and Gilman defined Power as ability to control behavior over another. They also said that power is a relationship between at least two persons, and it is nonreciprocal in the sense that both can not have the same power in the same area of behavior (1960: 254). People who have power will be addressed differently from common people. Power is associated with high social status and it reflects respect and honor. So, people from high social status will be addressed in polite way to show a great reverence. To translate a text as similar as the source text, it is needed to see whether the source text is equivalent to target text or not. House defined equivalence as how similarity of message or function is interpreted (2009: 29). There are many types of equivalence and it depends on the perspective that the translator used. It is possible to use denotative equivalence that use 'real world' referents to which the text relates. Also, the translator could use other equivalence such as pragmatic equivalence which focuses to fulfill its communicative function for the recipients. This study tries to discuss the factors of untranslatability in translating addressing term. There are two research questions for this study, (1) How does the translator translate the Indonesian addressing terms in Toer's Bumi Manusia into English version, This Earth of Mankind? (2) What is the influence of power and solidarity toward the choices of addressing terms in Toer's Bumi Manusia? This study tries to describe about the method of the translator in translating addressing term and know the influence of power and solidarity in translating the addressing term. This study only focuses on translating the addressing terms that have any equivalence problems in their translation and do not pay attention to grammar or another linguistic aspect. This study tries to describe about the process of young learner with visual learning style acquire language and know the relationships between personality and learning style. This study is not only focusing in linguistics but also covering learning activities and psychology area but it is not for learning strategy. Several theories are becoming main cores of this study, such as translation theory of House, lexical relation of Kreidler and Brown and Gilman in pronoun of power and solidarity. . RESEARCH METHOD This study uses descriptive-qualitative in getting and describing about the translating addressing terms phenomena in This Earth of Mankind. This study needs to be explained by words not by numbers or statistics, because this study is stressing on translation aspect and its relationship with culture. Bodgan and Biklen (1984:5) defined the qualitative approach as a research procedure which produces a descriptive data such as verbal or nonverbal utterances or words from the object being observed. The data for this study are utterances. There are two sources of data used in this study. Those data are Toer's Bumi Manusia as source text that was written by Pramoedya Ananta Toer and This Earth of Mankind as target text that was translated by Max Lane. Observation is used to analyze this research. Observation includes collection of the data that is needed by the researcher without manipulating. Sugiyono(2010, p. 146) adds that observation is done by the researcher about what the researcher wants to observe in the research. To observe this research, internet access and taking a note are needed by the researcher as the basic instrument. There were three steps to analyze the data. They were data reduction, data display and conclusion and verification. The researcher sorted the data by choosing the addressing terms that had problem with equivalence. Then, she displayed the data in table. Conclusion and verification became the last step of the data analysis process. In this case, the data had been displayed and discussed before were concluded. The conclusion was the answer of the problems existing supported by some theories related (Sugiyono, 2010, p. 345). To answer the first question, the researcher used lexical relation of Kreidler in his book introducing English semantic and translation theory by Machali. Then, in answering the research question number two, the researcher used pronoun of power and solidarity by Brown and Gilman, translation theory by Nababan and House, then collaborate with Hallidayan register categories of field, mode and tenor. ANNALYSIS AND DISCUSSION There are two analyses in this section. The first is the analysis of the method that was used by translator to translate addressing terms. The second is the analysis of relation between power and solidarity toward the addressing terms. In translating terms of addressees, the translator should find the equivalence between the source text and the target text. House (2009: 29) defines equivalence as a similar message and fulfills a similar function. The writer noticed that the translator use some different patterns. The first pattern, the translator tried to find out the literal or denotative equivalence which use 'real world' as referents for source text to target text. The second pattern, the translator used the original addressing terms from the source text and provided glossary for informing the meaning of the addressing terms in the end of the novel. The last, the translator changed the addressing terms to different addressing terms as the adaptation to the context of target language. After analyzing the method that was used by translator to translate addressing terms, the research used the following table to sum up the result: Table 1 The Comparison of Addressing Terms in Bumi Manusia and This Earth of Mankind No Original Translation Procedure Problem 1. Juffrouw Miss Literal translation Different in context 2. Noni Miss Literal translation Different in context 3. Noni Noni Annotation Inconsistent 4. Mevrouw Mrs/Madam/ Ma'am Literal translation Different in context 5. Mevrouw Miss Free translation Different in meaning 6. Tuanmuda Young master Literal translation Different in context 7. Tuanmuda Master Literal translation Inconsistent 8. Tuan Sir/Mr. Literal translation Different in context 9. Tuan Tuan Annotation Inconsistent 10. Tuan You/he Free translation Different in function 11. Tuan-tuan Tuans Free translation Different in meaning 12. Ndoro Master Literal translation Different in context 13. Ndoro Ndoro Annotation Inconsistent 14. Sahaya I Literal translation Different in context 15. Sahaya Your servant Free translation Different in meaning 16. Meneer Mr. Literal translation Different in context 17. Papa Father Literal translation Different in context 18 Kowe You Literal translation Different in context 19. Nak Child Literal translation Different in context 20. Nyai Nyai Annotation - 21. Nyai-nyai Nyais Free translation Different in meaning 22. Gus Gus Annotation - 23. Sinyo Sinyo Annotation - 24. Mas Mas Annotation - 25. Abang Your friend Free translation Different in meaning 26. Man Man Free translation Different in context 27. Mr Mr. Free translation Different in meaning As shown from the table above, Malay dominated the addressing terms because Malay is neutral language that can be used by Javanese and Dutch in their daily conversations. Noni, Tuanmuda, Tuan, Ayah, Ayahanda, Sahaya, Nak, Sinyo, and Abang are addressing terms that belong to Malay addressing terms. These terms are more common because Malay is widely used in all Dutch East Indies. In the other hand, there were some Javanese addressing terms such as Nyai, Ndoro, Kowe, Gus, Mas, and Man that were used in particular occasions or refer to particular people. Similar to Javanese addressing terms, Dutch addressing terms are only used for certain people. Juffrouw, Mevrouw, Meneer, and Meester are Ducth addressing terms that only used to call Dutch people. There are three patterns in translating addressing terms. In the first pattern, the translator used denotative equivalence which only focused on the meaning of the terms. Machali (2000) stated that as a method, literal translation considers as the most important translation procedure because the basic of literal translation is in clause or sentence level. However, translating addressing terms include and reflect the culture of the society because the addressing terms that were used by the characters determine their background whether their status or ethnicity. Even the words in source text have the same denotation with target text, they do not always have the same connotation. The translator used two different procedures in translating the addressing terms for the first pattern. The first procedure is lexical translation which is used to translate Tuanmuda, Tuan, Papa, Ayah, Ayahanda, Sahaya, Aku, Kowe, and Nak. Some of the terms are not appropriate because there is the difference of interpersonal perspective. The second procedure is adaptation. The translator attempted to make the addressing terms familiar in target text. The terms Juffrouw, Mevrouw, Meneer, Ndoro, and Noni are special concepts that were used in Dutch colonial era. The translation text could be understood by the reader of the target text, but the reader can not catch the essence that those terms are particular addressing terms for certain groups. So, even the words of source text have denotative equivalence in target text, but they are not suitable for the context of source text. In the second pattern, the translator did not change the addressing terms because the terms, Noni, Nyai, Ndoro, Gus, Sinyo, and Mas are special concept of source text that do not have any equivalence word in target text. The translator used annotation to translate because he persisted to use the original terms and gave glossary to explain the meaning of the term. The writer noticed that the translator is understand that the addressing terms have important role to distinguish the identity of the characters, but he only highlighted Javanese addressing terms. The concept of thing in Dutch and English are almost similar because they are in the same language family. So, the translator was easy to find out the lexical equivalence from Ducth terms to English terms. However, the concept of some words such as Noni, Sinyo, and Nyai are especially used in colonial era, so it is difficult to find out the equivalence in target text. Ndoro, Gus, and Mas are terms from Javanese culture who really emphasis in status and familiarity while English only differ for formal or informal situation. Unfortunately, the translator used inconsistent translation procedures for one term. For instance, the term Noni is translated as Miss by using lexical translation and the translator also used annotation in other text so that he did not change the addressing terms. These conditions would make the reader confuse and would make wrong interpretation that Miss and Noni are different. The last pattern showed that the translator change the form of the addressing terms. The translator used free style translation. The translator missed to understand the language system of source text and target text because he translated Nyai-Nyai as Nyais and Tuan-Tuan as Tuans. Nyai and Tuan are not English term, so the plural form of Nyai and Tuan are not necessarily Nyais or Tuans because it is unclear whether Nyai and Tuan are countable or uncountable noun. Accountability concept is universal concept that can be understood by all people and can be expressed through lexical structure in all language, but not all languages have grammatical category for number and not all languages apply the same concept for number. The second analysis is relation between power and solidarity toward the addressing using T and V because in previous part, there are many translations of addressing term that are not appropriate to the context of the novel. The ways of people in choosing the addressing terms are really related to the culture that exist in their society. The culture of society consists of everything that everybody has to know or believe in order to operate manner that acceptable for its member. In Javanese society, especially in the past, the kingdom applied feudal system. This system force lower class people to respect much to people who have more power. Gilman (1960; 252) defined Power as a relationship between at least two persons and it is nonreciprocal because both can not have the same authority. There are many forms of power such as physical strength, wealth, age, sex, institutionalized role in the state, the army, or within the family. The relations called older than, richer than, stronger than, employer of, richer than and nobler then are all asymmetrical. If A is older than B, B is not older than A. The relation called "more powerful than". The pronoun usage expressing this power relation is also asymmetrical or nonreciprocal, with the greater receiving V and the lesser T. Pronoun form of T and V were used by some European countries to differ between 'singular you' tu (T) and 'plural you' vos (V). Now, T and V are used as symbols; the T form is often described as the familiar form and the V form as the polite one. The superior will say T to the inferior and receives V, and vice versa. T and V approach also could be used to indicate solidarity. The T form is usually used by people who stand in the same position. It reflects symmetrical relation; for instance: attended the same school or have the same parents or practice in the same profession. The T of solidarity can be produced by frequency of contact as well as by objective similarities. The dimension of solidarity is potentially appropriate to all persons addressed. Power superiors may be solidarity (parents, elder siblings) or not solidarity (officials whom one seldom sees). Reciprocal T usage was always available to show intimacy. The following part would discuss the power of characters and its influence among the other characters and the writer used T and V form to analyze them. To sum up the relation of power and solidarity through the addressing term that were chosen by the characters in Bumi Manusia, the writer summarized them into a table. The table would illustrate the addressing terms, the interlocutors, the relation between interlocutors, and the function of the addressing terms. Table 2 The T and V form of Addressing Terms in Bumi Manusia No Addressing Term Interlocutor Relation Function 1 Juffrouw Java – Dutch Dutch- Indo nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 2 Noni Java – Indo nonreciprocal Respecting 3 Mevrouw Java – Dutch Dutch -Dutch Indo – Indo nonreciprocal reciprocal reciprocal Respecting showing intimacy respecting 4 Nyai Java – Java Dutch - Java reciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 5 Tuanmuda Dutch – Java Java - Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 6 Tuan Java - Java Java – Dutch nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 7 Ndoro Java – Dutch Java – Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 8 Meneer Java – Dutch nonreciprocal Respecting 9 Mama Ann – Nyai Minke – Nyai nonreciprocal nonreciprocal showing intimacy showing intimacy 10 Papa Indo – western nonreciprocal showing intimacy 11 Aku Java - Java Java – Dutch reciprocal nonreciprocal showing intimacy showing intimacy 12 Sahaya Java – Java nonreciprocal showing intimacy 13 Kowe Dutch – Java nonreciprocal Disrespecting 14 Nak Java – Java nonreciprocal showing intimacy 15 Gus Java – Java nonreciprocal showing intimacy 16 Sinyo Java –Indo Java – Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 17 Abang Indo - Indo Java – Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting showing intimacy 18 Mas Indo – Java reciprocal showing intimacy 19 Man Dutch – Java nonreciprocal Disrespecting 20 Mr (Meester) Java – Dutch nonreciprocal Respecting The table above shows that there are three functions of addressing terms, respecting, disrespecting, and showing intimacy. From the data above, the relations of the interlocutors are mostly nonreciprocal, so it shows that social status is very important in colonial era because the nonreciprocal relations illustrate the difference power between addressor and addressee. In many nonreciprocal cases, the higher social status will get V form from the addressors to show their respect and say T form because they are not stand in the same position as the addressee. Except respecting, nonreciprocal relation is also used to show disrespect. The addressing terms that are used to disregard are especially designed for lower class by upper class or have bad connotation. In contrast, to show intimacy, the relations of the interlocutors are sometimes reciprocal or nonreciprocal. The dimension of solidarity is little bit different from power, because even the interlocutors are not stand in the same position they can use intimate addressing terms because their relations are close. DISCUSSION After analyzing the translation of addressing terms from the source text to target text, now the writer discusses the result of the analysis. Comparison of Original and Translation The research compares the field, tenor, and mode of Bumi Manusia and This Earth of Mankind. The concept of field, tenor, and mode are sociolinguistic dimensions of context of situation jointly characterizing a particular register. House (2009; 33) stated that the original and its translation should have an equivalent function whenever possible. He also said that text and context of situation are indeed separated, but the two interact with each other through inextricable connection between the social environment and the functional organization of language. Before analyzing the register, it is needed to analyze the genre first. House (2009; 35) explained that genre connect an individual text with the larger cultural context of the linguistic and cultural community in which the text is embedded. The genre of Bumi Manusia is historical fiction but it is based on the reality. It included to historical story because the setting illustrated the situation of Indonesia in the late of nineteenth century. The author used particular time and places that make the story as if it was real. The story happened in 1890's, when the national movement had been begun by native to fight against colonizer through non-violence way. Field The first dimension of register is field. Holmes (2009; 34) explained that field captures the subject matter or topic. It describes what the text is about and what kinds of thing are in text. The text was about Minke's life. It describe Minke's journey who is a naïve boy at first to be a mature person. In that process, Minke should face many problems dealing not only with himself but also his society and the colonizer. The complexities of Minke's problem include the conflict of social judgments, hierarchy system, and racial conflict. The description of this story is not so much as historical text but an attractive, easily readable story. Evidence for this is the use of Malay language in telling the story rather than Javanese or Dutch. Malay was language of interracial communication which was used by many people weather Native or Eurasian. However, there were many terms that are not Malay, but they were only used as addressing term. The choice of particular addressing term in Bumi Manusia shows the style of speaking and the purpose of the speaker, indeed the social status. Mevrouw, Juffrouw, Meester, and Meneer are some addressing terms that were borrowed from Dutch language, while Mas, Ndoro, Gus, Mas and Man are some addressing terms that were borrowed from Javanese language. The used of various addressing terms has function as the mark of power and solidarity. As seen in table 4.1.3 (see page 102) there are three functions of addressing terms, respecting, disrespecting, and showing intimacy. From that data, the relations of the interlocutors are mostly nonreciprocal, so it shows that social status is very important in colonial era because the nonreciprocal relations illustrate the difference power between addressor and addressee. The feudal and colonial system forced people to respect everyone who have more power. Geertz (1960: 282) explained that it is nearly impossible for language that applied etiquette system to say anything without indicating the social relationship between the speaker and the listener in terms of status and familiarity. In many nonreciprocal cases, the higher social status will get V form from the addressors to show their respect and say T form because they are not stand in the same position as the addressee. Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Nyai, Tuanmuda, Tuan, Ndoro, Menner, Sahaya, Sinyo, Abang, and Meester are addressing terms to show respect. The translation appears to be generally and decrease its local color because the absence of Dutch addressing terms as the marker of Dutch colonial. Even the translation of Dutch addressing terms have the same function to respect the addressee, the translation can not replace the emotion and the feeling of the original. Except respecting, nonreciprocal relation is also used to show disrespect. The addressing terms that are used to disregard are especially designed for lower class by upper class or have bad connotation. For instance, Kowe is addressing term that was used by Dutch people to express disrespect toward Javanese. The translation of Kowe, you, can not express the same function as the original because this term is neutral addressing term. In contrast, to show intimacy, the relations of the interlocutors are sometimes reciprocal or nonreciprocal. The dimension of solidarity is little bit different from power. Even the interlocutors were not stand in the same position they can use intimate addressing terms because their relations are close. In Bumi Manusia, the relations of the people who used intimate addressing terms such as Mama, Papa, Gus, Abang, and Nak were nonreciprocal. Gus, Abang and Nak were used by older people to younger people. In Javanese, age is one of the main distinctions of nonreciprocal relation. The older people do not need to use polite form, but in this case Gus, Abang and Nak are polite addressing term that indicated close relationship between older and younger people. The translation of Abang (your friend) and Nak (child) can not full fill the same function as the intimate sign like the original did. Tenor House (2009; 34) stated that tenor refers to the nature of the participants, the author and his or her addressee, the relationship between them in terms of social power and familiarity, the author's intellectual and affective position, that is, his or her personal viewpoint. The author was an Indonesian author of novels, short stories, essays, polemic and histories of his homeland and its people. The author seemed to be very aware of the conditions of his story. He attempted to create colonial atmosphere as same as the reality. The choice of the addressing terms included Dutch, Malay, and Javanese was the evident. By differing the addressing terms based on the ethnicity and social status, the author would like to inform the reader the 'reality' in the past. He wanted to show that there were social distance between poor and rich, also Javanese as the colony and Dutch as the colonizer. He persisted to use Dutch addressing terms rather than change it into Malay to create colonial atmosphere because at that time Dutch people make their language as exclusive language. The translator also tried to create colonial atmosphere by using Java and Malay addressing term that do not have equivalent in English. However, instead of using Dutch term as the author did, the translator change the addressing terms into English. Dutch and English are still in the same language family, so there are many terms of English and Dutch that have the same meaning. Mevrouw, Juffrouw, Meneer, and Meester are Dutch terms. Except Meester, they are denotatively equivalent. Mevrouw could be translated as Mrs, Juffrouw as Miss, and Meneer as Mr. They have the same referents in the real world, so it makes them denotatively equivalents. Although, the translator failed to capture that Dutch addressing term has special function as imperial impression. Ashcroft (2002; 7) stated that one of main features of imperial oppression is control over language. Dutch people, at that time, not only controlled for social, politic, and economic aspects but also controlled the language. They limit the used of their language for themselves and their offspring to marginalize their colonies. The translator did not catch the author's aim that he wanted to show the great distance between Dutch and Javanese people. Instead of giving the Dutch colonial atmosphere, the translator gave mental image of British colonialism because the special terms that implicate Dutch colonialism had been translated in English terms. Based on the table in 4.1 (see page 3), most addressing term translation dealt with cultural context. This problem arose because the translation and the original can not make the same psychological understanding for the readers. In addition, the translator used inconsistent term in his translations that primarily make the reader confused. Mode House (2009; 34) defined Mode as a channel of communication. Equivalence in dimension of mode relates to the means whereby the communication is performed. In Bumi Manusia, there were some addressing terms that have different meaning than the lexical meaning because of the feeling of the speaker. Kowe actually is common addressing terms in Javanese society to address someone who is younger or have closed relation, but when it is used by Dutch people the function is changed from showing intimacy become disrespecting. When the Dutch people used Kowe in Bumi Manusia novel, the character always used it in high tension. However, the reader will not catch that Kowe has negative connotation directly because the translation term, you, is neutral addressing terms. The communication purpose of the term Kowe cannot easily catch. So, the irritation of the character could not be understood by the reader. As seen from the mode, field, and tenor analyses above, it show that the original and the translation are not equivalence. The genre of the translation in translating addressing term is not so much as the original because some translation of the addressing terms can not reveal the atmosphere of Dutch colonial that become the main point in this equivalence problem. Equivalence Problem in Translating Addressing Terms in Bumi Manusia The analysis of register categories above clearly showed that the original and translation are not equal. Equivalence of source text and target has limited area because not all of the equivalence approaches can achieved all translation cases. The main factor that made the addressing in source text do not have suitable equivalence in target text is the special concept of Dutch colonial and Javanese culture. Nababan (1999: 99) said that the concept of source text can reveal a concept that is not well known in the target text. Some addressing terms from source text that has special concept are difficult to have their equivalence in target text because of the cultural concept of addressing term from Dutch and Javanese like Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Nyai, Ndoro, Meneer, Gus, Sinyo, Mas, Man, and Meester. Those terms can not easily be transferred to target text because those terms are created by certain condition in particular communities. Some of those terms, Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Ndoro, and Meneer have the same denotation with the translation term, but the original and translation addressing term have different connotation that make them share different interpretation. The special concept that can not be replaced in target text lead to others related problem. The special concept of particular culture make the language concept of source text is not available in target text. Nababan (1999: 99) explained that the words of source text could be understand and recognized in target text but the target text does not have a term that can reveal the concept from source text. In this case, the term Sahaya and Kowe in source text have different concept from Aku and Kau. The target text do not differ the first and second singular pronoun that make the translation of Sahaya and Kowe have different function from source text. Even the concept of Sahaya and Kowe could be understand in the target text, but the term that have the same meaning and connotation with those term are not available. So, the translator used 'I' and 'you' in a pinch to replace Sahaya and Kowe even 'I' and 'you' also used to translate Aku and Kau. The complexities of Javanese community that apply speech level also direct the translation to the equivalence problem because it makes difference of interpersonal perspective. Nababan (1999: 03) argued that interpersonal perspective is related to the relation of the participants in a text. In a language that really concern to etiquette like Javanese, Geertz stated that it is impossible to address someone without pay attention to the status of the addressee. Etiquette system force the people to create different term for one concept, so the participant can easily choose the right term to address someone that suitable for both the addressor and the addressee. For instance, in Bumi Manusia there are three different addressing terms to call male parent, Papa, Ayah and Ayahanda. The use of those addressing term could reflect the social status of the addressor and the addressee. Papa is used in western family who live Dutch East Indies, Ayah is used in middle-low family, while Ayahanda is used in Javanese aristocrat family. This difference of Papa, Ayah and Ayahanda can not be seen in the translation because the translator translated them as 'father'. The other problem of equivalence that appears because of the particular culture of the two languages is the difference of expressive meaning. According to Nababan (1999: 103) the words in source text and target text have the same proportional meaning but often they are different in expressive meaning. There are many addressing terms that have the same proportional meaning but they are different in expressive meaning because Malay terms differentiate the addressing terms based on the relationship and the social status. The term Nak has the same proportional meaning with child, but they are used in different intention. Nak is for showing intimacy but child dispose to create formal atmosphere rather than familiarity. Both terms have the same proportional meaning but they express different purpose and connotation. The different perspective toward a concept will also lead the translation to equivalence problem (Nababan, 1999: 101). Furthermore, it is also the effect of special concept in source text. The term Man in Javanese context at that time was used to address Javanese adult male from middle-low status. In the translation text, the term Man translated as man because English does not distinguish the term man for rich or poor people. In the other hand, the translator also missed to capture the perspective of the character in choosing particular term when he translated Abang. The proportional meaning of Abang is addressing term to call elder brother but it could be used to call man or boy who is elder than the addressee. The translator translated Abangmu as your friend but from Nyai Ontosoroh's point of view, she used Abangmu to make Annelies felt comfort and consider Minke as her own son. Changing the term Abangmu as your friend would lead the reader to different understanding because it seems that Nyai Ontosoroh treat Minke as only her guest. The other factor except special concept of Dutch colonial and Javanese culture is the difference in grammatical system. Nababan (1999; 108) stated that grammatical equivalence focuses to the similar concept of source text and target text at the level of number, gender, person, tense, and aspect. In translating the addressing term, the problem appeared when source language and target language have different grammatical system. The term Nyai-Nyai became Nyais or Tuan-Tuan became Tuans is not equivalence because both term are Malay term. Malay and English apply different method to change the singular concept to be plural. The translator used free style translation and he missed to understand the language system of source text and target text because he translated Nyai-Nyai as Nyais and Tuan-Tuan as Tuans. Nyai and Tuan are not English term, so the plural form of Nyai and Tuan are not necessarily Nyais or Tuans because it is unclear whether Nyai and Tuan are countable or uncountable noun. Accountability concept is universal concept that can be understood by all people and can be expressed through lexical structure in all language, but not all languages have grammatical category for number and not all languages apply the same concept for number. Therefore, the translator should observe carefully whether one concept of a language could be applied to another language or not. The reader of the target text would feel unfamiliar because in some text, the translator used Nyai and Tuan for singular form, but after that those terms became Nyais and Tuans, whereas the reader could have another understanding rather than think that those terms are plural form because they never know the terms Nyais and Tuans before. Double Perspective in Translating Bumi Manusia Constructing the effective translation is one of the purposes of translation. Nababan (1999:88) stated that there are two main factors that determine the effectiveness of the translation. The first is dimension of linguistic and knowledge. Straight (as quoted in Nababan, 1999) said that fruitfulness in conveying the message depends on the knowledge about the context of culture and the language system of source language and target language. In this case, the translator failed to capture that addressing term play important role because it reflects etiquette culture of Javanese and Dutch colonial culture in Dutch East Indies. The second factor is purpose dimension. Nababan (1999, 87) stated that the translator should decide the purpose of the translation. Further, he explained that the purpose should meet this criteria; fruitful to the original, use translation style that appropriate to source text, use suitable equivalence, and the readability level of translation fitted to the source text. However, the analysis in the previous part show that the translation of addressing terms dealt with many equivalence problems and shared different function and connotation from the original that make the translation become unreadable and confusing for the reader. Both dimensions above can not be reached by the translator because he used more than one perspective in translating the addressing terms. Before translating a text, a translator had to analyze the source text to understand the content of the text. Then, the translator chose the approach that is suitable for source text. From the data in the table in 4.1 (see page 3), the writer found some addressing terms that have many equivalent problems. The translator may use more than one procedure in translating addressing terms because the procedure of translation is for sentences or smaller linguistics units as clause, phrase, word, etc. However, before determining the procedure, the translator should choose the perspective or method that he wants to apply in translating the source text. The method that the translator used will be a framework that guides the translator to translate the text in a line. The writer noticed that the translator used double perspectives that make his translation contradictory. In translating addressing terms such as Noni, Ndoro, Nyai, Tuan, Tuanmuda, Papa, Gus, Sinyo, and Mas, the translator used perspective that was focus on the original text. House (2009: 15) explained that a focus on the (original) texts mean analyzing it, and systematically linking its form and functions in order to reveal the original author's motivated choices. The translator considered the reason of the author in choosing addressing terms and tried to find out the closest equivalence in target text, even for some addressing terms do not have any equivalence that make the translator insisted to use the original term. In contrast, the translator also used perspective that focus on the process of interpretation. House (2009: 20) defined this perspective as the translator way to builds up an individual mental representation of its meaning. House added that the reconstitution of the 'the meaning' of a text to fit another language and context is not the central point. It is dealing more with the invention of the translator then discovery of what is already exist in a text. Therefore, when the translator used this perspective to translate some addressing terms such as Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Nyai-Nyai, Tuan-Tuan, Nak, Abang, Man, etc the translation become very different from the context in source text. This perspective also leads the translator to make confusing translation because the translation for one term becomes inconsistent. Moreover some addressing terms have different meaning and connotation from the source text. In translating a text, translator should use only one perspective to make the synchronized translation. Double translation would lead the translator to different way in translating addressing term because one perspective deal with different point of view to another perspective. In Bumi Manusia case, it is much better for the translator to only apply the perspective that focus on the source text since the background of the original can not be easily transferred to target text. Moreover, if the translator was consistent to use one perspective, he would not make ambiguity translation. By understanding the whole context of the story that include ecology, technology, material culture, social organization, myth, and linguistic system of source text, the translator would have better perceptive to make good translation that fruitful to the original but it is still readable for the target reader. CONCLUSION This study is conducted to describe how the phenomenon of translating addressing terms is rolled out in BumiManusia and This Earth of Mankind. The conclusion of this study is formulated based on the statement of problems. Some translation theory based on several authors (House; 2009; Machali 2000; and Nababan; 1999): translation perspective, equivalence in translation, equivalence problem, and register categories of field, mode, and tenor are combined to the theory of addressing term (Wardaugh; 2006), pronouns of power and solidarity (Brown and Gilman; 1960) and lexical relation (Kreidler; 1998) to identify how the translator translated the addressing terms and the relation of the addressing terms toward the cultural context. Then, the writer comes to a conclusion that: The T and V approach also showed that power and solidarity become the main consideration for the characters in choosing addressing terms, so that the characters used different addressing terms depend on the status of the addressee and the relation among the characters. The translator used three patterns in translating addressing terms. In the first pattern, the translator used literal translation to translate Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Tuanmuda, Tuan, Ndoro, Meener, Papa, Ayah, Ayahanda, Sahaya, Aku, Kowe, and Nak. In second pattern, the translator used original terms, Noni, Nyai, Ndoro, Gus, Sinyo, and Mas in the target text. The last pattern is changing the addressing terms such as Nyai-Nyai, Tuan, Sahaya, Abang, Man, and Meester since the adaptation of target text. From the patterns above, it was found that the translator was inconsistent to translate some addressing terms because he translated one term used some different procedure that make the meaning of the addressing terms contradictory. Also he did not pay attention to the culture and the context that involve in addressing terms so he only did linguistic translation without concerning to the cultural influences. The main factor that lead untranslatability of translating Bumi Manusia's addressing terms is special concept of Javanese culture and Dutch colonial system that make the addressing terms can not be easily transferred to target. The difference of grammatical system of source language and target language also lead the translator to get difficulties in finding suitable equivalence for the addressing terms. Therefore the translator used double perspective to solve the equivalence problems. As a result double perspective that was expected to solve the problem instead made a larger problem because the translation of addressing terms become untranslatability and unreadable. SUGGESTION Addressing terms is general phenomenon which occurs in daily life. But, the analysis of translating addressing terms is still rarely discussed whereas linguistics and its branches is basically concerning with the use of language. From this study, the future researchers are suggested to be more interested in enlarging their knowledge dealing with applied linguistics, especially translating addressing terms which concerns with how translating addressing terms based on cultural context. Equally important, it is suggested for the readers to pay attention in choosing addressing terms based on the condition and the status of the addressee because the wrong addressing terms choices will make the addressee feel insulted or annoyed REFERENCES Ananta Toer, Pramoedya. 2011. Bumi Manusia. Jakarta: Lentera Dipantara. Ananta Toer, Pramoedya. 1996. This Earth of Mankind. New York: Penguin books Ltd. Ashcroft, Bill and Griffiths, Gareth. 2002. The Empire Writes Back – Theory and practice in post-colonial literatures. New York and London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Bogdan, Robert. C and Sari Knopp Biklen. 1982. Qualitative Research for Education: an Introduction to Theory and Methods.Allyn and Bacon. Inc. USA Brown, R., Gilman, A. 1960. The pronouns of Power and Solidarity. Thomas A. Sebeok, eds. Style in Language. Cambridge-Massachusetts: The Technology Press of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 252-275. Geertz, Clifford. 1960. Linguistic Etiquette. Thomas A. Sebeok, eds. Style in Language. Cambridge-Massachusetts: The Technology Press of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 282-295 Holmes, Janet. 1992. An Inroduction to Sociolinguistics. London and New York: Longman Group. Hornby, A. S. (Ed.) 1948. Advanced Learner's Dictionary (7th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. House, Juliane. 2009. Translation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Machali, R. .2000. Pedoman Bagi Penerjemah. Jakarta: Grasindo. Nababan, R. 1999. Teori Menerjemah Bahasa Inggris. Yogyakarta: PustakaPelajar Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Retrieved on June 25, 2013 from site: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pramoedya_Ananta_Toer Rothschild, Metthew. Interview with Pramoedya Ananta Toer. The Progressive Magazine. Retrieved on June 26, 2013 from site: http://www.progressive.org/mag_intv1099 Sugiyono. 2010. MetodePenelitianKuantitatif R & D. Bandung: Alfabeta. Wardhaugh, Ronald. 2006. An Introduction to Sociolinguistic.Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Widyastuti, Susana. Componential Analysis of Meaning: Theory and Applications. Online journal. Retrieved on June 25, 2013 from site: http://eprints.uny.ac.id/1174 W. Kreidler, Charles. 1998. Introducing English Semantic. London: Routledge.

AN ANALYSIS OF TRANSLATING THE ADDRESSING TERMS IN PRAMOEDYA ANANTA TOER'S THIS EARTH OF MANKIND Azimatul Fauziah English Literature, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya azimatul13@gmail.com Dian Rivia Himmawati, SS, M.Hum. English Language and Literature Department, Faculty of Languages and Arts, State University of Surabaya dianrivia@gmail.com ABSTRAK Studi ini focus pada penerjemahan sapaan dalam Bumi Manusia sebagai bahasa sumber dan This Earth of Mankind sebagai bahasa sasaran. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pengaruh dari kekuasaan dan solidaritas dalam penerjemahan sapaan dan mengetahui faktor yang menyebabkan ketakterjemahan dalam menerjemahkan sapaan. Metode deskriptif kualitatif, teori penerjemahan (House; 2009), hubungan antar kata , kata ganti orang yang memiliki kekuasaan dan solidaritas (Brown and Gilman; 1960), dan register kategori Halliday digunakan untuk menganalisa data. Hasil analisa menunjukan bahwa ada tiga macam sapaan di This Earth of Mankind, sapaan dalam bahasa Belanda, Melayu, dan Jawa. Beberapa sapaan dari bahasa yang berbeda memiliki makna yang sepadan dan penerjemah menerjemahkannya dengan istilah yang sama dengan menggunakan 'denotative equivalence' dan pragmatic equivalence. Penerjemah gagal memahami bahwa penulis membedakan sapaan untuk penjajah dan jajahan, keluarga bangsawan dan masyarakat umum, hubungan formal dan keakraban. Masalah penerjemahan sapaan terjadi ketika sapaan tersebut memiliki konsep khusus yang berhubungan dengan budaya tertentu namun tidak memiliki istilah padanan dalam bahasa sasaran dan karena sistem tatabahasa yang berbeda. Oleh karena itu, penerjemah menggunakan dua pandangan yang berbeda untuk menerjemahkan sapaan. pandangan yang pertama terpusat pada bahasa sumber sedangkan pandangan yang kedua terpusat pada proses penafsiran penerjemah. Hal tersebut membuat terjemahan menjadi sangat berbeda jika dilihat dari mode (cara), field (bidang), dan tenor (tujuan). Kata Kunci: penerjemahan, sapaan, padanan, budaya, kekuasaan ABSTRACT This study focuses on the translation of addressing term in Bumi Manusia as source text and This Earth of Mankind as target text. The purpose of this study is to find out the influence of power and solidarity in translating the addressing terms and find out the factors of untranslatability in translating addressing term. Descriptive qualitative method, translation theory (House; 2009), lexical relation (Kreidler; 1998), pronoun of power and solidarity (Brown and Gilman; 1960), and Hallidayan register categories are applied to analyze the data. The result show that there are three kinds of addressing terms in This Earth of Mankind, Dutch addressing term, Malay addressing term, and Javanese addressing term. Some addressing terms from different language have the same proportional meaning and the translator translated them as the same term and the translator used denotative equivalence and pragmatic equivalence. The translator failed to catch that the author differ the addressing term to show the difference between colonize and colonizer, aristocrat family and common people, intimacy relation and formal relation. The problem of translating addressing terms appeared when the special concept of addressing term related to particular culture do not have any equivalence term in target text and the different of grammatical system. Therefore, it makes the translator use double perspective in translating the addressing term. The first focuses on the source text while the other focus on the process of interpretation by the translator. It made the result of the translation become really different from the original seen from register categories: mode, field, and tenor. Keywords: translation, addressing term, equivalence, culture, dan power INTRODUCTION Bumi Manusia is one of the greatest works of Pramoedya Ananta Toer who was frequently discussed as Indonesia's and Southeast Asia's best candidate for a Nobel Prize in Literature. Terms of addressee plays important role in Bumi Manusia because it indicates the social status of someone. There are three kinds of addressing terms based on ethnicity in this novel. They are Dutch addressing term, Malay addressing term, and Javanese addressing term. Oyetade (as quoted in Chu-Cing Hsu; 2) defines terms of addresseeas words or linguistic expression which speakers use to designate the person being talked to while talk is in progress or which writers use to address the recipient in written communication. Moreover, Braun (1988:7) explains that the actual use and the function of addressing terms depands on the stucture of language, on the speaker's intention and on the address relationship between two interlocutors, as well as on the occasion of the occurrence. Juliane House (2009: 4) defined translation as a process of replacing a text in one language by text in another language. He also explained that translating is not only a linguistic act but it is also an act of communication across culture. Translating terms of addressee from Indonesian into English is not easy because they have different pronominal form. In translating addressing term, the translator should notice on the detail. Words can only be understood when it is considered together with the cultural context. So, in translating addressing term, it is not only replacing the word to another language but creating the same meaning and atmosphere as similar as the original text. Moreover, the addressing terms in Bumi Manusia are closely related to power. Braun and Gilman defined Power as ability to control behavior over another. They also said that power is a relationship between at least two persons, and it is nonreciprocal in the sense that both can not have the same power in the same area of behavior (1960: 254). People who have power will be addressed differently from common people. Power is associated with high social status and it reflects respect and honor. So, people from high social status will be addressed in polite way to show a great reverence. To translate a text as similar as the source text, it is needed to see whether the source text is equivalent to target text or not. House defined equivalence as how similarity of message or function is interpreted (2009: 29). There are many types of equivalence and it depends on the perspective that the translator used. It is possible to use denotative equivalence that use 'real world' referents to which the text relates. Also, the translator could use other equivalence such as pragmatic equivalence which focuses to fulfill its communicative function for the recipients. This study tries to discuss the factors of untranslatability in translating addressing term. There are two research questions for this study, (1) How does the translator translate the Indonesian addressing terms in Toer's Bumi Manusia into English version, This Earth of Mankind? (2) What is the influence of power and solidarity toward the choices of addressing terms in Toer's Bumi Manusia? This study tries to describe about the method of the translator in translating addressing term and know the influence of power and solidarity in translating the addressing term. This study only focuses on translating the addressing terms that have any equivalence problems in their translation and do not pay attention to grammar or another linguistic aspect. This study tries to describe about the process of young learner with visual learning style acquire language and know the relationships between personality and learning style. This study is not only focusing in linguistics but also covering learning activities and psychology area but it is not for learning strategy. Several theories are becoming main cores of this study, such as translation theory of House, lexical relation of Kreidler and Brown and Gilman in pronoun of power and solidarity. . RESEARCH METHOD This study uses descriptive-qualitative in getting and describing about the translating addressing terms phenomena in This Earth of Mankind. This study needs to be explained by words not by numbers or statistics, because this study is stressing on translation aspect and its relationship with culture. Bodgan and Biklen (1984:5) defined the qualitative approach as a research procedure which produces a descriptive data such as verbal or nonverbal utterances or words from the object being observed. The data for this study are utterances. There are two sources of data used in this study. Those data are Toer's Bumi Manusia as source text that was written by Pramoedya Ananta Toer and This Earth of Mankind as target text that was translated by Max Lane. Observation is used to analyze this research. Observation includes collection of the data that is needed by the researcher without manipulating. Sugiyono(2010, p. 146) adds that observation is done by the researcher about what the researcher wants to observe in the research. To observe this research, internet access and taking a note are needed by the researcher as the basic instrument. There were three steps to analyze the data. They were data reduction, data display and conclusion and verification. The researcher sorted the data by choosing the addressing terms that had problem with equivalence. Then, she displayed the data in table. Conclusion and verification became the last step of the data analysis process. In this case, the data had been displayed and discussed before were concluded. The conclusion was the answer of the problems existing supported by some theories related (Sugiyono, 2010, p. 345). To answer the first question, the researcher used lexical relation of Kreidler in his book introducing English semantic and translation theory by Machali. Then, in answering the research question number two, the researcher used pronoun of power and solidarity by Brown and Gilman, translation theory by Nababan and House, then collaborate with Hallidayan register categories of field, mode and tenor. ANNALYSIS AND DISCUSSION There are two analyses in this section. The first is the analysis of the method that was used by translator to translate addressing terms. The second is the analysis of relation between power and solidarity toward the addressing terms. In translating terms of addressees, the translator should find the equivalence between the source text and the target text. House (2009: 29) defines equivalence as a similar message and fulfills a similar function. The writer noticed that the translator use some different patterns. The first pattern, the translator tried to find out the literal or denotative equivalence which use 'real world' as referents for source text to target text. The second pattern, the translator used the original addressing terms from the source text and provided glossary for informing the meaning of the addressing terms in the end of the novel. The last, the translator changed the addressing terms to different addressing terms as the adaptation to the context of target language. After analyzing the method that was used by translator to translate addressing terms, the research used the following table to sum up the result: Table 1 The Comparison of Addressing Terms in Bumi Manusia and This Earth of Mankind No Original Translation Procedure Problem 1. Juffrouw Miss Literal translation Different in context 2. Noni Miss Literal translation Different in context 3. Noni Noni Annotation Inconsistent 4. Mevrouw Mrs/Madam/ Ma'am Literal translation Different in context 5. Mevrouw Miss Free translation Different in meaning 6. Tuanmuda Young master Literal translation Different in context 7. Tuanmuda Master Literal translation Inconsistent 8. Tuan Sir/Mr. Literal translation Different in context 9. Tuan Tuan Annotation Inconsistent 10. Tuan You/he Free translation Different in function 11. Tuan-tuan Tuans Free translation Different in meaning 12. Ndoro Master Literal translation Different in context 13. Ndoro Ndoro Annotation Inconsistent 14. Sahaya I Literal translation Different in context 15. Sahaya Your servant Free translation Different in meaning 16. Meneer Mr. Literal translation Different in context 17. Papa Father Literal translation Different in context 18 Kowe You Literal translation Different in context 19. Nak Child Literal translation Different in context 20. Nyai Nyai Annotation - 21. Nyai-nyai Nyais Free translation Different in meaning 22. Gus Gus Annotation - 23. Sinyo Sinyo Annotation - 24. Mas Mas Annotation - 25. Abang Your friend Free translation Different in meaning 26. Man Man Free translation Different in context 27. Mr Mr. Free translation Different in meaning As shown from the table above, Malay dominated the addressing terms because Malay is neutral language that can be used by Javanese and Dutch in their daily conversations. Noni, Tuanmuda, Tuan, Ayah, Ayahanda, Sahaya, Nak, Sinyo, and Abang are addressing terms that belong to Malay addressing terms. These terms are more common because Malay is widely used in all Dutch East Indies. In the other hand, there were some Javanese addressing terms such as Nyai, Ndoro, Kowe, Gus, Mas, and Man that were used in particular occasions or refer to particular people. Similar to Javanese addressing terms, Dutch addressing terms are only used for certain people. Juffrouw, Mevrouw, Meneer, and Meester are Ducth addressing terms that only used to call Dutch people. There are three patterns in translating addressing terms. In the first pattern, the translator used denotative equivalence which only focused on the meaning of the terms. Machali (2000) stated that as a method, literal translation considers as the most important translation procedure because the basic of literal translation is in clause or sentence level. However, translating addressing terms include and reflect the culture of the society because the addressing terms that were used by the characters determine their background whether their status or ethnicity. Even the words in source text have the same denotation with target text, they do not always have the same connotation. The translator used two different procedures in translating the addressing terms for the first pattern. The first procedure is lexical translation which is used to translate Tuanmuda, Tuan, Papa, Ayah, Ayahanda, Sahaya, Aku, Kowe, and Nak. Some of the terms are not appropriate because there is the difference of interpersonal perspective. The second procedure is adaptation. The translator attempted to make the addressing terms familiar in target text. The terms Juffrouw, Mevrouw, Meneer, Ndoro, and Noni are special concepts that were used in Dutch colonial era. The translation text could be understood by the reader of the target text, but the reader can not catch the essence that those terms are particular addressing terms for certain groups. So, even the words of source text have denotative equivalence in target text, but they are not suitable for the context of source text. In the second pattern, the translator did not change the addressing terms because the terms, Noni, Nyai, Ndoro, Gus, Sinyo, and Mas are special concept of source text that do not have any equivalence word in target text. The translator used annotation to translate because he persisted to use the original terms and gave glossary to explain the meaning of the term. The writer noticed that the translator is understand that the addressing terms have important role to distinguish the identity of the characters, but he only highlighted Javanese addressing terms. The concept of thing in Dutch and English are almost similar because they are in the same language family. So, the translator was easy to find out the lexical equivalence from Ducth terms to English terms. However, the concept of some words such as Noni, Sinyo, and Nyai are especially used in colonial era, so it is difficult to find out the equivalence in target text. Ndoro, Gus, and Mas are terms from Javanese culture who really emphasis in status and familiarity while English only differ for formal or informal situation. Unfortunately, the translator used inconsistent translation procedures for one term. For instance, the term Noni is translated as Miss by using lexical translation and the translator also used annotation in other text so that he did not change the addressing terms. These conditions would make the reader confuse and would make wrong interpretation that Miss and Noni are different. The last pattern showed that the translator change the form of the addressing terms. The translator used free style translation. The translator missed to understand the language system of source text and target text because he translated Nyai-Nyai as Nyais and Tuan-Tuan as Tuans. Nyai and Tuan are not English term, so the plural form of Nyai and Tuan are not necessarily Nyais or Tuans because it is unclear whether Nyai and Tuan are countable or uncountable noun. Accountability concept is universal concept that can be understood by all people and can be expressed through lexical structure in all language, but not all languages have grammatical category for number and not all languages apply the same concept for number. The second analysis is relation between power and solidarity toward the addressing using T and V because in previous part, there are many translations of addressing term that are not appropriate to the context of the novel. The ways of people in choosing the addressing terms are really related to the culture that exist in their society. The culture of society consists of everything that everybody has to know or believe in order to operate manner that acceptable for its member. In Javanese society, especially in the past, the kingdom applied feudal system. This system force lower class people to respect much to people who have more power. Gilman (1960; 252) defined Power as a relationship between at least two persons and it is nonreciprocal because both can not have the same authority. There are many forms of power such as physical strength, wealth, age, sex, institutionalized role in the state, the army, or within the family. The relations called older than, richer than, stronger than, employer of, richer than and nobler then are all asymmetrical. If A is older than B, B is not older than A. The relation called "more powerful than". The pronoun usage expressing this power relation is also asymmetrical or nonreciprocal, with the greater receiving V and the lesser T. Pronoun form of T and V were used by some European countries to differ between 'singular you' tu (T) and 'plural you' vos (V). Now, T and V are used as symbols; the T form is often described as the familiar form and the V form as the polite one. The superior will say T to the inferior and receives V, and vice versa. T and V approach also could be used to indicate solidarity. The T form is usually used by people who stand in the same position. It reflects symmetrical relation; for instance: attended the same school or have the same parents or practice in the same profession. The T of solidarity can be produced by frequency of contact as well as by objective similarities. The dimension of solidarity is potentially appropriate to all persons addressed. Power superiors may be solidarity (parents, elder siblings) or not solidarity (officials whom one seldom sees). Reciprocal T usage was always available to show intimacy. The following part would discuss the power of characters and its influence among the other characters and the writer used T and V form to analyze them. To sum up the relation of power and solidarity through the addressing term that were chosen by the characters in Bumi Manusia, the writer summarized them into a table. The table would illustrate the addressing terms, the interlocutors, the relation between interlocutors, and the function of the addressing terms. Table 2 The T and V form of Addressing Terms in Bumi Manusia No Addressing Term Interlocutor Relation Function 1 Juffrouw Java – Dutch Dutch- Indo nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 2 Noni Java – Indo nonreciprocal Respecting 3 Mevrouw Java – Dutch Dutch -Dutch Indo – Indo nonreciprocal reciprocal reciprocal Respecting showing intimacy respecting 4 Nyai Java – Java Dutch - Java reciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 5 Tuanmuda Dutch – Java Java - Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 6 Tuan Java - Java Java – Dutch nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 7 Ndoro Java – Dutch Java – Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 8 Meneer Java – Dutch nonreciprocal Respecting 9 Mama Ann – Nyai Minke – Nyai nonreciprocal nonreciprocal showing intimacy showing intimacy 10 Papa Indo – western nonreciprocal showing intimacy 11 Aku Java - Java Java – Dutch reciprocal nonreciprocal showing intimacy showing intimacy 12 Sahaya Java – Java nonreciprocal showing intimacy 13 Kowe Dutch – Java nonreciprocal Disrespecting 14 Nak Java – Java nonreciprocal showing intimacy 15 Gus Java – Java nonreciprocal showing intimacy 16 Sinyo Java –Indo Java – Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting respecting 17 Abang Indo - Indo Java – Java nonreciprocal nonreciprocal Respecting showing intimacy 18 Mas Indo – Java reciprocal showing intimacy 19 Man Dutch – Java nonreciprocal Disrespecting 20 Mr (Meester) Java – Dutch nonreciprocal Respecting The table above shows that there are three functions of addressing terms, respecting, disrespecting, and showing intimacy. From the data above, the relations of the interlocutors are mostly nonreciprocal, so it shows that social status is very important in colonial era because the nonreciprocal relations illustrate the difference power between addressor and addressee. In many nonreciprocal cases, the higher social status will get V form from the addressors to show their respect and say T form because they are not stand in the same position as the addressee. Except respecting, nonreciprocal relation is also used to show disrespect. The addressing terms that are used to disregard are especially designed for lower class by upper class or have bad connotation. In contrast, to show intimacy, the relations of the interlocutors are sometimes reciprocal or nonreciprocal. The dimension of solidarity is little bit different from power, because even the interlocutors are not stand in the same position they can use intimate addressing terms because their relations are close. DISCUSSION After analyzing the translation of addressing terms from the source text to target text, now the writer discusses the result of the analysis. Comparison of Original and Translation The research compares the field, tenor, and mode of Bumi Manusia and This Earth of Mankind. The concept of field, tenor, and mode are sociolinguistic dimensions of context of situation jointly characterizing a particular register. House (2009; 33) stated that the original and its translation should have an equivalent function whenever possible. He also said that text and context of situation are indeed separated, but the two interact with each other through inextricable connection between the social environment and the functional organization of language. Before analyzing the register, it is needed to analyze the genre first. House (2009; 35) explained that genre connect an individual text with the larger cultural context of the linguistic and cultural community in which the text is embedded. The genre of Bumi Manusia is historical fiction but it is based on the reality. It included to historical story because the setting illustrated the situation of Indonesia in the late of nineteenth century. The author used particular time and places that make the story as if it was real. The story happened in 1890's, when the national movement had been begun by native to fight against colonizer through non-violence way. Field The first dimension of register is field. Holmes (2009; 34) explained that field captures the subject matter or topic. It describes what the text is about and what kinds of thing are in text. The text was about Minke's life. It describe Minke's journey who is a naïve boy at first to be a mature person. In that process, Minke should face many problems dealing not only with himself but also his society and the colonizer. The complexities of Minke's problem include the conflict of social judgments, hierarchy system, and racial conflict. The description of this story is not so much as historical text but an attractive, easily readable story. Evidence for this is the use of Malay language in telling the story rather than Javanese or Dutch. Malay was language of interracial communication which was used by many people weather Native or Eurasian. However, there were many terms that are not Malay, but they were only used as addressing term. The choice of particular addressing term in Bumi Manusia shows the style of speaking and the purpose of the speaker, indeed the social status. Mevrouw, Juffrouw, Meester, and Meneer are some addressing terms that were borrowed from Dutch language, while Mas, Ndoro, Gus, Mas and Man are some addressing terms that were borrowed from Javanese language. The used of various addressing terms has function as the mark of power and solidarity. As seen in table 4.1.3 (see page 102) there are three functions of addressing terms, respecting, disrespecting, and showing intimacy. From that data, the relations of the interlocutors are mostly nonreciprocal, so it shows that social status is very important in colonial era because the nonreciprocal relations illustrate the difference power between addressor and addressee. The feudal and colonial system forced people to respect everyone who have more power. Geertz (1960: 282) explained that it is nearly impossible for language that applied etiquette system to say anything without indicating the social relationship between the speaker and the listener in terms of status and familiarity. In many nonreciprocal cases, the higher social status will get V form from the addressors to show their respect and say T form because they are not stand in the same position as the addressee. Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Nyai, Tuanmuda, Tuan, Ndoro, Menner, Sahaya, Sinyo, Abang, and Meester are addressing terms to show respect. The translation appears to be generally and decrease its local color because the absence of Dutch addressing terms as the marker of Dutch colonial. Even the translation of Dutch addressing terms have the same function to respect the addressee, the translation can not replace the emotion and the feeling of the original. Except respecting, nonreciprocal relation is also used to show disrespect. The addressing terms that are used to disregard are especially designed for lower class by upper class or have bad connotation. For instance, Kowe is addressing term that was used by Dutch people to express disrespect toward Javanese. The translation of Kowe, you, can not express the same function as the original because this term is neutral addressing term. In contrast, to show intimacy, the relations of the interlocutors are sometimes reciprocal or nonreciprocal. The dimension of solidarity is little bit different from power. Even the interlocutors were not stand in the same position they can use intimate addressing terms because their relations are close. In Bumi Manusia, the relations of the people who used intimate addressing terms such as Mama, Papa, Gus, Abang, and Nak were nonreciprocal. Gus, Abang and Nak were used by older people to younger people. In Javanese, age is one of the main distinctions of nonreciprocal relation. The older people do not need to use polite form, but in this case Gus, Abang and Nak are polite addressing term that indicated close relationship between older and younger people. The translation of Abang (your friend) and Nak (child) can not full fill the same function as the intimate sign like the original did. Tenor House (2009; 34) stated that tenor refers to the nature of the participants, the author and his or her addressee, the relationship between them in terms of social power and familiarity, the author's intellectual and affective position, that is, his or her personal viewpoint. The author was an Indonesian author of novels, short stories, essays, polemic and histories of his homeland and its people. The author seemed to be very aware of the conditions of his story. He attempted to create colonial atmosphere as same as the reality. The choice of the addressing terms included Dutch, Malay, and Javanese was the evident. By differing the addressing terms based on the ethnicity and social status, the author would like to inform the reader the 'reality' in the past. He wanted to show that there were social distance between poor and rich, also Javanese as the colony and Dutch as the colonizer. He persisted to use Dutch addressing terms rather than change it into Malay to create colonial atmosphere because at that time Dutch people make their language as exclusive language. The translator also tried to create colonial atmosphere by using Java and Malay addressing term that do not have equivalent in English. However, instead of using Dutch term as the author did, the translator change the addressing terms into English. Dutch and English are still in the same language family, so there are many terms of English and Dutch that have the same meaning. Mevrouw, Juffrouw, Meneer, and Meester are Dutch terms. Except Meester, they are denotatively equivalent. Mevrouw could be translated as Mrs, Juffrouw as Miss, and Meneer as Mr. They have the same referents in the real world, so it makes them denotatively equivalents. Although, the translator failed to capture that Dutch addressing term has special function as imperial impression. Ashcroft (2002; 7) stated that one of main features of imperial oppression is control over language. Dutch people, at that time, not only controlled for social, politic, and economic aspects but also controlled the language. They limit the used of their language for themselves and their offspring to marginalize their colonies. The translator did not catch the author's aim that he wanted to show the great distance between Dutch and Javanese people. Instead of giving the Dutch colonial atmosphere, the translator gave mental image of British colonialism because the special terms that implicate Dutch colonialism had been translated in English terms. Based on the table in 4.1 (see page 3), most addressing term translation dealt with cultural context. This problem arose because the translation and the original can not make the same psychological understanding for the readers. In addition, the translator used inconsistent term in his translations that primarily make the reader confused. Mode House (2009; 34) defined Mode as a channel of communication. Equivalence in dimension of mode relates to the means whereby the communication is performed. In Bumi Manusia, there were some addressing terms that have different meaning than the lexical meaning because of the feeling of the speaker. Kowe actually is common addressing terms in Javanese society to address someone who is younger or have closed relation, but when it is used by Dutch people the function is changed from showing intimacy become disrespecting. When the Dutch people used Kowe in Bumi Manusia novel, the character always used it in high tension. However, the reader will not catch that Kowe has negative connotation directly because the translation term, you, is neutral addressing terms. The communication purpose of the term Kowe cannot easily catch. So, the irritation of the character could not be understood by the reader. As seen from the mode, field, and tenor analyses above, it show that the original and the translation are not equivalence. The genre of the translation in translating addressing term is not so much as the original because some translation of the addressing terms can not reveal the atmosphere of Dutch colonial that become the main point in this equivalence problem. Equivalence Problem in Translating Addressing Terms in Bumi Manusia The analysis of register categories above clearly showed that the original and translation are not equal. Equivalence of source text and target has limited area because not all of the equivalence approaches can achieved all translation cases. The main factor that made the addressing in source text do not have suitable equivalence in target text is the special concept of Dutch colonial and Javanese culture. Nababan (1999: 99) said that the concept of source text can reveal a concept that is not well known in the target text. Some addressing terms from source text that has special concept are difficult to have their equivalence in target text because of the cultural concept of addressing term from Dutch and Javanese like Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Nyai, Ndoro, Meneer, Gus, Sinyo, Mas, Man, and Meester. Those terms can not easily be transferred to target text because those terms are created by certain condition in particular communities. Some of those terms, Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Ndoro, and Meneer have the same denotation with the translation term, but the original and translation addressing term have different connotation that make them share different interpretation. The special concept that can not be replaced in target text lead to others related problem. The special concept of particular culture make the language concept of source text is not available in target text. Nababan (1999: 99) explained that the words of source text could be understand and recognized in target text but the target text does not have a term that can reveal the concept from source text. In this case, the term Sahaya and Kowe in source text have different concept from Aku and Kau. The target text do not differ the first and second singular pronoun that make the translation of Sahaya and Kowe have different function from source text. Even the concept of Sahaya and Kowe could be understand in the target text, but the term that have the same meaning and connotation with those term are not available. So, the translator used 'I' and 'you' in a pinch to replace Sahaya and Kowe even 'I' and 'you' also used to translate Aku and Kau. The complexities of Javanese community that apply speech level also direct the translation to the equivalence problem because it makes difference of interpersonal perspective. Nababan (1999: 03) argued that interpersonal perspective is related to the relation of the participants in a text. In a language that really concern to etiquette like Javanese, Geertz stated that it is impossible to address someone without pay attention to the status of the addressee. Etiquette system force the people to create different term for one concept, so the participant can easily choose the right term to address someone that suitable for both the addressor and the addressee. For instance, in Bumi Manusia there are three different addressing terms to call male parent, Papa, Ayah and Ayahanda. The use of those addressing term could reflect the social status of the addressor and the addressee. Papa is used in western family who live Dutch East Indies, Ayah is used in middle-low family, while Ayahanda is used in Javanese aristocrat family. This difference of Papa, Ayah and Ayahanda can not be seen in the translation because the translator translated them as 'father'. The other problem of equivalence that appears because of the particular culture of the two languages is the difference of expressive meaning. According to Nababan (1999: 103) the words in source text and target text have the same proportional meaning but often they are different in expressive meaning. There are many addressing terms that have the same proportional meaning but they are different in expressive meaning because Malay terms differentiate the addressing terms based on the relationship and the social status. The term Nak has the same proportional meaning with child, but they are used in different intention. Nak is for showing intimacy but child dispose to create formal atmosphere rather than familiarity. Both terms have the same proportional meaning but they express different purpose and connotation. The different perspective toward a concept will also lead the translation to equivalence problem (Nababan, 1999: 101). Furthermore, it is also the effect of special concept in source text. The term Man in Javanese context at that time was used to address Javanese adult male from middle-low status. In the translation text, the term Man translated as man because English does not distinguish the term man for rich or poor people. In the other hand, the translator also missed to capture the perspective of the character in choosing particular term when he translated Abang. The proportional meaning of Abang is addressing term to call elder brother but it could be used to call man or boy who is elder than the addressee. The translator translated Abangmu as your friend but from Nyai Ontosoroh's point of view, she used Abangmu to make Annelies felt comfort and consider Minke as her own son. Changing the term Abangmu as your friend would lead the reader to different understanding because it seems that Nyai Ontosoroh treat Minke as only her guest. The other factor except special concept of Dutch colonial and Javanese culture is the difference in grammatical system. Nababan (1999; 108) stated that grammatical equivalence focuses to the similar concept of source text and target text at the level of number, gender, person, tense, and aspect. In translating the addressing term, the problem appeared when source language and target language have different grammatical system. The term Nyai-Nyai became Nyais or Tuan-Tuan became Tuans is not equivalence because both term are Malay term. Malay and English apply different method to change the singular concept to be plural. The translator used free style translation and he missed to understand the language system of source text and target text because he translated Nyai-Nyai as Nyais and Tuan-Tuan as Tuans. Nyai and Tuan are not English term, so the plural form of Nyai and Tuan are not necessarily Nyais or Tuans because it is unclear whether Nyai and Tuan are countable or uncountable noun. Accountability concept is universal concept that can be understood by all people and can be expressed through lexical structure in all language, but not all languages have grammatical category for number and not all languages apply the same concept for number. Therefore, the translator should observe carefully whether one concept of a language could be applied to another language or not. The reader of the target text would feel unfamiliar because in some text, the translator used Nyai and Tuan for singular form, but after that those terms became Nyais and Tuans, whereas the reader could have another understanding rather than think that those terms are plural form because they never know the terms Nyais and Tuans before. Double Perspective in Translating Bumi Manusia Constructing the effective translation is one of the purposes of translation. Nababan (1999:88) stated that there are two main factors that determine the effectiveness of the translation. The first is dimension of linguistic and knowledge. Straight (as quoted in Nababan, 1999) said that fruitfulness in conveying the message depends on the knowledge about the context of culture and the language system of source language and target language. In this case, the translator failed to capture that addressing term play important role because it reflects etiquette culture of Javanese and Dutch colonial culture in Dutch East Indies. The second factor is purpose dimension. Nababan (1999, 87) stated that the translator should decide the purpose of the translation. Further, he explained that the purpose should meet this criteria; fruitful to the original, use translation style that appropriate to source text, use suitable equivalence, and the readability level of translation fitted to the source text. However, the analysis in the previous part show that the translation of addressing terms dealt with many equivalence problems and shared different function and connotation from the original that make the translation become unreadable and confusing for the reader. Both dimensions above can not be reached by the translator because he used more than one perspective in translating the addressing terms. Before translating a text, a translator had to analyze the source text to understand the content of the text. Then, the translator chose the approach that is suitable for source text. From the data in the table in 4.1 (see page 3), the writer found some addressing terms that have many equivalent problems. The translator may use more than one procedure in translating addressing terms because the procedure of translation is for sentences or smaller linguistics units as clause, phrase, word, etc. However, before determining the procedure, the translator should choose the perspective or method that he wants to apply in translating the source text. The method that the translator used will be a framework that guides the translator to translate the text in a line. The writer noticed that the translator used double perspectives that make his translation contradictory. In translating addressing terms such as Noni, Ndoro, Nyai, Tuan, Tuanmuda, Papa, Gus, Sinyo, and Mas, the translator used perspective that was focus on the original text. House (2009: 15) explained that a focus on the (original) texts mean analyzing it, and systematically linking its form and functions in order to reveal the original author's motivated choices. The translator considered the reason of the author in choosing addressing terms and tried to find out the closest equivalence in target text, even for some addressing terms do not have any equivalence that make the translator insisted to use the original term. In contrast, the translator also used perspective that focus on the process of interpretation. House (2009: 20) defined this perspective as the translator way to builds up an individual mental representation of its meaning. House added that the reconstitution of the 'the meaning' of a text to fit another language and context is not the central point. It is dealing more with the invention of the translator then discovery of what is already exist in a text. Therefore, when the translator used this perspective to translate some addressing terms such as Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Nyai-Nyai, Tuan-Tuan, Nak, Abang, Man, etc the translation become very different from the context in source text. This perspective also leads the translator to make confusing translation because the translation for one term becomes inconsistent. Moreover some addressing terms have different meaning and connotation from the source text. In translating a text, translator should use only one perspective to make the synchronized translation. Double translation would lead the translator to different way in translating addressing term because one perspective deal with different point of view to another perspective. In Bumi Manusia case, it is much better for the translator to only apply the perspective that focus on the source text since the background of the original can not be easily transferred to target text. Moreover, if the translator was consistent to use one perspective, he would not make ambiguity translation. By understanding the whole context of the story that include ecology, technology, material culture, social organization, myth, and linguistic system of source text, the translator would have better perceptive to make good translation that fruitful to the original but it is still readable for the target reader. CONCLUSION This study is conducted to describe how the phenomenon of translating addressing terms is rolled out in BumiManusia and This Earth of Mankind. The conclusion of this study is formulated based on the statement of problems. Some translation theory based on several authors (House; 2009; Machali 2000; and Nababan; 1999): translation perspective, equivalence in translation, equivalence problem, and register categories of field, mode, and tenor are combined to the theory of addressing term (Wardaugh; 2006), pronouns of power and solidarity (Brown and Gilman; 1960) and lexical relation (Kreidler; 1998) to identify how the translator translated the addressing terms and the relation of the addressing terms toward the cultural context. Then, the writer comes to a conclusion that: The T and V approach also showed that power and solidarity become the main consideration for the characters in choosing addressing terms, so that the characters used different addressing terms depend on the status of the addressee and the relation among the characters. The translator used three patterns in translating addressing terms. In the first pattern, the translator used literal translation to translate Juffrouw, Noni, Mevrouw, Tuanmuda, Tuan, Ndoro, Meener, Papa, Ayah, Ayahanda, Sahaya, Aku, Kowe, and Nak. In second pattern, the translator used original terms, Noni, Nyai, Ndoro, Gus, Sinyo, and Mas in the target text. The last pattern is changing the addressing terms such as Nyai-Nyai, Tuan, Sahaya, Abang, Man, and Meester since the adaptation of target text. From the patterns above, it was found that the translator was inconsistent to translate some addressing terms because he translated one term used some different procedure that make the meaning of the addressing terms contradictory. Also he did not pay attention to the culture and the context that involve in addressing terms so he only did linguistic translation without concerning to the cultural influences. The main factor that lead untranslatability of translating Bumi Manusia's addressing terms is special concept of Javanese culture and Dutch colonial system that make the addressing terms can not be easily transferred to target. The difference of grammatical system of source language and target language also lead the translator to get difficulties in finding suitable equivalence for the addressing terms. Therefore the translator used double perspective to solve the equivalence problems. As a result double perspective that was expected to solve the problem instead made a larger problem because the translation of addressing terms become untranslatability and unreadable. SUGGESTION Addressing terms is general phenomenon which occurs in daily life. But, the analysis of translating addressing terms is still rarely discussed whereas linguistics and its branches is basically concerning with the use of language. From this study, the future researchers are suggested to be more interested in enlarging their knowledge dealing with applied linguistics, especially translating addressing terms which concerns with how translating addressing terms based on cultural context. Equally important, it is suggested for the readers to pay attention in choosing addressing terms based on the condition and the status of the addressee because the wrong addressing terms choices will make the addressee feel insulted or annoyed REFERENCES Ananta Toer, Pramoedya. 2011. Bumi Manusia. Jakarta: Lentera Dipantara. Ananta Toer, Pramoedya. 1996. This Earth of Mankind. New York: Penguin books Ltd. Ashcroft, Bill and Griffiths, Gareth. 2002. The Empire Writes Back – Theory and practice in post-colonial literatures. New York and London: Routledge Taylor & Francis Group. Bogdan, Robert. C and Sari Knopp Biklen. 1982. Qualitative Research for Education: an Introduction to Theory and Methods.Allyn and Bacon. Inc. USA Brown, R., Gilman, A. 1960. The pronouns of Power and Solidarity. Thomas A. Sebeok, eds. Style in Language. Cambridge-Massachusetts: The Technology Press of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 252-275. Geertz, Clifford. 1960. Linguistic Etiquette. Thomas A. Sebeok, eds. Style in Language. Cambridge-Massachusetts: The Technology Press of Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 282-295 Holmes, Janet. 1992. An Inroduction to Sociolinguistics. London and New York: Longman Group. Hornby, A. S. (Ed.) 1948. Advanced Learner's Dictionary (7th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. House, Juliane. 2009. Translation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Machali, R. .2000. Pedoman Bagi Penerjemah. Jakarta: Grasindo. Nababan, R. 1999. Teori Menerjemah Bahasa Inggris. Yogyakarta: PustakaPelajar Pramoedya Ananta Toer. Retrieved on June 25, 2013 from site: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pramoedya_Ananta_Toer Rothschild, Metthew. Interview with Pramoedya Ananta Toer. The Progressive Magazine. Retrieved on June 26, 2013 from site: http://www.progressive.org/mag_intv1099 Sugiyono. 2010. MetodePenelitianKuantitatif R & D. Bandung: Alfabeta. Wardhaugh, Ronald. 2006. An Introduction to Sociolinguistic.Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Widyastuti, Susana. Componential Analysis of Meaning: Theory and Applications. Online journal. Retrieved on June 25, 2013 from site: http://eprints.uny.ac.id/1174 W. Kreidler, Charles. 1998. Introducing English Semantic. London: Routledge.

"Wenn über das Grundsätzliche keine Einigkeit besteht, ist es sinnlos, miteinander Pläne zu schmieden." – Konfuzius (551-479 v.Chr.).Der grundsätzliche universelle Geltungsanspruch der Menschenrechte besagt, dass die Menschenrechte jedem Menschen auf der Welt zustehen. Die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte aus dem Jahr 1948 drückt das folgendermaßen aus: "Jeder hat Anspruch auf alle in dieser Erklärung verkündeten Rechte und Freiheiten, ohne irgendeinen Unterschied, etwa nach Rasse, Hautfarbe, Geschlecht, Sprache, Religion, politischer oder sonstiger Anschauung, nationaler oder sozialer Herkunft, Vermögen, Geburt oder sonstigem Stand […]" (UN-Vollversammlung 1948, Artikel 2). Jedoch ist dieser universelle Geltungsanspruch der Menschenrechte in der Realität häufig noch ein Ideal. Mit der Deklaration von Bangkok, die einige südostasiatische Staaten Anfang der 1990er Jahre unterzeichneten, wurde er sogar explizit in Frage gestellt. Was ist die Sichtweise dieser südostasiatischen Staaten auf die Universalität der Menschenrechte und wie begründen sie diese? Wie könnten Perspektiven für einen interkulturellen Menschenrechtsdialog aussehen? 
In diesem Beitrag werden die Menschenrechte durch eine Definition und einen Abschnitt zur Geschichte kurz vorgestellt. Anschließend wird die Debatte um Universalität und (Kultur-)Relativismus erläutert, welche überleitet zur "asiatischen Perspektive" auf die Menschenrechte und zu den "asiatischen Werten". Abschließend werden die Kritik und Perspektiven für einen interkulturellen Dialog aufgegriffen.Menschenrechte – eine Definition

Zerstörung, Elend, menschliches Leid und der Völkermord an den europäischen Juden führten in "dramatischer Weise die Notwendigkeit eines wirksamen Schutzes grundlegender Menschenrechte durch verbindliche internationale Normen und kollektive Mechanismen" vor Augen (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S. 179).


Die Idee, dass jedem Menschen, "unabhängig seines Geschlechts, Alters, seiner Religion oder seiner ethnischen, nationalen, regionalen oder sozialen Herkunft, angeborene und unveräußerliche Rechte zu eigen sind, die sich aus seinem Menschsein ableiten", verfestigte sich und führte am 10. Dezember 1948 zur Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S. 179).

Erstmals wurde in einem internationalen Dokument festgehalten, dass jedem Menschen wegen "grundlegender Aspekte der menschlichen Person" grundlegende Rechte zugesprochen werden. Diese Rechte sind unveräußerlich und vorstaatlich, was bedeutet, dass der Staat sie nicht vergeben kann, denn jeder Mensch hat sie aufgrund der "biologischen Zugehörigkeit zur menschlichen Gattung" inne (Human Rights 2018). Dem Staat obliegt es, diese Rechte zu schützen.

Menschenrechte besitzen demnach vier Merkmale: Sie sind universell (alle Menschen sind Träger dieser Rechte), egalitär (eine ungleiche Verteilung dieser Rechte ist ausgeschlossen), individuell (der Träger der Menschenrechte ist ein individueller Mensch, keine Gruppe) und kategorial (wer der menschlichen Gattung angehört, besitzt sie automatisch) (vgl. Lohmann 2010, S. 36).

Die Erklärung der Menschenrechte aus dem Jahr 1948 ist keine rechtlich bindende Resolution. Doch auch wenn sie rechtlich nicht bindend ist, hat sie "moralische Wichtigkeit bekommen" (Human Rights 2012). Sie wird dem Gewohnheitsrecht zugeordnet, was bedeutet, dass sie sowohl allgemein anerkannt als auch angewendet und deswegen als verbindlich angesehen wird (vgl.: Human Rights 2012). Sie ist das "weltweit am meisten verbreitete und am meisten übersetzte internationale Dokument" (Gareis/Varwick 2014, S. 179) und dient als Grundlage für zahlreiche Abkommen (vgl. Maier 1997, S. 39).

Juristisch können die Menschenrechte wie folgt definiert werden: "Internationale Menschenrechte sind die durch das internationale Recht garantierten Rechtsansprüche von Personen gegen den Staat oder staatsähnliche Gebilde, die dem Schutz grundlegender Aspekte der menschlichen Person und ihrer Würde in Friedenszeiten und im Krieg dienen" (Human Rights 2012).

Seit 1948 haben sich die Menschenrechte weiterentwickelt, und es hat sich etabliert, von den Menschenrechten in drei Generationen zu sprechen. Zur ersten Generation gehören "die klassischen bürgerlichen und politischen Freiheits- und Beteiligungsrechte" wie das Recht auf Leben, Freiheit und Sicherheit oder das Verbot von Folter (Krennerich 2009). Die zweite Generation der Menschenrechte umfasst wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Menschenrechte, so beispielsweise das Recht auf Bildung, Teilhabe, aber auch auf Freizeit und Erholung. Die dritte Generation der Menschenrechte "bezeichnen allgemeine, noch kaum in Vertragswerken konkretisierte Rechte wie etwa das Recht auf Entwicklung, Frieden oder saubere Umwelt" (Krennerich 2009). Alle drei Generationen "sollten gleichberechtigt nebeneinander bestehen" (Barthel, zitiert nach Hamm 1999, S. 23).

Der Gedanke der angeborenen Rechte, die ein Mensch qua Menschsein besitzt, ist jedoch älter als die Erklärung der Menschenrechte aus dem Jahr 1948 und die Vereinten Nationen selbst. 

Eine kurze Geschichte der Menschenrechte


Der Ursprung der Menschenrechte geht auf das antike Griechenland zurück. Der "revolutionäre Gedanke der Stoiker, der beschreibt, dass alle Menschen gleich sind", wurde durch die im 18. Jahrhundert entstandene Naturrechtslehre weiter gefestigt (vgl.: Müller 2017, 03:06-03:20). Die "überlieferten konkreten Freiheiten der Ständegesellschaft wurden dort in eine allgemeine Freiheit des Menschen umgedacht" (Maier 1997, S. 11). Wegweisend war, dass diese Rechte nun allen Menschen zugesprochen wurden und diese Rechte Ansprüche an den Staat stellten (vgl. Maier, 1997 S. 11f). Denn "[er sollte] nicht tun dürfen, was ihm beliebt, [und] in substantielle Bezirke individueller Freiheit nicht […] eingreifen dürfen" (Maier 1997, S. 12). Als vorstaatliche Rechte kann der Staat diese nur akzeptieren, nicht aber verleihen.

Die Idee der unveräußerlichen Menschenrechte kulminierte schließlich in der Unabhängigkeitserklärung der 13 britischen Kolonien 1776 in Nordamerika (zentrales Dokument: Virginia Bill of Rights) und fand schließlich 1789 in der Französischen Revolution (zentrales Dokument: Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen) in Europa ihren Durchbruch. Diese Dokumente legten den Grundstein für die modernen Menschenrechte, die nun als Grundrechte in zahlreichen Verfassungen verankert sind. Schließlich, im Jahr 1966, wurden die ersten völkerrechtlich bindenden Menschenrechtsabkommen durch die Vereinten Nationen verabschiedet (vgl.: Wagner 2016).

Besonders eindrücklich zeigt die Geschichte der Menschenrechte, dass ihre Idee auf "konkrete Unrechtserfahrungen der Menschen des Okzidents zurückgehen" (Tetzlaff 1998, S. 60). Darauf, nämlich dass die Menschenrechte 'im Westen' ihren Ursprung haben und individualistisch geprägt seien, bezieht sich im Wesentlichen die Kritik an ihnen. Diese Kritik zieht auch in Zweifel, ob die Menschenrechte universell sind. (Kultur-)Relativismus vs. Universalismus

Verfechter des Universalismus verstehen die Menschenrechte als unveräußerliche, angeborene Rechte eines jeden Menschen. "Niemand kann, mit Bezug auf welche Eigenschaft auch immer, von der Trägerschaft ausgeschlossen werden" (Lohmann 2010, S. 37). Ausgeschlossen ist hierbei auch die "ungleiche Verteilung" der Rechte (vgl. Lohmann 2010, S. 37). So muss der Staat seinen Pflichten nachkommen und für die Einhaltung, Wahrung und Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte sorgen. 

Jedoch werden die Menschenrechte, wie sie 1948 verabschiedet wurden, in ihrem universellen Gültigkeitsanspruch von vielen Ländern und Kulturen auf der Welt nicht akzeptiert. Der (Kultur-) Relativismus in seiner extremen Form sieht die Menschenrechte als nicht vollständig übertragbar und "nur relativ zu einem bestimmten Kultursystem 'begründbar'" (Lohmann 2009). Manche Staaten gehen sogar so weit und verstehen die Menschenrechte als ein westliches Produkt, das "dem Osten" aufoktroyiert wurde. Auch seien die Menschenrechte nicht, wie der universalistische Anspruch behauptet, unabhängig von Zeit, Raum und kulturellem Hintergrund gültig. Sie seien aus der europäisch-nordamerikanischen Aufklärung entstanden, abendländisch geprägt und somit nicht in dieser Form in anderen Kulturkreisen anwendbar. Zudem sei ihre "weltweite Propagierung Ausdruck einer Mentalität der Einmischung, welche die Tradition des Kolonialismus mit anderen Mitteln fortsetze" (Hilpert 2019, S. 230). Tatsächlich sei "das Menschenrechtsverständnis in erster Linie abhängig von dem Menschenbild in einer spezifischen Kultur […], wonach es keinen Standard gibt, der unabhängig von bestimmten sozialen Lebensformen wäre" (Pohl 2002, S. 7).

Von (Kultur-)Relativisten konkret kritisiert werden häufig die "individuelle Selbstbestimmung, die körperliche Unversehrtheit, das Vorrangverhältnis zwischen Individuum zur Gemeinschaft, die Gleichheit von Männern und Frauen, die religiöse Toleranz und die Einschätzung demokratischer Mitbestimmung" (Lohmann 2010, S. 41).

Zum anderen wird bemängelt, dass bei der Verabschiedung der Allgemeinen Erklärung der Menschenrechte im Jahr 1948 die westlichen Länder dominierten, während die meisten Länder des Globalen Südens noch unter kolonialer Herrschaft standen. Viele Staaten werfen dem Westen sogar "moralischen Chauvinismus" (Pollis/Schwab 2006, S. 68), "Ideologismus" und eine "quasi-religiöse" Auslegung der Menschenrechte vor (Pohl 2002, S. 7).

Genau an diese Dichotomie, Universalismus und (Kultur-)Relativismus, knüpfte die 1993 vorgelegte Deklaration von Bangkok an, welche von vielen (süd-)ostasiatischen Ländern unterzeichnet wurde. Bevor die Wiener Menschenrechtskonferenz im Jahr 1993 begann, zweifelten diese Länder die Universalität der Menschenrechte an und legten eine "asiatische Perspektive" auf die Menschenrechte und sogenannte "asiatische Werte" vor. 

Die asiatische Perspektive auf die (Universalität der) Menschenrechte und 'asiatische Werte'

Die ,asiatische Sicht' auf die Menschenrechte und die 'asiatischen Werte' werden im Grunde kulturrelativistisch begründet. Im folgenden Abschnitt werden die 'asiatischen Werte' zeitgeschichtlich eingeordnet und näher erläutert. 

Die zeitgeschichtliche Einordnung der 'asiatischen Werte'

Die Kontroverse, dass sich die Menschenrechte in (Südost-)Asien anders entwickelt hätten, spitzte sich Anfang der 1990er Jahre zu und erlangte mit der Verabschiedung der Deklaration von Bangkok weltumspannende Beachtung. Die Gründe für den Ausbruch dieser Debatte sind vielfältig. Zum einen genoss 'der Westen', vor allem die Europäische Union und die Vereinigten Staaten, zu dieser Zeit beispielloses politisches und ökonomisches Selbstbewusstsein. Der Ost-West-Konflikt war beendet, die Demokratie und der Kapitalismus schienen 'die' Erfolgsmodelle zu sein, die "das Ende der Geschichte" einläuteten (Fukuyama 1992). Die Globalisierung schritt unaufhaltsam voran, während der Kommunismus in vielen osteuropäischen Ländern in sich zusammenbrach. Zudem gewann die Idee des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Liberalismus mehr und mehr an Bedeutung.

In dieser Zeit gingen die Vereinigten Staaten und viele Mitgliedsstaaten der EU auf die Forderung vieler Menschenrechtsorganisationen ein, die Menschenrechte und die Demokratie in anderen Ländern zu verbreiten. Die Regierung unter Präsident Bill Clinton ging sogar so weit und erklärte sowohl die Verbreitung der Menschenrechte als auch der Demokratie zu einer der drei Säulen der US-amerikanischen Außenpolitik (vgl.: Barr 2000, S. 313). Allerdings missbilligte insbesondere China den menschenrechtlichen Druck vieler westlicher Staaten, der durch das Massaker von Tiananmen im Jahr 1989 und Chinas Tibet-Politik stetig zunahm.

Hinzu kam, dass viele ostasiatische Staaten, allen voran China, Malaysia, Japan, Hongkong, Taiwan, Singapur und Südkorea, als 'ostasiatische Wirtschaftswunder' bezeichnet wurden (vgl.: Ernst 2009). Diese wirtschaftliche Prosperität ließ ein "neues Selbstbewusstsein und eine neue politische Elite entstehen, die vom 'Westen' das Recht auf einen eigenen entwicklungspolitischen Weg einforderte und die Vormachtstellung der alten Industriestaaten Europas und Nordamerikas herausforderte" (Ernst 2009). Darüber hinaus sahen sie in der Rolle des starken Staates eine wichtige "Erklärungsvariable" für den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg (Heinz 1995, S. 11).

Die Bestimmtheit, mit der die Europäische Union und die Vereinigten Staaten um die Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte in Asien rangen, wurde von (ost-)asiatischen Ländern als Versuch verstanden, ,Asien' ,dem Westen' unterwürfig zu halten. Zudem wurde die Kritik als "Einmischung, irrelevant und kulturfremd abgewehrt" (Heinz 1995, S. 12).Schließlich, im Vorfeld der Wiener Menschenrechtskonferenz im Jahr 1993, "bestritten [unter anderem] die Regierungen Indonesiens, Singapurs und Chinas die Universalität der Menschenrechte" (Heinz 1995, S. 16). Stattdessen müssten die jeweiligen wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Bedingungen betrachtet werden, weil sie nur anhand derer verwirklicht werden könnten (vgl.: Heinz 1995, S. 15f). Deshalb wurden sogenannte 'asiatische Werte' vorgestellt. 
Was sind 'asiatische Werte'?

'Asiatische Werte' beschreiben eine (kultur-)relative Sicht auf die Menschenrechte, die in den frühen 1990er Jahren von asiatischen Politiker*innen und Wissenschaftler*innen vorgestellt und von 34 Staaten verabschiedet wurden. Sie umfassen im Groben die Bereiche Politik, Wirtschaft und Kultur (vgl.: Tai 2005, S. 34). Federführend bei der Debatte waren Lee Kuan Yew, der damalige Premierminister von Singapur, und Mahathir bin Mohamad, der damalige Premierminister von Malaysia. Sie, die 'asiatischen Werte', sollen eine Anpassung zum aus asiatischer Sicht "westlichen Modell der Menschenrechte" darstellen (Henders 2017). Die regionale Bezeichnung 'Asien/asiatisch' bezieht sich in diesem Zusammenhang eher auf (Süd-) Ostasien beziehungsweise pazifisch-Asien als auf den Nahen oder Mittleren Osten. Das bedeutet auch, dass sich die 'asiatischen Werte' hauptsächlich auf die "konfuzianische Kultur" stützen und weniger vom Islam oder dem Hinduismus geprägt sind (Ernst 2009).

Allerdings lehnen die ostasiatischen Länder die Menschenrechte nicht grundsätzlich ab. Schließlich haben einige dieser Länder, darunter China, die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte 1948 verabschiedet und bekräftigten 1993 in Wien nochmals ihren Einsatz für Prinzipien, die in der Erklärung enthalten sind (vgl.: Tay 1996, S. 751). Sie plädierten mit der Deklaration von Bangkok stattdessen für nationale und regionale Unterschiede in der Schwerpunktsetzung und auch in der praktischen Umsetzung der Menschenrechte (vgl.: Tay 1996 S. 751f).

Befürworter der 'asiatischen Werte' bestanden zudem darauf, dass sie nicht nur durch den wirtschaftlichen Erfolg, den die ostasiatischen Staaten in den Jahrzehnten vor der Wiener Menschenrechtskonvention 1993 erlebt hatten, legitimiert würden, sondern auch maßgeblich für diesen Erfolg verantwortlich seien. Darüber hinaus müsse die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung bei ökonomisch aufstrebenden Ländern über allem stehen; bürgerliche und politische Rechte sollten den ökonomischen und sozialen Rechten deswegen untergeordnet sein (vgl.: Henders 2017).

Bisher wurde keine offizielle "umfassende, verbindliche Liste" vorgestellt (Heinz 1995, S. 25), aber häufig genannte 'asiatische Werte', die bei der Wiener Menschenrechtskonvention 1993 vorgelegt wurden, waren: "Disziplin, harte Arbeit, eine starke Führungskraft" (Tai 2005, S. 34ff), "Sparsamkeit, akademischer Erfolg, die Balance zwischen individuellen und gemeinschaftlichen Bedürfnissen, Respekt vor Autorität" (Henders 2017) und ein starker, stabiler Staat (Barr 2000, S. 310). Darüber hinaus wird "nationales Teamwork", die Erhaltung einer "moralisch sauberen Umwelt" (das Magazin 'Playboy' wird in Singapur beispielsweise nicht verkauft) und keine absolute Pressefreiheit für zentral erachtet (Heinz 1995, S. 26). 

Die asiatische Perspektive auf die Universalität der Menschenrechte

Im Diskurs um die ,asiatische Perspektive' haben sich mehrere häufig genannte Argumente herausgebildet. Einige davon sollen näher beschrieben werden, nämlich die Behauptungen, dass Rechte kulturspezifisch seien, die Gemeinschaft in Asien über dem Individuum stehe, dass Rechte ausschließlich den jeweiligen Staaten oblägen und dass soziale und ökonomische Rechte über zivilen und politischen Rechten ständen. 

Rechte sind kulturspezifisch

Die Idee der Menschenrechte entstand bereits in der Antike auf dem europäischen Kontinent und entwickelte sich schließlich unter bestimmten sozialen, ökonomischen, kulturellen und politischen Bedingungen ebendort und in Nordamerika (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 19). Die Umstände, die die Umsetzung der Menschenrechte voranbrachten, könnten aber nicht auf diese Art auf Südostasien übertragen werden. So beschreibt China in seinem 1991 veröffentlichten Weißbuch, dass sich aufgrund des eigenen historischen Hintergrunds, des Sozialsystems und der jeweiligen ökonomischen Entwicklung die Länder in ihrem Verständnis und ihrer Auslegung der Menschenrechte unterscheiden würden (vgl.: Weißbuch 1991, Vorwort). Das ist eine Haltung, welche auch 1993 auf der Menschenrechtskonferenz in Wien nochmals bekräftigt wurde (vgl.: Li 1996, S.19). 

Die Gemeinschaft steht über dem Individuum

Die südostasiatischen Länder insistierten, dass die Bedeutung der Gemeinschaft in asiatischen Ländern nicht mit dem Primat des Individuums vereinbar sei, worauf die Vorstellung der Menschenrechte beruht (Li 1996, S. 19). Zudem stünden Pflichten über Rechten (vgl.: Nghia 2009, S. 21). Dies seien auch die entscheidenden Faktoren, die 'Asien' fundamental vom 'Westen' unterschieden. Die Menschenrechte seien von Natur aus individualistisch geprägt, was nach (süd-)ostasiatischer Auffassung eine Bedrohung für den (süd-)ostasiatischen sozial-gemeinschaftlichen Gesellschaftsmechanismus darstellen könnte. Als Begründung für diese Behauptung führten die (süd-)ostasiatischen Staaten den Zusammenbruch vieler Familien, die Drogenabhängigkeit und die hohe Zahl an Obdachlosen im 'Westen' an (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20). 

Soziale und ökonomische Rechte stehen über zivilen und politischen Rechten

Zentral bei der ,asiatischen Auslegung' der Menschenrechte waren die Priorisierung der Gemeinschaft gegenüber der Individuen und die Suche nach dem Konsens im Gegensatz zum Konflikt. Dominanz und Autorität würden nicht limitiert oder gar als suspekt betrachtet, sondern gälten im Gegenteil als vertrauens- und förderungswürdig (vgl.: Tay 1996, S. 753ff). Die asiatische Auslegung, so wurde argumentiert, lege den Fokus auf ökonomische und soziale Rechte, die durch ein starkes wirtschaftliches Wachstum und Wohlstand legitimiert würden, worauf Asiat*innen Wert legten und was ihnen wichtig sei. So proklamiert das Weißbuch der chinesischen Regierung aus dem Jahr 1991, dass "sich sattessen und warm kleiden die fundamentalen Bedürfnisse der chinesischen Bevölkerung seien, die lange unter Hunger und Kälte leiden mussten" (Weißbuch 1991, Kapitel I). Wohlstand könne nur effizient erreicht werden, wenn die Regierenden autorisiert seien, die politischen Rechte ihrer Bürger*innen zu limitieren, um wirtschaftlichen Wohlstand zu garantieren (Li 1996, S. 20).
Die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung müsse deswegen bei ökonomisch aufstrebenden Ländern über allem stehen; zivile und politische Rechte sollten den ökonomischen und sozialen Rechten untergeordnet sein (vgl.: Henders, 2017). Implizit schwingt bei dieser Behauptung mit, dass erst alle basalen Bedürfnisse und eine stabile politische Ordnung sichergestellt werden müssten, um politische und bürgerliche Rechte zu implementieren (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20f). Befürworter der Idee der asiatischen Perspektive erachten es somit für wichtig, den Staat als Oberhoheit zu sehen (vgl.: Henders 2017). 

Rechte sind die Angelegenheit der jeweiligen Staaten

Das Recht eines Staates zur Selbstbestimmung schließe den Zuständigkeitsbereich der Menschenrechte mit ein. So seien Menschenrechte innenpolitische Angelegenheiten, in die sich andere Staaten oder Organisationen nicht einzumischen hätten (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20). "Die Bestrebung des Westens, auch bei Entwicklungsländern einen universellen Geltungsanspruch der Menschenrechte durchzusetzen, sei versteckter kultureller Imperialismus und ein Versuch, die Entwicklung [wirtschaftlich aufstrebender Länder] zu behindern" (Li 1996, S. 20). 

Kritik an der asiatischen Perspektive  Generell wurde bemängelt, dass nicht einfach über 'asiatische' Werte geredet werden könne, weil es die einzelnen asiatischen Länder simplifiziere, stereotypisiere und sie um ihre Vielfalt bringe (vgl.: Henders 2017). Des Weiteren seien die genannten Werte nicht alleinig in Asien zu finden, sondern hätten auch in anderen Teilen der Welt Gültigkeit (vgl.: Tai 2005, S. 35). Tatsächlich, so wurde argumentiert, gebe es  keine ,asiatischen Werte', denn der Begriff sei mit "seiner Allgemeinheit und Undifferenziertheit ein Konstrukt, das ganz bestimmten Zielen dienen soll" (Schreiner 1996, S. 57). Außerdem seien nur mächtige Politiker*innen leitender Teil der Debatte gewesen; die Argumente seien weder in die Gesellschaft getragen noch philosophisch (fort-)geführt worden.
Die einzelnen 'asiatischen' Argumente gegen die Universalität der Menschenrechte wurden jedoch auch einzeln kritisiert. Einige Kritiker*innen stellten die Ansicht der Kulturspezifizität in Frage. Das Argument impliziere, dass soziale Normen, die in anderen Ländern und Kulturkreisen ihren Ursprung hatten, in der asiatischen Kultur keine Anwendung finden sollten oder könnten. Kapitalistische Märkte und die Konsumkultur, welche ebenfalls außerhalb der asiatischen Länder entstanden sind, konnten jedoch sehr wohl von asiatischen Kulturen aufgenommen werden (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 20). Die schwerfällige Akzeptanz und Umsetzung der Universalität der Menschenrechte könne somit nicht ausschließlich auf ihre kulturelle Herkunft zurückgeführt werden.

Die zweite Behauptung, dass Asiat*innen die Gemeinschaft über das Individuum stellten, würde als kulturelles Argument missbraucht werden, um aufzuzeigen, dass unveräußerliche Rechte eines Einzelnen sich nicht mit der Idee von asiatischen Gesellschaften verstünden. Kritiker*innen der ,asiatischen Perspektive' sahen hier die Gefahr der generellen Verdammung der Rechte des Einzelnen. Dabei würden individuelle Freiheiten den asiatischen Gemeinschaftswerten nicht generell oppositionell gegenüberstehen. Vielmehr seien grundlegende Rechte, wie eine Versammlungs- und Meinungsfreiheit sowie Toleranz, wichtig für eine Gemeinschaft (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 21).

Beim dritten Argument, welches die südostasiatischen Länder vorlegten, kritisierten viele Verfechter*innen der Universalität der Menschenrechte, dass die nationale ökonomische Entwicklung nicht gleichzusetzen sei mit der ökonomischen Absicherung (sozio-)ökonomisch benachteiligter Gruppen einer Gesellschaft. Nationales ökonomisches Wachstum garantiere schließlich nicht automatisch Rechte für ökonomisch benachteiligte Mitglieder einer Gesellschaft. Stattdessen würden sich politisch-zivile und sozial-ökonomische Rechte bedingen und nur effektiv wirken, wenn alle vier Ebenen garantiert werden könnten (vgl.: Li 1996, S. 22).

Abschließend wurde kritisiert, dass die vorgebrachten Argumente, insbesondere die Forderung der Nichteinmischung in innerstaatliche Angelegenheiten, als Vorwand für einen illiberalen und autoritären Regierungsstil verwendet werden würden. Zudem sollten diese Argumente die Schwäche des wirtschaftlichen Entwicklungsmodells der asiatischen Länder verschleiern (vgl.: Henders 2017). Das sind beides Kritikpunkte, die während der asiatischen Wirtschaftskrise 1997/1998 weitgehend bestätigt wurden und zur Verabschiedung der asiatischen Erklärung der Menschenrechte im Jahr 1998 führten. 

Was ist mit 'asiatischen Werten' passiert?

Der Dialog über die in der Deklaration von Bangkok vorgestellten 'asiatischen Werte' begleitete staatliche und nicht-staatliche Akteure sowie Wissenschaftler*innen bis in die 1990er Jahre hinein. Als im Jahr 1997 eine Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise Asien ereilte, wurde es jedoch nicht nur still um die 'asiatischen Werte', sie wurden nun sogar "als Ursache der Krise gedeutet" (Ernst 2009). Insbesondere die staatliche Intervention und die starken Familienwerte wurden als Verursacher genannt (vgl.: Ernst 2009). Um den wirtschaftlichen Anschluss an den industriellen 'Westen' nicht zu verlieren, waren Menschenrechtsorganisationen in Südostasien bemüht, den Menschenrechtsschutz bottom-up durchzusetzen. Die Asiatische Menschenrechtscharta, die die 'asiatischen Werte' ablehnt, wurde 1998 von Menschenrechtsorganisationen in Kwangju, Südkorea, verabschiedet. Sie ist auch ein Versuch, asiatische Regierungen bei Menschenrechtsverstößen zukünftig in die Verantwortung nehmen zu können. 

Seit dem Ausbruch der asiatischen Wirtschaftskrise ist die Debatte um 'asiatische Werte' nahezu versiegt. Gleichwohl werden interkulturelle Dialoge über die Menschenrechte weiter geführt. 
Zwischen Kulturrelativismus und Universalismus – Perspektiven für einen Dialog

Eine globale Durchsetzung der Menschenrechte bleibt nach wie vor ein Ideal, ebenso wie deren uneingeschränkte Einhaltung. Die ostasiatischen Länder sind nur ein Beispiel von vielen, denn Kritik an der Universalität der Menschenrechte kommt auch aus anderen Ländern und von anderen Religionen. Dabei hat die Forderung nach weltweiter Umsetzung der Menschenrechte nicht an Dringlichkeit verloren. Wie kann aber ein Dialog über die Menschenrechte oder gar ein Konsens vorangebracht werden?

Bei dieser Problematik ist es wichtig zu bedenken, dass die Menschenrechte kein starres System sind, sondern auch nach ihrer Verabschiedung im Jahr 1948 weiterentwickelt wurden. Zudem hat die Idee der Menschenrechte zwar primär in der Zeit der europäisch-amerikanischen Aufklärung ihre Wurzeln, konnte ihre volle Durchsetzungskraft jedoch erst in der Moderne entfalten (vgl.: Bielefeldt 1999, S. 59f). Insbesondere im Hinblick auf das Argument der Nichtumsetzbarkeit der Menschenrechte in kulturell anders geprägten Regionen "wäre es verfehlt, den Begriff der 'Aufklärung' auf eine bestimmte Epoche der europäischen Geschichte zu verkürzen" (Bielefeldt 1999, S. 60). Schließlich muss es auch für andere Kulturen möglich sein, "humane Anliegen der eigenen Tradition in moderner Gestalt in den Menschenrechten wiederzuerkennen" (Bielefeldt 1999, S. 61).  

Aufgrund dessen sprechen sich viele Wissenschaftler*innen für eine Adaption der Menschenrechte aus. Die US-amerikanische Politikwissenschaftlerin Alison Dundes Renteln, beispielsweise, "möchte am Begriff universaler Menschenrechte durchaus festhalten, ihn zugleich aber auf interkultureller Basis inhaltlich neu bestimmen […], indem sie nach einem weltweit gemeinsamen Nenner in den Wertorientierungen unterschiedlicher Kulturen sucht" (Bielefeldt 1999, S. 45f). Der kanadische Philosoph Charles Taylor spricht sich für einen "ungezwungenen Konsens" aus, der anderen kulturellen Normen Verständnis entgegenbringt (Taylor 1999, S. 124). Der Dialog über die Menschenrechte zwischen Asien und 'dem Westen' solle sich global ausweiten und eine Auseinandersetzung über eine Übereinstimmung an Normen, die menschliches Verhalten und politisches Handeln leiten sollten, starten. Dieser Grundkonsens auf der Basis der Menschenrechte soll bindend sein, darf sich aber in seiner Begründung unterscheiden (vgl.: Carnegie Council 1996). Der deutsche Philosoph Georg Lohmann vertritt wiederum die Position, dass der "Universalismus" nicht zwingend eine "Einheitskultur darstellt oder in einer solchen resultiert" (Lohmann 2009). Für ihn sind Universalismus und Relativismus auch keine Gegensätze; er sieht im Partikularismus das Gegenteil zum Universalismus. Deshalb ist er der Ansicht, dass ein "verwirklichter und rechtlich wie politisch konkretisierter universeller Menschenrechtsschutz die Möglichkeiten einer kulturellen Vielfalt der Menschen erweitern wird" (Lohmann 2009). Kulturelle Vielfalt ist hier aber nicht mit Willkür gleichzusetzen. Unterscheiden muss man zwischen "Besonderheiten, die mit dem Universalismus der Menschenrechte kompatibel sind und solchen, die ihm widersprechen" (Lohmann 2009). "Strikter" soll der Universalismus bei negativen Pflichten agieren, so zum Beispiel beim Verbot von Folter (Lohmann 2009). Bei positiven Pflichten, wie beispielsweise bei Leistungsrechten, kann der Universalismus lockerer angewendet werden und mehrere, kulturell unterschiedliche Auslegungen zulassen (vgl.: Lohmann 2009). Ein interkultureller Dialog und die Suche nach einem Konsens bedeuten jedoch nicht, dass "die Menschenrechte [völlig neu überdacht und] bereits bestehende international vereinbarte Standards und Konventionen […] abgetan werden sollen. Das wäre gefährlich" (Utrecht 1995, S. 11). Für eine strikte Durchsetzung ideal, so konkludiert Lohmann, "wäre ein gut etabliertes Rechtssystem, in dem die Menschenrechte individuell eingeklagt und mit Hilfe staatlicher Gewalten auch durchgesetzt werden können" (Lohmann 2013, S. 19). 
Fazit

Viele (süd-)ostasiatische Länder brachten im Jahr 1993 mit der Deklaration von Bangkok kulturrelativistische Argumente hervor, mit denen sie ihre Sichtweise auf die Universalität der Menschenrechte aufzeigten und rechtfertigten. Eine zentrale Begründung war hier, dass das "individualistische Rechtsverständnis" der Menschenrechte nicht mit dem asiatischen Gemeinschaftsverständnis vereinbar sei (Tetzlaff 2002, S. 5). Ebenso waren die Kulturspezifität von Rechten und das Primat des wirtschaftlichen Wohlstands Teil der Begründung. Auseinandersetzungen darüber fanden bis weit in die 1990er Jahre hinein viel Gehör und Gegenrede.
Erst mit der asiatischen Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise 1997/1998 wurde es still um die 'asiatischen Werte'.
Was von der Debatte allerdings bleibt, ist die Diskussion über den Universalismus und den (Kultur-) Relativismus, für die der Menschenrechtsrat (MRR) der Vereinten Nationen in Genf eine Plattform bietet. 

Bei allen Vorschlägen und Denkanstößen, die eine kulturelle Sensibilität und Variabilität ermöglichen sollen, ist der interkulturelle Dialog zentral. Fraglich bleibt jedoch, wie gut sich eine Diskussion über Normen auf der Basis der Menschenrechte und deren anschließende Durchsetzung in autoritär geführten Staaten durchsetzen lässt (vgl.: Carnegie Council 1996). Denn schließlich sagte schon Konfuzius (551 v. Chr. bis 479 v. Chr.), dass es sinnlos sei, miteinander Pläne zu schmieden, wenn über das Grundsätzliche keine Einigkeit bestehe. 

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W drugiej części, zasadniczej, autorka skupia się na wybranej pisarce oraz jej dziele powieściowym, a następnie poddaje analizie zagadnienia cielesności i seksualności kobiecej. ; MAROUANE Leïla, 1996 : La Fille de la Casbah. Paris, Éditions Julliard. ; MAROUANE Leïla, 1998 : Ravisseur. Paris, Éditions Julliard. ; MAROUANE Leïla, 2001 : Le Châtiment des hypocrites. Paris, Éditions du Seuil. ; MAROUANE Leïla, 2005 : La Jeune Fille et la Mère. Paris, Éditions du Seuil. ; MAROUANE Leïla, 2007 : La Vie sexuelle d'un islamiste à Paris. Paris, Éditions Albin Michel. ; BORDELEAU Francine, 1998 : « L'écriture au féminin existe-t-elle ? ». Lettres qué¬bécoises : la revue de l'actualité littéraire, 92, 14–18. Disponible sur : https://www. erudit.org/culture/lq1076302/lq1185148/37885ac.pdf (consulté le 14 décembre 2015). ; CIXOUS Hélène, 1975 : « Le rire de la Méduse ». L'Arc, 61, 39–54. ; CIXOUS Hélène, 1976 : « Le sexe ou la tête ? ». 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Publisher's version (útgefin grein) ; Objective: To explore genetic and lifestyle risk factors of MRI-defined brain infarcts (BI) in large population-based cohorts. Methods We performed meta-analyses of genome-wide association studies (GWAS) and examined associations of vascular risk factors and their genetic risk scores (GRS) with MRI-defined BI and a subset of BI, namely, small subcortical BI (SSBI), in 18 population-based cohorts (n=20,949) from 5 ethnicities (3,726 with BI, 2,021 with SSBI). Top loci were followed up in 7 population-based cohorts (n = 6,862; 1,483 with BI, 630 with SBBI), and we tested associations with related phenotypes including ischemic stroke and pathologically defined BI. Results: The mean prevalence was 17.7% for BI and 10.5% for SSBI, steeply rising after age 65. Two loci showed genome-wide significant association with BI: FBN2, p = 1.77 × 10-8; and LINC00539/ZDHHC20, p = 5.82 × 10-9. Both have been associated with blood pressure (BP)-related phenotypes, but did not replicate in the smaller follow-up sample or show associations with related phenotypes. Age- and sex-adjusted associations with BI and SSBI were observed for BP traits (p value for BI, p[BI] = 9.38 × 10-25; p [SSBI] = 5.23 × 10-14 for hypertension), smoking (p[BI]= 4.4 × 10-10; p [SSBI] = 1.2 × 10 -4), diabetes (p[BI] = 1.7 × 10 -8; p [SSBI] = 2.8 × 10 -3), previous cardiovascular disease (p [BI] = 1.0 × 10-18; p [SSBI] = 2.3 × 10-7), stroke (p [BI] = 3.9 × 10-69; p [SSBI] = 3.2 × 10 -24), and MRI-defined white matter hyperintensity burden (p [BI]=1.43 × 10-157; p [SSBI] = 3.16 × 10-106), but not with body mass index or cholesterol. GRS of BP traits were associated with BI and SSBI (p ≤ 0.0022), without indication of directional pleiotropy. Conclusion: In this multiethnic GWAS meta-analysis, including over 20,000 population-based participants, we identified genetic risk loci for BI requiring validation once additional large datasets become available. High BP, including genetically determined, was the most significant modifiable, causal risk factor for BI. ; CHAP: R01-AG-11101, R01-AG-030146, NIRP-14-302587. SMART: This study was supported by a grant from the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research–Medical Sciences (project no. 904-65–095). LBC: The authors thank the LBC1936 participants and the members of the LBC1936 research team who collected and collated the phenotypic and genotypic data. The LBC1936 is supported by Age UK (Disconnected Mind Programme grant). The work was undertaken by The University of Edinburgh Centre for Cognitive Ageing and Cognitive Epidemiology, part of the cross-council Lifelong Health and Wellbeing Initiative (MR/K026992/1). The brain imaging was performed in the Brain Research Imaging Centre (https://www.ed.ac.uk/clinical-sciences/edinburgh-imaging), a center in the SINAPSE Collaboration (sinapse.ac.uk) supported by the Scottish Funding Council and Chief Scientist Office. Funding from the UK Biotechnology and Biological Sciences Research Council (BBSRC) and the UK Medical Research Council is acknowledged. Genotyping was supported by a grant from the BBSRC (ref. BB/F019394/1). PROSPER: The PROSPER study was supported by an investigator-initiated grant obtained from Bristol-Myers Squibb. Prof. Dr. J.W. Jukema is an Established Clinical Investigator of the Netherlands Heart Foundation (grant 2001 D 032). Support for genotyping was provided by the seventh framework program of the European commission (grant 223004) and by the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Aging grant 050-060-810). SCES and SiMES: National Medical Research Council Singapore Centre Grant NMRC/CG/013/2013. C.-Y.C. is supported by the National Medical Research Council, Singapore (CSA/033/2012), Singapore Translational Research Award (STaR) 2013. Dr. Kamran Ikram received additional funding from the Singapore Ministry of Health's National Medical Research Council (NMRC/CSA/038/2013). SHIP: SHIP is part of the Community Medicine Research net of the University of Greifswald, Germany, which is funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grants no. 01ZZ9603, 01ZZ0103, and 01ZZ0403), the Ministry of Cultural Affairs, as well as the Social Ministry of the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania, and the network "Greifswald Approach to Individualized Medicine (GANI_MED)" funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant 03IS2061A). Genome-wide data have been supported by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research (grant no. 03ZIK012) and a joint grant from Siemens Healthineers, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania. Whole-body MRI was supported by a joint grant from Siemens Healthineers, Erlangen, Germany, and the Federal State of Mecklenburg–West Pomerania. The University of Greifswald is a member of the Caché Campus program of the InterSystems GmbH. OATS (Older Australian Twins Study): OATS was supported by an Australian National Health and Medical Research Council (NHRMC)/Australian Research Council (ARC) Strategic Award (ID401162) and by a NHMRC grant (ID1045325). OATS was facilitated via access to the Australian Twin Registry, which is supported by the NHMRC Enabling Grant 310667. The OATS genotyping was partly supported by a Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation Flagship Collaboration Fund Grant. NOMAS: The Northern Manhattan Study is funded by the NIH grant "Stroke Incidence and Risk Factors in a Tri-Ethnic Region" (NINDS R01NS 29993). TASCOG: NHMRC and Heart Foundation. AGES: The study was funded by the National Institute on Aging (NIA) (N01-AG-12100), Hjartavernd (the Icelandic Heart Association), and the Althingi (the Icelandic Parliament), with contributions from the Intramural Research Programs at the NIA, the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute (NHLBI), and the National Institute of Neurological Disorders and Stroke (NINDS) (Z01 HL004607-08 CE). ERF: The ERF study as a part of European Special Populations Research Network (EUROSPAN) was supported by European Commission FP6 STRP grant no. 018947 (LSHG-CT-2006-01947) and also received funding from the European Community's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2013)/grant agreement HEALTH-F4-2007-201413 by the European Commission under the programme "Quality of Life and Management of the Living Resources" of 5th Framework Programme (no. QLG2-CT-2002-01254). High-throughput analysis of the ERF data was supported by a joint grant from Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research and the Russian Foundation for Basic Research (NWO-RFBR 047.017.043). Exome sequencing analysis in ERF was supported by the ZonMw grant (project 91111025). Najaf Amin is supported by the Netherlands Brain Foundation (project no. F2013[1]-28). ARIC: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities study was performed as a collaborative study supported by NHLBI contracts (HHSN268201100005C, HSN268201100006C, HSN268201100007C, HHSN268201100008C, HHSN268201100009C, HHSN268201100010C, HHSN268201100011C, and HHSN268201100012C), R01HL70825, R01HL087641, R01HL59367, and R01HL086694; National Human Genome Research Institute contract U01HG004402; and NIH contract HHSN268200625226C. Infrastructure was partly supported by grant no. UL1RR025005, a component of the NIH and NIH Roadmap for Medical Research. This project was also supported by NIH R01 grant NS087541 to M.F. FHS: This work was supported by the National Heart, Lung and Blood Institute's Framingham Heart Study (contracts no. N01-HC-25195 and no. HHSN268201500001I), and its contract with Affymetrix, Inc. for genotyping services (contract no. N02-HL-6-4278). A portion of this research utilized the Linux Cluster for Genetic Analysis (LinGA-II) funded by the Robert Dawson Evans Endowment of the Department of Medicine at Boston University School of Medicine and Boston Medical Center. This study was also supported by grants from the NIA (R01s AG033040, AG033193, AG054076, AG049607, AG008122, and U01-AG049505) and the NINDS (R01-NS017950, UH2 NS100605). Dr. DeCarli is supported by the Alzheimer's Disease Center (P30 AG 010129). ASPS: The research reported in this article was funded by the Austrian Science Fund (FWF) grant nos. P20545-P05, P13180, and P20545-B05, by the Austrian National Bank Anniversary Fund, P15435, and the Austrian Ministry of Science under the aegis of the EU Joint Programme–Neurodegenerative Disease Research (JPND) (jpnd.eu). LLS: The Leiden Longevity Study has received funding from the European Union's Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007–2011) under grant agreement no. 259679. This study was supported by a grant from the Innovation-Oriented Research Program on Genomics (SenterNovem IGE05007), the Centre for Medical Systems Biology, and the Netherlands Consortium for Healthy Ageing (grant 050-060-810), all in the framework of the Netherlands Genomics Initiative, Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO), UnileverColworth, and by BBMRI-NL, a Research Infrastructure financed by the Dutch government (NWO 184.021.007). CHS: This CHS research was supported by contracts HHSN268201200036C, HHSN268200800007C, N01HC55222, N01HC85079, N01HC85080, N01HC85081, N01HC85082, N01HC85083, N01HC85086, N01HC15103, and HHSN268200960009C and grants U01HL080295, R01HL087652, R01HL105756, R01HL103612, R01HL120393, R01HL085251, and R01HL130114 from the NHLBI with additional contribution from NINDS. Additional support was provided through R01AG023629 from the NIA. A full list of principal CHS investigators and institutions can be found at CHS-NHLBI.org. The provision of genotyping data was supported in part by the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, CTSI grant UL1TR001881, and the National Institute of Diabetes and Digestive and Kidney Disease Diabetes Research Center grant DK063491 to the Southern California Diabetes Endocrinology Research Center. The content is solely the responsibility of the authors and does not necessarily represent the official views of the NIH. Rotterdam Study: The generation and management of GWAS genotype data for the Rotterdam Study is supported by the Netherlands Organisation of Scientific Research (NWO) Investments (no. 175.010.2005.011, 911-03-012). This study is funded by the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (014-93-015; RIDE2), the Netherlands Genomics Initiative (NGI)/NWO project no. 050-060-810. The Rotterdam Study is funded by Erasmus MC Medical Center and Erasmus MC University, Rotterdam, Netherlands Organization for Health Research and Development (ZonMw), the Research Institute for Diseases in the Elderly (RIDE), the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science, the Ministry for Health, Welfare and Sports, the European Commission (DG XII), and the Municipality of Rotterdam. M.A.I. is supported by an NWO Veni grant (916.13.054). The 3-City Study: The 3-City Study is conducted under a partnership agreement among the Institut National de la Santé et de la Recherche Médicale (INSERM), the University of Bordeaux, and Sanofi-Aventis. The Fondation pour la Recherche Médicale funded the preparation and initiation of the study. The 3C Study is also supported by the Caisse Nationale Maladie des Travailleurs Salariés, Direction Générale de la Santé, Mutuelle Générale de l'Education Nationale (MGEN), Institut de la Longévité, Conseils Régionaux of Aquitaine and Bourgogne, Fondation de France, and Ministry of Research–INSERM Programme "Cohortes et collections de données biologiques." C.T. and S.D. have received investigator-initiated research funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR) and from the Fondation Leducq. S.D. is supported by a starting grant from the European Research Council (SEGWAY), a grant from the Joint Programme of Neurodegenerative Disease research (BRIDGET), from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreements No 643417 & No 640643, and by the Initiative of Excellence of Bordeaux University. Part of the computations were performed at the Bordeaux Bioinformatics Center (CBiB), University of Bordeaux. This work was supported by the National Foundation for Alzheimer's Disease and Related Disorders, the Institut Pasteur de Lille, the Labex DISTALZ, and the Centre National de Génotypage. ADGC: The Alzheimer Disease Genetics Consortium is supported by NIH. NIH-NIA supported this work through the following grants: ADGC, U01 AG032984, RC2 AG036528; NACC, U01 AG016976; NCRAD, U24 AG021886; NIA LOAD, U24 AG026395, U24 AG026390; Banner Sun Health Research Institute, P30 AG019610; Boston University, P30 AG013846, U01 AG10483, R01 CA129769, R01 MH080295, R01 AG017173, R01 AG025259, R01AG33193; Columbia University, P50 AG008702, R37 AG015473; Duke University, P30 AG028377, AG05128; Emory University, AG025688; Group Health Research Institute, UO1 AG06781, UO1 HG004610; Indiana University, P30 AG10133; Johns Hopkins University, P50 AG005146, R01 AG020688; Massachusetts General Hospital, P50 AG005134; Mayo Clinic, P50 AG016574; Mount Sinai School of Medicine, P50 AG005138, P01 AG002219; New York University, P30 AG08051, MO1RR00096, UL1 RR029893, 5R01AG012101, 5R01AG022374, 5R01AG013616, 1RC2AG036502, 1R01AG035137; Northwestern University, P30 AG013854; Oregon Health & Science University, P30 AG008017, R01 AG026916; Rush University, P30 AG010161, R01 AG019085, R01 AG15819, R01 AG17917, R01 AG30146; TGen, R01 NS059873; University of Alabama at Birmingham, P50 AG016582, UL1RR02777; University of Arizona, R01 AG031581; University of California, Davis, P30 AG010129; University of California, Irvine, P50 AG016573, P50, P50 AG016575, P50 AG016576, P50 AG016577; University of California, Los Angeles, P50 AG016570; University of California, San Diego, P50 AG005131; University of California, San Francisco, P50 AG023501, P01 AG019724; University of Kentucky, P30 AG028383, AG05144; University of Michigan, P50 AG008671; University of Pennsylvania, P30 AG010124; University of Pittsburgh, P50 AG005133, AG030653; University of Southern California, P50 AG005142; University of Texas Southwestern, P30 AG012300; University of Miami, R01 AG027944, AG010491, AG027944, AG021547, AG019757; University of Washington, P50 AG005136; Vanderbilt University, R01 AG019085; and Washington University, P50 AG005681, P01 AG03991. The Kathleen Price Bryan Brain Bank at Duke University Medical Center is funded by NINDS grant NS39764, NIMH MH60451, and by GlaxoSmithKline. Genotyping of the TGEN2 cohort was supported by Kronos Science. The TGen series was also funded by NIA grant AG041232, the Banner Alzheimer's Foundation, The Johnnie B. Byrd Sr. Alzheimer's Institute, the Medical Research Council, and the state of Arizona and also includes samples from the following sites: Newcastle Brain Tissue Resource (funding via the Medical Research Council [MRC], local NHS trusts, and Newcastle University), MRC London Brain Bank for Neurodegenerative Diseases (funding via the Medical Research Council), South West Dementia Brain Bank (funding via numerous sources including the Higher Education Funding Council for England [HEFCE], Alzheimer's Research Trust [ART], BRACE, as well as North Bristol NHS Trust Research and Innovation Department and DeNDRoN), The Netherlands Brain Bank (funding via numerous sources including Stichting MS Research, Brain Net Europe, Hersenstichting Nederland Breinbrekend Werk, International Parkinson Fonds, Internationale Stiching Alzheimer Onderzoek), Institut de Neuropatologia, Servei Anatomia Patologica, and Universitat de Barcelona). ADNI: Funding for ADNI is through the Northern California Institute for Research and Education by grants from Abbott, AstraZeneca AB, Bayer Schering Pharma AG, Bristol-Myers Squibb, Eisai Global Clinical Development, Elan Corporation, Genentech, GE Healthcare, GlaxoSmithKline, Innogenetics, Johnson & Johnson, Eli Lilly and Co., Medpace, Inc., Merck and Co., Inc., Novartis AG, Pfizer Inc, F. Hoffman-La Roche, Schering-Plough, Synarc, Inc., Alzheimer's Association, Alzheimer's Drug Discovery Foundation, the Dana Foundation, and the National Institute of Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering and NIA grants U01 AG024904, RC2 AG036535, and K01 AG030514. Support was also provided by the Alzheimer's Association (LAF, IIRG-08-89720; MAP-V, IIRG-05-14147) and the US Department of Veterans Affairs Administration, Office of Research and Development, Biomedical Laboratory Research Program. SiGN: Stroke Genetic Network (SiGN) was supported in part by award nos. U01NS069208 and R01NS100178 from NINDS. Genetics of Early-Onset Stroke (GEOS) Study was supported by the NIH Genes, Environment and Health Initiative (GEI) grant U01 HG004436, as part of the GENEVA consortium under GEI, with additional support provided by the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center (P30 DK072488); and the Office of Research and Development, Medical Research Service, and the Baltimore Geriatrics Research, Education, and Clinical Center of the Department of Veterans Affairs. Genotyping services were provided by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR), which is fully funded through a federal contract from the NIH to Johns Hopkins University (contract no. HHSN268200782096C). Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01 HG 004446; PI Bruce S. Weir). Study recruitment and assembly of datasets were supported by a Cooperative Agreement with the Division of Adult and Community Health, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and by grants from NINDS and the NIH Office of Research on Women's Health (R01 NS45012, U01 NS069208-01). METASTROKE: ASGC: Australian population control data were derived from the Hunter Community Study. This research was funded by grants from the Australian National and Medical Health Research Council (NHMRC Project Grant ID: 569257), the Australian National Heart Foundation (NHF Project Grant ID: G 04S 1623), the University of Newcastle, the Gladys M Brawn Fellowship scheme, and the Vincent Fairfax Family Foundation in Australia. E.G.H. was supported by a Fellowship from the NHF and National Stroke Foundation of Australia (ID: 100071). J.M. was supported by an Australian Postgraduate Award. BRAINS: Bio-Repository of DNA in Stroke (BRAINS) is partly funded by a Senior Fellowship from the Department of Health (UK) to P.S., the Henry Smith Charity, and the UK-India Education Research Institutive (UKIERI) from the British Council. GEOS: Genetics of Early Onset Stroke (GEOS) Study, Baltimore, was supported by GEI Grant U01 HG004436, as part of the GENEVA consortium under GEI, with additional support provided by the Mid-Atlantic Nutrition and Obesity Research Center (P30 DK072488), and the Office of Research and Development, Medical Research Service, and the Baltimore Geriatrics Research, Education, and Clinical Center of the Department of Veterans Affairs. Genotyping services were provided by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR), which is fully funded through a federal contract from the NIH to the Johns Hopkins University (contract no. HHSN268200782096C). Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the GENEVA Coordinating Center (U01 HG 004446; PI Bruce S. Weir). Study recruitment and assembly of datasets were supported by a Cooperative Agreement with the Division of Adult and Community Health, Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, and by grants from NINDS and the NIH Office of Research on Women's Health (R01 NS45012, U01 NS069208-01). HPS: Heart Protection Study (HPS) (ISRCTN48489393) was supported by the UK MRC, British Heart Foundation, Merck and Co. (manufacturers of simvastatin), and Roche Vitamins Ltd. (manufacturers of vitamins). Genotyping was supported by a grant to Oxford University and CNG from Merck and Co. J.C.H. acknowledges support from the British Heart Foundation (FS/14/55/30806). ISGS: Ischemic Stroke Genetics Study (ISGS)/Siblings With Ischemic Stroke Study (SWISS) was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIA, NIH project Z01 AG-000954-06. ISGS/SWISS used samples and clinical data from the NIH-NINDS Human Genetics Resource Center DNA and Cell Line Repository (ccr.coriell.org/ninds), human subjects protocol nos. 2003-081 and 2004-147. ISGS/SWISS used stroke-free participants from the Baltimore Longitudinal Study of Aging (BLSA) as controls. The inclusion of BLSA samples was supported in part by the Intramural Research Program of the NIA, NIH project Z01 AG-000015-50, human subjects protocol no. 2003-078. The ISGS study was funded by NIH-NINDS Grant R01 NS-42733 (J.F.M.). The SWISS study was funded by NIH-NINDS Grant R01 NS-39987 (J.F.M.). This study used the high-performance computational capabilities of the Biowulf Linux cluster at the NIH (biowulf.nih.gov). MGH-GASROS: MGH Genes Affecting Stroke Risk and Outcome Study (MGH-GASROS) was supported by NINDS (U01 NS069208), the American Heart Association/Bugher Foundation Centers for Stroke Prevention Research 0775010N, the NIH and NHLBI's STAMPEED genomics research program (R01 HL087676), and a grant from the National Center for Research Resources. The Broad Institute Center for Genotyping and Analysis is supported by grant U54 RR020278 from the National Center for Research resources. Milan: Milano–Besta Stroke Register Collection and genotyping of the Milan cases within CEDIR were supported by the Italian Ministry of Health (grant nos.: RC 2007/LR6, RC 2008/LR6; RC 2009/LR8; RC 2010/LR8; GR-2011-02347041), FP6 LSHM-CT-2007-037273 for the PROCARDIS control samples. WTCCC2: Wellcome Trust Case-Control Consortium 2 (WTCCC2) was principally funded by the Wellcome Trust, as part of the Wellcome Trust Case Control Consortium 2 project (085475/B/08/Z and 085475/Z/08/Z and WT084724MA). The Stroke Association provided additional support for collection of some of the St George's, London cases. The Oxford cases were collected as part of the Oxford Vascular Study, which is funded by the MRC, Stroke Association, Dunhill Medical Trust, National Institute of Health Research (NIHR), and the NIHR Biomedical Research Centre, Oxford. The Edinburgh Stroke Study was supported by the Wellcome Trust (clinician scientist award to C.L.M.S.) and the Binks Trust. Sample processing occurred in the Genetics Core Laboratory of the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility, Western General Hospital, Edinburgh. Much of the neuroimaging occurred in the Scottish Funding Council Brain Imaging Research Centre (https://www.ed.ac.uk/clinical-sciences/edinburgh-imaging), Division of Clinical Neurosciences, University of Edinburgh, a core area of the Wellcome Trust Clinical Research Facility, and part of the SINAPSE (Scottish Imaging Network: A Platform for Scientific Excellence) collaboration (sinapse.ac.uk), funded by the Scottish Funding Council and the Chief Scientist Office. Collection of the Munich cases and data analysis was supported by the Vascular Dementia Research Foundation. This project has received funding from the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreements no. 666881, SVDs@target (to M.D.) and no. 667375, CoSTREAM (to M.D.); the DFG as part of the Munich Cluster for Systems Neurology (EXC 1010 SyNergy) and the CRC 1123 (B3) (to M.D.); the Corona Foundation (to M.D.); the Fondation Leducq (Transatlantic Network of Excellence on the Pathogenesis of Small Vessel Disease of the Brain) (to M.D.); the e:Med program (e:AtheroSysMed) (to M.D.) and the FP7/2007-2103 European Union project CVgenes@target (grant agreement no. Health-F2-2013-601456) (to M.D.). M.F. and A.H. acknowledge support from the BHF Centre of Research Excellence in Oxford and the Wellcome Trust core award (090532/Z/09/Z). VISP: The GWAS component of the Vitamin Intervention for Stroke Prevention (VISP) study was supported by the US National Human Genome Research Institute (NHGRI), grant U01 HG005160 (PI Michèle Sale and Bradford Worrall), as part of the Genomics and Randomized Trials Network (GARNET). Genotyping services were provided by the Johns Hopkins University Center for Inherited Disease Research (CIDR), which is fully funded through a federal contract from the NIH to Johns Hopkins University. Assistance with data cleaning was provided by the GARNET Coordinating Center (U01 HG005157; PI Bruce S. Weir). Study recruitment and collection of datasets for the VISP clinical trial were supported by an investigator-initiated research grant (R01 NS34447; PI James Toole) from the US Public Health Service, NINDS, Bethesda, MD. Control data obtained through the database of genotypes and phenotypes (dbGAP) maintained and supported by the United States National Center for Biotechnology Information, US National Library of Medicine. WHI: Funding support for WHI-GARNET was provided through the NHGRI GARNET (grant no. U01 HG005152). Assistance with phenotype harmonization and genotype cleaning, as well as with general study coordination, was provided by the GARNET Coordinating Center (U01 HG005157). Funding support for genotyping, which was performed at the Broad Institute of MIT and Harvard, was provided by the GEI (U01 HG004424). R.L. is a senior clinical investigator of FWO Flanders. F.W.A. is supported by a Dekker scholarship-Junior Staff Member 2014T001–Netherlands Heart Foundation and UCL Hospitals NIHR Biomedical Research Centre. ; Peer Reviewed

Con este primer libro iniciamos la colección "20 años del Instituto de Estudios Caribeños y de la Sede Caribe de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia" que comprenderá varios tomos publicados a lo largo de los años 2016 y 2017. Esta colección quiere celebrar con entusiasmo y alegría nuestra presencia en las islas y para ello nada mejor que presentar una muestra de la producción académica que la Universidad Nacional ha garantizado para contribuir a la construcción de comunidad académica caribeña. Como muchas personas recordarán, comenzamos a funcionar inicialmente con el Instituto de Estudios Caribeños (IEC) que fue creado formalmente mediante el Acuerdo 013 del Consejo Superior Universitario (CSU) del 15 de marzo de 1995. A partir de ese momento el rector de la época, Guillermo Páramo, comenzó las negociaciones para garantizar las condiciones que aseguraran una presencia adecuada de la Universidad en el archipiélago de San Andrés, Providencia y Santa Catalina. Esto se logró cuando se creó la Sede San Andrés mediante el Acuerdo 006 del 30 de enero de 1997 del CSU, como parte del desarrollo del componente de descentralización de la Universidad Nacional. En el nuevo proceso se designó como director al profesor Santiago Moreno, se inició la construcción del edificio del IEC y se vincularon los primeros docentes por concurso internacional de méritos. Durante muchos años la Sede San Andrés funcionó a través del Instituto como su única Unidad Académica Básica que tenía como propósito estratégico la proyección de la Universidad y del país hacia el Caribe entendido en tres escalas: Gran Caribe1, Caribe continental y Caribe insular colombiano. Las funciones del IEC definidas en su primer momento fueron: 1. Promover, orientar, coordinar y dirigir estudios en las diversas áreas relacionadas con la región Caribe. 2. Colaborar con las diferentes unidades académicas en la incorporación de los estudios caribeños en sus diversas áreas científica, social, cultural, política y económica.3. Prestar servicios investigativos docentes y de extensión a las unidades académicas que lo requieran. 4. Promover proyectos académicos de carácter interdisciplinario, interinstitucional y/o multinacional de la región Caribe. 5. Desarrollar los estudios que se consideren necesarios para la defensa del patrimonio y la identidad culturales de la región. (Acuerdo 13 del CSU de 1995). Las mencionadas funciones debían traducirse en una incorporación de la "dimensión caribe en el proceso de consolidar la nación colombiana a partir de sus regiones y espacios periféricos y sobre la base de una nueva institucionalidad y concepción del Estado" (Acuerdo 13 del CSU de 1995). Las áreas de actuación definidas a partir de esa misión asignada fueron: 1. Salud y medio ambiente 2. Economía y geopolítica del Caribe 3. Cultura y educación 4. Estudios afrocaribeños 5. Gestión pública 6. Ciencia y tecnología apropiada 7. Ciencias del mar 8. Producción de alimentos 9. Asentamientos humanos Con esta orientación se estableció un programa de investigaciones acorde a la capacidad del reducido cuerpo docente frente al cual cada profesor y profesora desplegó sus capacidades de acuerdo a su experiencia. Así se abrieron básicamente dos áreas, la de investigación en Ciencias Biológicas y Ambientales y la de investigación en Ciencias Sociales y Humanas. En razón de la formación académica de la mayoría de los docentes, en principio la parte ambiental y biológica adelantó la mayor parte de las investigaciones. En el año 1999 se creó la Maestría en Estudios del Caribe, que también fue adscrita al IEC, e inició su primera cohorte en el año 2000. En el año 2003 con el fortalecimiento del área de ciencias sociales a cargo de dos profesoras y un profesor se empezaron a desarrollar investigaciones en Estudios del Caribe propiamente dichas. Como resultado, además de las investigaciones a cargo del profesorado se han alcanzado a producir más de 35 tesis de la maestría entre el año 2000 y el 2015.Como una forma de reafirmar el carácter regional de la Sede, integrar las dimensiones continental e insular del Caribe colombiano y ampliar la proyección de Colombia hacia el Gran Caribe, en el Acuerdo No. 026 del 2005 del Consejo Superior Universitario se hace el cambio oficial de nombre pasando de Sede San Andrés a Sede Caribe, si bien al mismo tiempo se remplazaron los Consejos de las Sedes de frontera, por los Comités Académicos Administrativos de las mismas, que de ahí en adelante pasaron a llamarse Sedes de Presencia Nacional. Esto en el fondo significaba someterlas al tutelaje permanente del nivel central a través de la Vicerrectoría General de la Universidad, que pasó a presidir este organismo en cabeza del funcionario/a de turno en ese cargo. A partir de esta reforma la Sede se convirtió en la figura institucional principal y el Instituto de Estudios Caribeños se orientó a desarrollar el currículo de la Maestría de Estudios del Caribe, a editar la Revista Cuadernos del Caribe y a sostener formalmente los dos grupos de investigación que desde 1998 se formaron: Estudios Ambientales del Caribe y Estado y Sociedad del Caribe, a los cuales se agregaría en el año 2005 el grupo Nación, Región y Relaciones Internacionales en el Caribe y América Latina. La producción de estos grupos está expresada en cerca de 40 textos que se han editado en la Sede Caribe, la edición y publicación de 20 números de la Revista Cuadernos del Caribe y un alto número de artículos en revistas nacionales e internacionales. A partir de 2008 se adscribió a la Sede Caribe el Centro (ahora Instituto) de Estudios en Ciencias del Mar, CECIMAR, que funciona en Santa Marta y en el Acuerdo 180 del 24 de febrero de 2015 que definió la nueva estructura interna académico-administrativa de la Sede, se reconoció como otra unidad académica básica el Jardín Botánico que se creó y viene funcionando desde 1998. Actualmente el IEC adelanta un proceso de re-institucionalización que en alguna medida depende de la nueva reglamentación. El proyecto actual del Instituto busca darle un estatus propio dedicado fundamentalmente al desarrollo de las ciencias sociales y ambientales, dentro del marco de los Estudios del Caribe desplegados a través de investigaciones, proyección social y docencia. A partir de considerar estas nuevas condiciones, hemos definido que debemos trabajar para que "hacia el año 2032 el Instituto de Estudios Caribeños (IEC) se haya consolidado como una Unidad Académica Básica con proyección e incidencia local, regional, nacional e internacional, líder en Estudios del Caribe". Para alcanzar esta meta nos proponemos "promover el trabajo en redes y la transdisciplinariedad en el desarrollo de programas de investigación, formación y extensión propia de las líneas de trabajo como una manera de difundir conocimientos que contribuyan a la comprensión y transformación de la realidad caribeña" (extracto de la visión del Instituto, 2013). 12 Yusmidia Solano Suárez, Editora Consecuente con este enfoque, la misión entonces establece lograr que funcione como "un centro de pensamiento que sea referente a escala internacional en investigaciones, proyección social y posgrados en el campo de los Estudios del Caribe, para lo cual trabaja en problemáticas estratégicas de esta macroregión" (extracto de la misión del Instituto, 2013), para de esta manera contribuir a que la Sede Caribe y en su conjunto la Universidad Nacional de Colombia haga parte de proyectos socio-ambientales que procuran sociedades más justas y equitativas en el Caribe. En la práctica, actualmente hacen parte del Instituto de Estudios Caribeños, además de los tres grupos de investigación antes mencionados, la Revista Cuadernos del Caribe, el Observatorio de Procesos Sociales que funciona con tres salas situacionales de observación (mujeres y géneros, procesos juveniles y procesos étnicos) y el Observatorio del Mercado del Trabajo ORMET-Archipiélago, que funciona a partir de un Acuerdo de Voluntades suscrito con el SENA, el INFOTEP, la gobernación del departamento, el ministerio del trabajo, la cámara de comercio, el Departamento para la Prosperidad Social –DPS– y el Programa de las Naciones Unidas para el Desarrollo-PNUD. La Sede Caribe, por su parte, ha realizado importantes aportes a la sociedad isleña en los campos de la investigación, la extensión y la docencia, a través de todas las labores que realizan el Jardín Botánico, el programa especial de admisión y movilidad, PEAMA, y las inmersiones en inglés que se han desarrollado a lo largo de varios años, por mencionar solo las más visibles y sin entrar en detalle de estas y muchas más como las adelantadas por el CECIMAR, localizado en Santa Marta, pero cuyo radio de acción también se extiende al resto del Caribe. Como recuento se puede concluir entonces que la presencia del Instituto y de la Sede Caribe de la Universidad Nacional durante 20 años ha garantizado la formación de la masa crítica necesaria para la existencia de comunidad académica en las islas y en el Caribe colombiano en general. La instalación de estas instituciones en la isla de San Andrés, aunque en principio obedeció a la visión centralista en boga en esa época, de garantizar soberanía allende los mares, en la práctica permitió que un grupo no muy numeroso de profesoras y profesores nos dedicáramos a escudriñar y resaltar los aportes que desde siempre las gentes de estos territorios hemos hecho a la construcción de nuestras propias territorialidades y culturas y de paso a la construcción de Nación. No hemos sido funcionales a las pretensiones de seguir ejerciendo la colonialidad en las islas sino que hemos contribuido a la formación de investigadoras e investigadores críticos que tienen la capacidad de hacer profundas reflexiones sobre su entorno inmediato, pero también situándolos en perspectiva respecto al resto del Caribe y del mundo. Comomuestra de ello nos enorgullecemos de presentar como autores de los artículos de este libro a varias/os egresadas/os de la Maestría en Estudios del Caribe, a académicas/os que han desarrollada estadías académicas en la Sede o han participado en los eventos que hemos organizado a lo largo de estos 20 años de continuo trasegar en las islas. Este primer libro es una especie de balance sobre lo que ocurre con varios aspectos nodales de los estudios del Caribe como son las movilizaciones sociales, las políticas de gobernanza, el devenir de la música como un reflejo de ciertos reacomodos sociales, las perspectivas de la literatura y el accionar del movimiento de mujeres y los feminismos así como la reflexión sobre las autonomías territoriales. De ahí su título Cambios sociales y culturales en el Caribe colombiano: perspectivas críticas de las resistencias que pretende abrir debates, posicionar temas y, en algunos casos, sentar precedentes para construir genealogías de los estados del arte de la producción académica de la región. Al mismo tiempo quisimos que abarcara las tres escalas en las que acostumbramos trabajar y que ya mencionamos antes (Gran Caribe, Caribe insular y Caribe continental colombiano). En orden de aparición en el texto, tenemos en primer lugar el artículo que consideramos referido al Gran Caribe, porque trata de dos países de esta macro-región, escrito por el intelectual caribeño Agustín Laó-Montes, Cimarrón, nación y diáspora. Contrapunteo de estados raciales y movimientos afrodescendientes en Colombia y Cuba, el cual documenta con argumentos de fondo la relación existente entre esclavitud, cimarronaje y abolición. El autor muestra cómo la institución de la esclavitud es un hito central en la constitución y desarrollo de la modernidad capitalista y cómo los legados de la esclavitud transatlántica viven no solo en la memoria colectiva sino también en los componentes culturales y en las condiciones desiguales del tejido social a través del sistema Atlántico y más allá. Caracteriza la esclavitud como un régimen brutal de explotación del trabajo y deshumanización que además instaló mentalidades racistas y prácticas discriminatorias junto con formas de servidumbre que persisten hasta hoy día. Describe el abolicionismo como un movimiento antisistémico complejo compuesto por múltiples aristas desde las resistencias de las esclavizadas, el cimarronaje, y las acciones colectivas de negros libres y mulatos, hasta corrientes anti-esclavistas en la intelligentsia liberal europea. Sustenta cómo el abolicionismo fue pilar para la gestación de formas democráticas, las luchas de clase, la emergencia de los movimientos por la emancipación femenina, el combate del colonialismo y el racismo en el siglo XIX, todo lo cual nos sirve de contextualización histórica y conceptual de los demás artículos que conforman este libro. 14 Yusmidia Solano Suárez, Editora En un aparte del texto Laó-Montes hace una distinción muy útil entre el cimarronaje como hecho histórico entendido como fuga individual de los esclavizados/as y el cimarronaje como práctica decolonial de carácter tanto político como epistémico, de la cual señala, existe una larga tradición crítica afrocaribeña desde Aimé Césaire y Edouard Glissant, hasta Ángel Quintero Rivera, José Luciano Franco y Ana Cairo. Después de la fundamentación conceptual el artículo ofrece, como el propio autor lo señala, "una lectura contrapuntal de políticas raciales en Colombia y Cuba, a través de un diálogo pasado y presente entre el siglo XIX y el momento actual, enfocado en lo político". Sobre el Caribe insular colombiano presentamos cuatro artículos. El primero de ellos, Dinámicas de las movilizaciones y movimientos en San Andrés isla: entre la acción pasiva y la regulación nacional (1910-2010), de Francisco Avella, Fady Ortiz, Sally Ann García-Taylor y Osmani Castellanos, trata del proceso de movilización en el archipiélago, uno de los lugares más alejados del territorio continental de Colombia, pero también uno de los más activos en la reivindicación de sus derechos desde el siglo XIX. Estudia su trayectoria y la reacción del Estado frente a estos procesos durante el siglo XX por medio de una periodización en función de los movimientos sociales y termina analizando la desmovilización generalizada en pleno siglo XXI, frente al control territorial que las "bandas criminales emergentes" ejercieron por medio de intimidaciones, panfletos y asesinatos ante la mirada impávida de sus dirigentes y la mirada atónita de sus ciudadanos. Las autoras y autores describen con detalle la transición de una paz largamente disfrutada en una pequeña isla de solo 27 km2, mientras el resto de la Colombia continental se debatía en la guerra, y muestran cómo las islas eran la contraparte de la "paradoja colombiana, que supone la permanencia en el tiempo de una importante macro estabilidad económica y política, combinada con elementos de violencia persistente. Violencia en el nivel de la guerra, la delincuencia y la protesta social". Solo que esto fue así hasta el año 2009, cuando siguió el mismo destino de la Colombia continental, pues estas "bandas" empezaron a manejar las rutas de exportación de drogas. Así, la paradoja empieza a cumplirse, ya que la estabilidad política continúa en medio de la violencia que atemperó, con una de las movilizaciones más importantes del país, la del Movimiento Raizal "en su lucha por la autonomía y la autodeterminación", sin que el Estado tuviera que intervenir para contrarrestar la protesta, "que atentaba contra la soberanía nacional". El artículo, Mares, fronteras y violencia: multiculturalismo y seguridad fronteriza en el Archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia, de Inge Helena Valencia, analiza desde otra perspectiva, pero con temáticas comunes con el primero, los efectos de las Cambios sociales y culturales en el Caribe colombiano: perspectivas críticas de las resistencias 15 políticas impuestas desde el centro andino, sede del gobierno nacional, y la violencia reciente; además explora las tensiones existentes entre las políticas multiculturalistas, y las políticas antinarcóticos implementadas en el archipiélago habitado en su gran mayoría por población afrodescendiente. Razona la autora que mientras el multiculturalismo puede ser entendido como una modalidad de gobierno en razón de la diferencia étnica-cultural, las políticas antinarcóticos securitizan las sociedades donde se implementan y muestra cómo estas situaciones reflejan la necesidad de analizar las contradicciones que emergen entre diferentes formas de gobernanza aplicadas en Colombia: aquellas propias de la multiculturalidad que potencializan formas de autonomía y aquellas propias de la seguridad que contribuyen a securitizar y estigmatizar estas poblaciones. Por su parte, el texto Entre lo viejo y lo nuevo: tradición, reivindicación y turismo en la música contemporánea sanandresana, de Dario Ranocchiari, es una versión editada para este libro de uno de los capítulos de la tesis doctoral del autor. El tema de la tesis es el papel de los diferentes ámbitos músicas practicados en la isla en los procesos activos de negociación de la etnicidad (Ranocchiari, 2013) y aborda la música coral religiosa, la música urbana y la música "típica". En este artículo se presenta este último ámbito musical sanandresano siguiendo el rastro de tres agrupaciones musicales: el histórico conjunto Bahía Sonora; el Creole Group, el más importante grupo activo durante el período del trabajo de campo; y la agrupación juvenil Red Crab. Como cuarto artículo referido al archipiélago presentamos Perspectivas críticas sobre la literatura en San Andrés Isla / Colombia, de Mónica María del Valle Idárraga. Es una contribución a la cartografía de la producción escrita, con intención literaria, en San Andrés Isla, sobre ella o desde ella. Desde supuestos de la crítica caribeñista, la autora defiende la idea de que tales escritos han de ser leídos desde perspectivas más cercanas a la problemática de la isla, y no desde preceptos generales y tradicionales de la crítica literaria, que no solo los ignoraría sino que podría desactivar sus reclamos en la tensión con Colombia. Se hace un recorrido por escritores, escritoras y textos de crítica hasta el momento. Sobre el Caribe continental hemos seleccionado dos artículos. El primero de ellos Reflexionando desde adentro: periodización de la acción, organización y protagonismos del movimiento de mujeres y los feminismos en el Caribe colombiano (siglos XX y XXI), es de mi autoría y en él hago una periodización del quehacer del movimiento de mujeres y de los feminismos en el Caribe colombiano en su búsqueda de reconocimiento y del ejercicio de los derechos de las mujeres en su diversidad y en resistencia a las políticas neoliberales y a las consecuencias del conflicto armado colombiano. 16 Yusmidia Solano Suárez, Editora En este recuento histórico menciono de paso las elaboraciones documentales y políticas que han aportado las feministas de distintos grupos e instituciones, dirigidas casi siempre a ofrecer soportes teóricos para respaldar las acciones del movimiento. El artículo La autonomía del Caribe colombiano: pasado, presente y perspectivas, de Aroldo Guardiola Ibarra, es una reflexión sobre la búsqueda de la autonomía de la región Caribe en las cuatro décadas anteriores y sus perspectivas de concreción en el presente, a partir de tomar en consideración la diversidad regional y étnica que caracteriza a la nación colombiana y el reconocimiento que de esta realidad sociocultural hace la actual Constitución Política. Así mismo, se asume la existencia inobjetable de la Costa Caribe como una región cultural, con subregiones en su interior. Se presenta además un análisis referido a tres periodos constitucionales anteriores que, en gran medida, están relacionados con el tema planteado: el periodo de la Confederación Granadina; el periodo de los Estados Unidos de Colombia y el periodo de La Regeneración. En su artículo, Guardiola analiza el proceso de regionalización emprendido por diversos actores en las décadas de los años ochenta y noventa de la pasada centuria junto con la dimensión y los alcances de la autonomía regional en el actual ordenamiento constitucional y legal (Ley orgánica de ordenamiento territorial). Se precisa que no se trata hoy de levantar la bandera de la autonomía para propiciar el ensimismamiento y la endogamia cultural, como tampoco se trata de allanar el camino al separatismo de las diversas regiones del país. Lo que se argumenta con énfasis es que el reconocimiento de la diversidad étnica y regional, como realidad multicultural, es fundamental para diseñar políticas, programas y estrategias interculturales para la unidad y la cohesión de la Nación. Estos son pues los artículos que hacen parte de este primer tomo de nuestra colección por los 20 años del IEC y la Sede Caribe. Con el contenido de cada uno y del conjunto del libro esperamos haber introducido el debate sobre algunos de los cambios sociales y culturales acaecidos en el Caribe colombiano durante el siglo XX y lo que va del XXI, sobre los sentidos que han tenido, hacia dónde nos conducen, qué lecciones podemos extraer, en cuáles podemos y debemos seguir incidiendo y cuáles transformaciones nos hace falta documentar y promover. Por la documentación rigurosa de casos que presentamos en las siguientes páginas, podemos confirmar que siempre han existido y se han expresado diversas formas de resistencia por parte de las poblaciones sometidas, explotadas y racializadas por las dinámicas del colonialismo y la colonialidad. Estas resistencias se manifiestan ya sea mediante la creación musical, como argumenta Dario Ranochiari en su artículo, la producción literaria, como sustenta Mónica del Valle en el suyo, mediante el accionar Cambios sociales y culturales en el Caribe colombiano: perspectivas críticas de las resistencias 17 colectivo o la conformación de movimientos por las autonomías territoriales que describen Francisco Avella et al. para el caso del archipiélago y Aroldo Guardiola para el Caribe continental. Las estrategias de resistencia utilizadas por las mujeres son muchas y muy variadas: manejaron la contracultura, la migración, el desafío legal, el sistema de justicia a su favor, se apoyaron en redes de solidaridad familiar y en las relaciones de patronazgo y parentesco durante el período colonial y las luchas de independencia. Más recientemente despliegan la autogestión, buscan formarse, realizan alianzas, crean cooperativas, gestionan movilizaciones e integración comunitaria, fundan barrios, negocian con las autoridades, gestionan escuelas comunitarias y conforman organizaciones y redes de mujeres por su emancipación que parten de reconocer los saberes diversos y la necesidad de articular una praxis colectiva como se describe en mi artículo. La resistencia también se expresa con la existencia del cimarronaje como práctica decolonial en el Caribe, como propone Laó-Montes en el suyo. Todas estas movilizaciones colectivas han logrado conquistar importantes reconocimientos de derechos para los afrodescendientes, indígenas, mujeres, personas LGTBI, trabajadores y trabajadoras del campo y las ciudades. Incluso se ha logrado alguna representación en organismos del Estado, aunque la redistribución de los recursos básicamente ha avanzado poco y la colonialidad del poder, del saber y del ser está vigente en nuestra región. Sigue siendo así porque, entre otras cosas, a muchas de las manifestaciones de resistencia que se reseñan en los artículos se ha respondido por partes de las élites económicas y políticas, desde el proceso de independencia hasta nuestros días, con políticas estatales y privadas de contención, algunas veces con reformas institucionales, muchas veces con represión, prohibiciones y desestabilización y casi siempre utilizando la violencia como se muestra en los artículo de Laó-Montes, Avella et al., Solano y Guardiola. En los últimos tiempos la gran excusa para la militarización de la vida civil es la aplicación de las políticas antinarcóticos que impulsan, financian y aplican los gobiernos de los Estados Unidos con la anuencia de los nuestros, que como lo documenta Inge Valencia en su artículo, "securitizan y estigmatizan a las poblaciones donde se aplican". Con tales evidencias tenemos que reconocer que es mucho el camino que nos falta recorrer para lograr transformaciones sustanciales en nuestras sociedades, pero por lo expresado en los siguientes escritos, los legados culturales y políticos para hacerlo están a la mano. Ahora: la consolidación y cualificación de los movimientos sociales para enfrentar la magnitud de estas tareas son nuestro desafío.

1.1- Uno sguardo al percorso normativo sovranazionale Alla metà del XIX secolo, le scienze antropologiche cominciarono a manifestare l'esigenza di riformare la giustizia penale nei confronti dei minori, adattandola alle peculiari caratteristiche di tali soggetti. La particolarità del diritto penale minorile è infatti che i suoi destinatari sono soggetti nei quali le caratteristiche psico-fisiche e la personalità sono ancora in fase di sviluppo. Se da un lato il minore risulta essere educabile con maggiore facilità rispetto all'adulto, dall'altro risulta più incline agli influssi criminogeni che possono scaturire da trattamenti penali non adeguati ad un soggetto con tante peculiarità1. Prima del secolo scorso il minore era considerato alla stregua dell'adulto dal punto di vista procedimentale ed erano i singoli Stati a disciplinare discrezionalmente la materia: quasi ovunque si riconosceva una potestas assoluta del padre sul figlio minorenne. Il primo Tribunale per minorenni, chiamato Juvenile Court, fu istituito a Chicago nel 1899: un giudice specializzato che poteva applicare sanzioni correttive o anche soltanto educative, competente a giudicare tutti i minori di anni dieci. Si trattava, comunque, di un istituzione con una marcata impronta paternalistica, che mancava delle garanzie necessarie secondo i criteri della giurisprudenza classica, e per il quale non fu mai prevista una disciplina speciale2. In seguito altri Tribunali, sull'esempio di Chicago, furono istituiti a Boston e New York. Per quanto riguarda l'Europa, nel 1895 venne inaugurata la Juvenile Court di Birmingham e nel 1908 tali istituzioni divennero obbligatorie in Inghilterra, in Scozia ed in Irlanda con il Children Act, con il quale venne abolita quasi del tutto la pena di morte per i minori e stabilito che nessun minore di 16 anni potesse essere condannato al carcere3. Seguendo quest'esempio, altri Paesi sentirono il bisogno di istituire un organo giurisdizionale idoneo ad esaminare sia il crimine commesso dal minore sia il contesto sociale e familiare in cui è maturata la sua personalità. Il primo atto internazionale non vincolante a disciplinare specificatamente la giustizia penale minorile furono le Regole minime per l'amministrazione della giustizia minorile (c.d. Regole di Pechino), adottate dal VI Congresso dell'ONU il 29 Novembre 1985. Questo atto è stato fonte per tutti i codici penali moderni, compreso quello italiano, poiché per primo disciplinò forme di giustizia specifiche per il minore, che tendessero a rieducare e reinserire il minore, uscendo da una concezione puramente retribuzionistica. Alcune novità sono così rilevanti che ancora oggi le troviamo nei moderni codici di giustizia penale minorile, quali: la limitazione della libertà personale soltanto come extrema ratio, la quale deve essere sostituita tutte le volte che risulti possibile da misure alternative quali la sorveglianza o l'affidamento alla famiglia o ad una comunità (agenzia educativa); la custodia preventiva disposta in istituti separati dagli adulti o in una parte distinta dell'istituto; la previsione di cure, protezione e assistenza individuale necessari per l'età, il sesso e la personalità; la previsione di sanzioni alternative come multa, risarcimento e restituzione; l'applicazione di misure di probation. Le Regole di Pechino furono incorporate nella Convenzione ONU sui diritti dell'infanzia e dell'adolescenza, approvata a New York il 20 Novembre del 1989: si tratta di un documento vincolante per gli Stati firmatari che costituisce il trattato in materia di diritti umani con il maggior numero di ratifiche (sono 194 gli Stati firmatari). In Italia fu resa esecutiva con la l. n. 176/91, che, oltre a ribadire ciò che era stato affermati nei precedenti documenti in ambito di giustizia minorile, introduce alcune importanti novità sebbene non inerenti all' ambito processuale. Le Regole di Pechino, assieme alla Raccomandazione del Consiglio d'Europa n. R(87)20, del 17 Settembre 1987, sulle risposte sociali alla delinquenza giovanile4, sono espressamente prese in considerazione dal legislatore delegato, come confermato dalla Relazione al progetto preliminare delle disposizioni sul nuovo processo minorile ove si afferma che questi atti "ribadiscono il diritto del minore a tutte le garanzie processuali e ne sollecitano il rinforzo". Per quanto riguarda la collocazione di questi atti nel sistema delle fonti, è stato osservato che anche il processo penale minorile deve "adeguarsi alle norme delle convenzioni internazionali ratificate dall'Italia e relative ai diritti della persona e al processo penale" come stabilito al primo alinea dell'art. 2 della l. 16 Febbraio 1987 n. 81 per il nuovo processo penale, in ragione del riferimento ai principi generali di questo processo espresso per il processo penale minorile dall'art. 3 comma uno l. n. 81 del 1987. Appare evidente come anche a livello internazionale è mutato profondamente l'approccio nei confronti del minore, inizialmente visto soltanto come soggetto da contenere e correggere nell'ottica della tutela della comunità (che pure non ha perso la sua rilevanza), in seguito come un'identità in piena evoluzione, in capo alla quale sorgono dei diritti, bisognosa di misure ad hoc capaci di rieducarlo allontanandolo da quelle situazioni che sono causa di devianza. 1.2- Gli inizi del percorso legislativo in Italia In Italia un sistema penale autonomo per i minori è giunto con leggero ritardo rispetto ad altri Paesi Occidentali, il primo passo in tal senso fu la Circolare dell'11 Maggio 1908 ad opera del Ministro Guardasigilli Vittorio Emanuele Orlando, con la quale venivano poste le basi per l'affermazione, nell'ambito del diritto minorile, dei principi della specializzazione del giudice dei minorenni, della non pubblicità del processo in cui è coinvolto un minore e della necessità dell'indagine diretta ad acclarare la personalità del minore. L'importanza di questa circolare, che pure non sortì nell'immediato gli effetti sperati, nel percorso che ha portato all'affermazione del principio di specializzazione del giudice dei Minorenni è stata richiamata anche recentemente dalla Corte di Cassazione (sez. V pen., 16 Settembre 2008, n. 38481): attualmente infatti il giudice dei minori è caratterizzato sì dalla specifica competenza in ambito minorile, ma soprattutto dalla presenza, accanto ai magistrati ordinari, di giudici non togati esperti in psicologia e/o pedagogia. Nel 1909 ebbe inizio il progetto per la redazione di un Codice dei Minorenni, che prevedeva l'istituzione di un Tribunale specializzato, affidato a un'apposita commissione al cui vertice vi era il senatore Quarta. Il progetto non divenne legge, ma costituì la base per i seguenti progetti Ferri e Ollandini. Nel 1921 Enrico Ferri a capo di un'apposita commissione formulò un progetto di riforma che, prevedendo anch'esso l'istituzione di un giudice specializzato, andasse ad indagare l'insieme delle cause sociali, familiari, psicologiche, ereditarie ed evolutive del minore portato a delinquere. L'approccio particolarmente scientifico alla base della riforma fu forse una delle cause che non lo portò all'approvazione da parte del Parlamento. Il progetto Ollandini invece prevedeva l'istituzione di un Tribunale specializzato in ogni città con popolazione superiore ai duecentomila abitanti, ma nemmeno questo tentativo legislativo giunse all'approvazione. Nel 1930 furono approvati il nuovo codice penale (il codice Rocco) e il codice di procedura penale. Fu fissata a 18 anni la piena capacità penale, mentre nei casi riguardanti minori tra i quattordici anni e i diciotto anni il compito di accertare l'eventuale imputabilità veniva rimesso al giudice, in riferimento al possesso della capacità di intendere e di volere. Nel caso in cui il minore fosse ritenuto non imputabile ma comunque socialmente pericoloso poteva essere applicata una misura di sicurezza come il riformatorio giudiziale o la libertà vigilata. Per i minori imputabili invece era previsto che scontassero le pene in istituti separati da quelli degli adulti fino al compimento della maggiore età, inoltre la pena doveva essere finalizzata a una rieducazione morale. 1.3- Il r.d.l. n. 1404 del 1934 La creazione di un Tribunale specializzato per i minori arrivò nel 1934 con il r.d.l. n. 14045 (che rappresenta la prima disciplina sistematica del settore), convertito con la l. n. 835 del 1935, in cui trovarono finalmente attuazione tutti i precedenti progetti di riforma esaminati e i movimenti umanitari sviluppatisi negli anni precedenti. Al Tribunale venne attribuita la competenza di giudice di primo grado in materia penale, civile e amministrativa, distinta da quella del giudice ordinario. Era prevista all'art. 5 la possibilità di proporre appello, nei casi stabiliti dalla legge, presso una sezione specializzata della Corte d'Appello. Nello stesso edificio dove era situato il Tribunale, era prevista la creazione dei centri di rieducazione dei minori composti da un riformatorio giudiziario, un riformatorio per corrigendi, un carcere per minorenni, uffici di servizio sociale per i minorenne, nonché un centro di osservazione per minorenni. Una delle particolarità del decreto del '34 fu la possibilità per il giudice, introdotta con l'art. 25, di adottare misure rieducative nell'ambito della propria competenza amministrativa quali l'internamento al riformatorio per corrigendi6, applicabile al minore di diciotto anni che "avesse dato, per abitudini contratte, manifeste prove di traviamento" e risultasse per questo "bisognevole di correzione morale". Col tempo però i giudici non seguirono più i criteri guida fissati dal testo della legge e finirono con l'applicare l'internamento al riformatorio anche a soggetti non traviati, le cui situazioni familiari denotavano uno stato di degrado e abbandono. Inoltre, non essendo previsto un limite alla permanenza in questi istituti, essa si concludeva solo quando il soggetto non si mostrasse agli occhi del giudice più necessario di correzione oppure col compimento dei diciotto anni, con conseguente allontanamento prolungato dalla comunità, trasformando i minori in delinquenti veri e propri senza perseguire il fine rieducativo cui in astratto si sarebbe voluto tendere. Tali istituti si rivelarono avere caratteristiche non difformi da vere e proprie carceri penali: i minori venivano collocati in edifici rigorosamente chiusi e protetti da inferriate e cancelli dai quali non potevano allontanarsi, perdendo ogni contatto con il contesto sociale dal quale provenivano. Questo decreto, quindi, seppur ideato con nobili fini, rispecchia il difficile contesto politico-sociale in cui venne alla luce, che ne rappresenta il limite più evidente: uno Stato forte come quello fascista, che aveva il pieno controllo su ogni aspetto della vita degli individui, era, in quell'ottica, la prima forma di prevenzione per la devianza dei giovani. Di fronte al manifestarsi di un'eventuale devianza, lo Stato la affrontava in termini di malattia: la pena, dunque, era vista come una sorta di terapia per il soggetto malato, con la conseguenza che ci si concentrò di più sul controllo e la contenzione del minore, che sul fornire aiuto e sostegno per eliminare le cause devianti. Con l'entrata in vigore della Costituzione si ha l'introduzione di una serie di nuovi principi che si collocano come fonte primaria nell'ordinamento: tali principi rispecchiano i valori e gli ideali dei Padri Costituenti come reazione al regime fascista. Per quanto riguarda il processo minorile si fa riferimento all'art. 27, terzo comma e al 31, secondo comma. L'art. 27, terzo comma, afferma il principio rieducativo della pena: "le pene non possono consistere in trattamenti contrari al senso di umanità e devono tendere alla rieducazione del condannato". La mancanza, in questa disposizione e nei lavori preparatori, di un esplicito riferimento ai minori è stata colmata successivamente dalla giurisprudenza della Corte Costituzionale7. L'articolo 31, secondo comma, dispone invece che la Repubblica "protegge la maternità, l'infanzia e la gioventù, favorendo gli istituti necessari a tale scopo". Appare quindi evidente che l'impianto fascista su cui è stata costruita la competenza amministrativa del Tribunale e l'impianto delle misure rieducative necessitavano di essere riviste alla luce dell'entrata in vigore della Costituzione, affinché si potessero realizzare al meglio i principi in essa affermati. 1.4- La l. n. 888 del 1956 La risposta a queste esigenze arrivò con la l. n. 888 del 1956 la quale modificò notevolmente il r.d.l. n. 404/1934 attraverso un ampliamento della competenza amministrativa del Tribunale e un sistema di individualizzazione delle misure e del trattamento che limitasse la detenzione carceraria soltanto ai casi in cui risultasse strettamente necessaria. Fu previsto che le indagini per la personalizzazione delle misure fossero svolte non più dal pubblico ministero ma da un componente del Tribunale e inoltre furono previsti o modificati, all'art. 1, una serie di istituti per l'assistenza al minore, quali: gli istituti di osservazione, i gabinetti medico-psico-pedagogici, le case di rieducazione ed istituti medico-psicopedagogici, gli uffici di servizio sociale per minorenni, i "focolari" di semi-libertà e pensionati giovanili, le prigioni scuola e i riformatori giudiziari8. La novità più significativa è costituita dalla definitiva creazione dell'ufficio del servizio sociale per i minorenni (già previsto dal r.d. n. 1404/34 ma mai entrati concretamente in funzione), chiamato inizialmente a collaborare con il giudice minorile per l'esecuzione dei provvedimenti amministrativi ed in particolare della misura di rieducazione dell'affidamento ai servizi sociali introdotta con la medesima legge9. In tal senso è significativa la valorizzazione, all'interno delle case di rieducazione, della figura dell'educatore10 al quale è devoluto il compito di costituire un modello di identificazione positivo affinché il minore possa (ri)costruire la propria personalità e il mondo dei valori e delle norme11. L'intento era quello di limitare al massimo l'internamento del minore, privilegiando un'assistenza nelle forme della libertà assistita, attraverso la previsione e la realizzazione di un progetto educativo che vedeva la collaborazione tra servizi e giudice nel momento di adozione della misura stessa12. Questa riforma portò a un cambiamento dei presupposti per l'applicazione della misura: non si tratta più di giovani "traviati", bensì di "soggetti irregolari per condotta o carattere", irregolarità che deve essere accertata attraverso "approfondite indagini sulla personalità del minore", esplicate da uno dei componenti del Tribunale per i minorenni designato dal Presidente13: questo cambiamento permise di circoscrivere l'intervento amministrativo a quei minori che esprimevano una concreta devianza con il rischio di incorrere nella commissione di reati. Vi erano quindi tutti i presupposti per un effettivo mutamento negli interventi amministrativi, grazie ad una adeguata individuazione delle tipologie di soggetti destinatari degli stessi che, con rigore interpretativo andavano circoscritti solo a quelli effettivamente a rischio dimissione di reati ed il cui comportamento fosse espressione di devianza. Ciò avrebbe consentito di distinguere chiaramente gli interventi comunque limitativi della libertà personale finalizzati, oltre che ad una ripresa dei processi educativi del minore, anche a concorrenti esigenze di tutela dell'ordine pubblico, dagli interventi di carattere meramente assistenziale, indirizzati a soggetti in situazioni di carenza familiare e, quindi, bisognevoli esclusivamente di supporto e sostegno14. Purtroppo però questo sistema non raggiunse i risultati sperati: istituti identici venivano usati per far fronte a situazioni che avrebbero richiesto trattamenti differenziati e inoltre alcuni interventi che il legislatore aveva voluto differenziare si rivelarono sostanzialmente identici fra loro. Così la richiesta di internamento dei figli da parte della famiglie, prevista dalla l. n. 888/56, finì col supplire alle carenze educative familiari o scolastiche, piuttosto che rappresentare una risposta a irregolarità nella condotta o nel carattere del minore, cancellando di fatto la differenza fra il fine rieducativo e quello assistenziale. Il risultato fu che, nonostante un'apertura alle necessità ed esigenze del minore, continua non si riuscì a separare nettamente l'assistenza dal controllo con la conseguenza che l'ideologia rieducativa convive di fatto con quella custodiale degli anni passati15. La crisi del sistema alimentò negli anni '70 un dibattito fra gli stessi operatori incentrato da un lato sull'esigenza di superare l'istituzionalizzazione prolungata e l'internamento in strutture chiuse che nei giovani sono causa della formazione di una identità negativa, di immagini di sé e di ruoli sociali degradanti16, dall'altro di giungere a una completa depenalizzazione delle norme sanzionatorie che portasse a una decarcerizzazione per i minori, sospinta anche dall'approvazione della riforma penitenziaria del 1975 che, seppur sembrò non interessarsi particolarmente allo specifico minorile, ne influenzò il relativo dibattito. 1.5- Il d.p.r. n. 616 del 1977: il decentramento agli enti locali Fu in questo clima che si giunse al d.p.r. n. 616 del 1977 con il quale si attribuiva la competenza della giurisdizione minorile in campo amministrativo e civile ai servizi sociali dei Comuni (decentralizzazione) e si aboliva la negativa esperienza delle Case di rieducazione. Si arrivò quindi a una distinzione fra la competenza in campo penale attribuita allo Stato (con finalità punitiva) e quella in campo amministrativo e civile attribuita agli Enti Locali (con finalità rieducativa): l'idea era quella di discostarsi dal precedente modello in cui il minore era rinchiuso all'interno di un istituto lontano dalla società e di agire direttamente sul proprio contesto sociale al fine di rimuoverne quegli ostacoli che erano fonte di devianza. Questo prevedeva la permanenza del minore all'interno dell'ambito sociale di appartenenza, li dove sarebbero intervenuti i servizi sociali comunali. Molti Comuni però si trovarono impreparati a fronteggiare la situazione, finendo col fornire le sole misure assistenziali anche di fronte ai comportamenti devianti che avrebbero necessitato invece di risposte rieducative; il vuoto legislativo creatosi comportò per i giudici di trovarsi di fronte alla scelta di rinunciare a qualsiasi intervento o di applicare pene detentive sproporzionate al caso in esame. Appariva ormai chiara l'ambivalenza sia delle misure di rieducazione che dell'intero sistema penale minorile che oscillava fra provvedimenti meramente clemenziali, quali ad esempio il perdono giudiziale, il quale veniva applicato in modo automatico per fatti di lieve entità, e la risposta meramente retributiva, non marcatamente differenziata rispetto agli adulti, sia per quanto riguarda l'entità della pena inflitta, sia per quanto riguarda le modalità di esecuzione o l'eventuale diversificazione delle risposte sanzionatorie. Senza dubbio è in questo periodo storico che si ha la presa di coscienza, come evidenziato dalle pronunce della Corte Costituzionale17, in ordine all'esigenza di ridurre al massimo sia la carcerazione, ma soprattutto anche gli interventi rieducativi all'interno di strutture chiuse, limitando l'intervento giudiziario a casi e situazioni ben definiti18. 1.6- Il nuovo processo penale minorile: il d.p.r. 448 del 1988 In seguito alle numerose sentenze della Corte Costituzionale, alle Convenzioni e alle Dichiarazioni internazionali che si susseguirono prese il via in Italia il progetto di redazione di un nuovo processo penale minorile. Al momento della redazione del provvedimento vennero alla luce due possibili e contrapposte impostazioni: la prima sosteneva la necessità di inserire la normativa del nuovo processo minorile all'interno del codice di procedura penale, la seconda invece riteneva necessaria la predisposizione di un autonomo decreto delegato; questa seconda opinione fu quella prevalente sia per la specificità della materia in oggetto e in–oltre per non "appesantire" in maniera ulteriore un codice di notevole estensione e complessità19. Il d.p.r. 448, emanato il 22 Settembre del 1988 in seguito alla legge delega n. 81 del 1987, e completato poi dal d.lgs n. 272 del 1989 recante norme di attuazione, di coordinamento e transitorie, delinea un sistema di giustizia penale diversificato, dove il momento più significativo è rappresentato dal passaggio del minore da oggetto di protezione e tutela a soggetto titolare di diritti. Infatti, per la prima volta si parla esplicitamente di "interesse del minore", di "esigenze educative" e di "tutela del minore" come criteri giuridicamente rilevanti destinati a influenzare esplicitamente le decisioni e le scelte in tutto il percorso processuale attraversato dal minore20. Occorre innanzitutto sottolineare che non fu toccato l'aspetto ordinamentale, e neppure quello sostanziale: si ebbe così un processo penale minorile del tutto nuovo, da celebrarsi però davanti a un giudice "vecchio", che applicava un sistema sanzionatorio che era stato previsto fin dalla sua origine per gli imputati adulti. E una conferma a quello che si è appena detto la si trova nei continui richiami, da parte dell'intero d.p.r. n. 448/88, alle esigenze educative del minore, che pongono contrasti con i principi di tassatività della pena e di legalità: un tale sistema pone dubbi di legittimità costituzionale alla luce dell'art. 13 Cost. secondo cui le limitazioni alla libertà personale devono avvenire nei "casi e modi previsti dalla legge". Ciò si concretizza nell'ampia discrezionalità lasciata al giudice al momento della scelta delle misure cautelari da adottare nei confronti dell'imputato, per le quali egli dovrà tener conto, in aggiunta ai criteri ex art. 275 c.p.p., anche di non interrompere i processi educativi in atto: si faccia riferimento, ad esempio, alla misura delle prescrizioni, il cui contenuto può essere fra i più ampi e disparati dall'obbligo di frequentare attività di volontariato al divieto di stare fuori casa oltre una certa ora. Sarebbe stato più opportuno ridurre i margini di questa discrezionalità attraverso l'introduzione di ulteriori criteri che riflettessero la specificità del processo minorile. 1.7- I principi generali del processo minorile Il codice processuale minorile contiene una serie di principi che si discostano da quello per gli adulti proprio in virtù della specificità della condizione del minore al momento dell'instaurazione del processo penale: all'articolo 1 viene enunciato il principio di sussidiarietà: "Nel procedimento a carico di minorenni si osservano le disposizioni del presente decreto e, per quanto da esse non previsto, quelle del codice di procedura penale"21. La norma quindi ci avverte che le disposizioni contenute nel presente decreto non sono del tutto autosufficienti e laddove siano presenti delle lacune si dovrà fare riferimento all'ordinario codice di procedura penale. Il rinvio operato dall'articolo 1 ha posto dubbi interpretativi circa la sua natura: se si tratta di un rinvio materiale ogni modificazione (pronunce di incostituzionalità e abrogazioni) alle disposizioni del codice processuale ordinario non opererebbe per il d.p.r. n. 448 il quale, invece, continuerebbe a fare riferimento al testo originario del codice; se invece si accoglie l'impostazione di chi vi abbia ravvisato un rinvio formale, si consentirebbe al nuovo codice di adeguarsi all'evoluzione dell'ordinario codice processuale penale, applicando disposizioni concretamente vigenti, previa compatibilità delle norme alla luce delle modificazioni. La dottrina maggioritaria ha adottato quest'ultima impostazione per non condannare i due sistemi a muoversi lungo linee inevitabilmente divaricate, in quanto il quadro di riferimento per il rito minorile rimarrebbe fermo nel tempo, mentre la giustizia penale per adulti seguirebbe propri itinerari evolutivi in grado di mutarne, anche in modo significativo, i caratteri connotativi22. A sostegno di questa interpretazione anche la sentenza n. 323/2000 della Corte Costituzionale, che ha evidenziato come nel dubbio circa l'applicazione fra due norme si debba il principio del favor rei nei confronti dell'imputato minorenne. Un altro problema che sorge nell'interpretazione dell'articolo 1 d.p.r. n. 448/88 riguarda la scelta delle norme del c.p.p. cui si deve fare rinvio: esse devono essere applicate secondo un'interpretazione sistematica per escludere eventuali situazioni di incompatibilità con le norme o i principi del processo dei minori. Contestualmente al principio di sussidiarietà, all'art. 1, è affermato il principio di adeguatezza: "Tali disposizioni sono applicate in modo adeguato alla personalità e alle esigenze educative del minorenne". Si fa riferimento alla fase applicativa delle norme posta in essere dal giudice, quando vengono individuate le misure cautelari e definitive da applicare al minore: in accordo con questo principio il giudice non dovrà limitarsi a una mera applicazione automatica ma dovrà individuare le varie misure facendo riferimento alla situazione del minore: ambiente familiare, problemi personali e percorso educativo passato od eventualmente in atto. Solo tenendo conto di questi elementi il giudice potrà perseguire il fine rieducativo e di reinserimento sociale cui l'intero sistema tende. Un altro dei principi fondanti del processo penale minorile è quello di minima offensività del processo in quanto esso concretizza il fine del recupero sociale del minore che ha commesso un reato. Il contatto fra il minore e il processo penale può essere causa di notevoli sofferenze psicologiche che potrebbero arrecare grave pregiudizio al percorso educativo e di crescita del minore: espressione di questo principio in ambito cautelare è la facoltatività che caratterizza l'intervento del giudice, su cui ci soffermeremo meglio nel prossimo capitolo. L'ultimo principio riguarda la residualità della detenzione che, in conformità alle pronunce della Corte Costituzionale, sottolinea che la pena detentiva nei confronti del minore deve rappresentare l'extrema ratio: per questo sono previste misure alternative alla custodia detentiva che riducano l'impatto sulla sfera psico-emotiva del minore.

En el mes de febrero de 2002 me encontraba en Tarifa con la intención de conocer posibles indicadores del Levante en el entorno del Estrecho. Eran los inicios de unos estudios que se orientaban por entonces hacia una primera caracterización espacial de este viento a partir de datos estadísticos y posibles indicadores, concretamente aquellas huellas territoriales que permitieran establecer una primera geografía del Levante. En ese contexto, la visita al enclave de Poblana, en el término municipal de Tarifa, me impactó fuertemente. Jamás había visto alcornoques de más de diez metros retorcidos, deformados, mutilados por el Levante. La belleza de aquellos venerables y enormes ejemplares motivó una primera elección: el trabajo de investigación consistiría en utilizar este bioindicador para inferir argumentos sobre el viento. Una nueva excursión dejó gran huella en el doctorando. La contemplación de acebuches y pinos fuertemente abanderados en el Palancar, un paso orográfico situado entre las agrestes sierras de Ojén y Cabrito en el que se enclavan distintos aerogeneradores eólicos, provocó tal impacto que en la retina quedaron fijadas escenas que no se olvidarán jamás. Pero mayor sorpresa fue el descubrimiento de los bosques de niebla de los Llanos del Juncal, en un recóndito lugar entre las sierras de Ojén y Luna que recibe constantemente la humedad aportada por el Levante; la visión de un impenetrable bosque de quejigos en aquellas latitudes, donde una película verde cubre la piel de los árboles y los helechos se incrustan en los nudos de los troncos más viejos, remitían más bien a un entorno propio de las umbrías norteñas. Finalmente, la subida ese mismo día de claro viento de Poniente al Tajo de Las Escobas, cima que con 838 metros constituye el techo del Campo de Gibraltar, permitió el disfrute de una de las más bellas vistas del planeta. La nítida visión de dos mares y dos continentes terminaron por certificar algo que el doctorando no ha olvidado desde entonces: el descubrimiento del paisaje. A partir de ese momento, el Estrecho y el Levante marcaron decisivamente la trayectoria del doctorando. Se trata de una trayectoria intelectual y vital que es necesario conocer para comprender los objetivos y contenidos de una tesis doctoral centrada en la interpretación del paisaje de las Sierras del Estrecho. Dicha trayectoria tuvo sus comienzos en el campo de la Climatología al tener el trabajo de investigación como objetivo el análisis del viento de Levante, componente básico del clima de gran parte de la provincia de Cádiz. Se trataba de dos líneas de trabajo: (i) establecimiento de una primera caracterización de este viento, que implica la selección de estaciones meteorológicas más representativas, el análisis de los datos y la espacialización de la variable; (ii) y explicación de los procesos generadores del Levante, con el estudio de situaciones sinópticas asociadas o aplicación de modelos sobre el efecto Fönh. El estudio del comportamiento del Viento Sur en la Cordillera Cantábrica, realizado por Rasilla Álvarez (1994), sería el modelo de análisis que nos serviría en un principio para caracterizar el viento de Levante en la provincia de Cádiz. En este sentido, el doctorando realiza su trabajo en el campo de la Climatología, disciplina cuyo desarrollo como ciencia, aunque tardío respecto a otras ramas del saber como la física, biología o geología, supuso la concreción de objetivos y la adopción de unas metodologías encuadradas en el método científico. Los resultados obtenidos, tanto desde la climatología analítica de finales del XIX, como desde la sinóptica de mediados del XX, han sido más que satisfactorios. Las últimas tendencias, centradas en los estudios del clima como sistema (asunción de que los climas del mundo son el resultado del funcionamiento del sistema climático mundial, de carácter dinámico y abierto) y el "clima como recurso" (mediante una aproximación estadística se abordan las conexiones entre clima y sociedad – por ejemplo, riesgos naturales - y se establecen las pautas de comportamiento futuro de las situaciones meteorológicas), se concretan en diversos estudios cuya metodología científica permite una solidez epistemológica y la garantía de validez en los resultados. Tras una primera recopilación de información con la intención de identificar el estado de la cuestión sobre los estudios realizados sobre el Levante, los objetivos se ampliaron a la identificación de posibles indicadores del viento. Como se dijo al principio, tras realizar en febrero de 2002 una primera visita a Tarifa, la investigación evolucionó hacia el análisis del viento a partir de bioindicadores, concretamente la deformación de ejemplares arbóreos. Este tipo de indicadores fueron utilizados en gran número de trabajos, como los desarrollados por María Joao Alcoforado (1984) o Ibarra Benlloch (1993). La relación causa-efecto entre viento dominante y la deformación de los árboles fue demostrada experimentalmente por Oke (1972) y Yoshino (1976), por lo que se puede analizar el grado de abanderamiento para estudiar el comportamiento del viento; concretamente se infiere la distribución espacial e intensidad relativa de los vientos dominantes en los primeros metros de la atmósfera. Iniciado este nuevo enfoque de trabajo, se visitó en la primavera y el verano de 2002 buena parte de la provincia de Cádiz, especialmente los municipios de Cádiz, San Fernando, Puerto Real, Jerez de la Fra., Paterna de Rivera, Vejer de La Fra., Conil de la Fra., Barbate, Medina Sidonia, Algeciras, Castellar de la Fra., San Roque, La Línea, Los Barrios, Benalup- Casas Viejas y Tarifa, con la intención de estimar los posibles bioindicadores del viento de Levante. Se detectaron y enumeraron especies relevantes por su directa relación con las distintas intensidades del viento y su representatividad; las seleccionadas fueron Quercus suber (alcornoque) y Olea europaea var. silvestrys (acebuche); así mismo, el estudio se completó con Eucaliptus camaldunensis (eucalipto), Pinus pinea (pino piñonero) y Pinus halepensis (pino carrasco), especies analizadas en el caso de la ausencia de las anteriores. Siguiendo la escala de escala de Barsh (1963), que establece 6 grados de deformación para árboles de ramaje extendido y copa redondeada, se hizo un profundo trabajo de campo con objetivo de, en primer lugar, cartografiar a escala regional y local los abanderamientos y, en segundo lugar, inferir argumentos sobre el Levante. Las conclusiones clave de aquel análisis fueron: - El límite de los abanderamientos, y por tanto del Levante como viento constante, se establecían por el Norte en el río Guadalete y por el Este en las crestas de las Sierras del Los Alcornocales (al Sur y Oeste se había delimitado la línea de costa como límites a priori). Todo ello confirmaba el carácter profundamente gaditano del Levante. - Gradientes de intensidad: las deformaciones, y por tanto el Levante, era más intensos cuanto más cerca del Estrecho (gradiente Norte-Sur) y de las laderas a sotavento de las sierras (gradiente Este-Oeste). Este análisis, a escala regional, se complementaba por un estudio de intensidades a escala local (comarca de Tarifa), que ofreció interesantes resultados sobre el comportamiento del viento en las Sierras del Estrecho (pasillos, pantallas, disimetrías, etc.). Estos resultados se plasmaron en un proyecto de investigación presentado en el marco del programa de doctorado "Cambios ambientales y riesgos naturales", del Departamento de Geografía Física de la Universidad de Sevilla. Fue dirigido por Mª Fernanda Pita López y presentado en febrero de 2003. El proceso de investigación sobre las deformaciones de las especies anteriormente citadas y la larga estancia en tierras gaditanas tuvo dos consecuencias para el doctorando: por un lado, una atención cada vez más creciente a la relación entre el clima y el territorio, y, por otro lado, el interés hacia fuentes de información cualitativamente diferentes. En relación con el primer aspecto, desde el libro "Geographia", en el que Eratóstenes de Cirene (276 a. C. - 194 a. C.) dedica un tercio de su obra a la variación global de los climas, hasta la constitución de la climatología como ciencia a lo largo del siglo XIX, numerosos han sido los acercamientos que se han hecho del clima desde una perspectiva geográfica y territorial. Baste citar la obra de Jerónimo de Chávez, catedrático cosmógrafo de la Casa de Contratación de Sevilla en 1552, que analiza la adecuación del tiempo atmosférico a la realización de labores agrícolas o ganaderas; un ejemplo de preocupación por lo que acontece en la atmósfera y su relación con otros elementos del medio natural y la actividad humana. Mis investigaciones fueron evolucionando hacia una orientación cada vez más territorial. Así, mientras el objetivo principal de las anteriores fases de trabajo fue el análisis del viento de Levante, bien a través de datos estadísticos, bien a través de bioindicadores, ahora la investigación dirige sus intenciones hacia la estrecha relación entre el viento y el conjunto del territorio. Se realizó, por tanto, un pormenorizado inventario de impactos del Levante, estudiando cada uno de ellos por separado, para posteriormente realizar una descripción explicativa de los mismos, cuantificando en la medida de lo posible el papel del viento en cada una de las huellas territoriales. El cuadro Tabla I.1 que se indica a continuación expresaba un listado que puede dar idea de la intención de ese estudio y la perspectiva analítica empleada. Los resultados obtenidos, tanto los derivados del pormenorizado trabajo realizado sobre los abanderamientos (cuyas conclusiones se sumarían a los de esta fase), como los obtenidos de inventariar los impactos del viento al sur en la provincia de Cádiz, constituían un buen punto de partida para iniciar un trabajo geográfico orientado hacia una descripción explicativa de un territorio marcado por el viento. Sin embargo, el doctorando ya se había sumergido en la "experiencia del lugar", en este caso de las Sierras del Estrecho, con la intuición de la existencia de una realidad que desbordaba el concepto de territorio. Muchas de las experiencias del doctorando en los trabajos de campo, consistentes en distintas percepciones visuales o sensaciones, revelaban algo más allá que un espacio geográfico delimitado y organizado territorialmente por la actividad humana, susceptible de ser explicado en función de factores como el viento y descrito según la disposición de sus elementos. Un mundo simbólico asaltaba al investigador, que demandaba en ese momento nuevos conceptos que incorporaran esta nueva realidad que descubría y se abría ante sus ojos. Emocionado por la belleza del viento en aquellas tierras, el doctorando necesitaba en su estudio una perspectiva más holística, al intuir que, tras ese territorio, se escondía una realidad que se le "escapaba" debido a la carencia de herramientas conceptuales adecuadas. En cuanto al encuentro del doctorando con otro tipo de conocimiento, su origen está en el contacto con la fotografía artística. Así, para la obtención de imágenes de estos abanderamientos se utilizó una modesta cámara fotográfica, en aquellos años aún no digital, que sirvió para la ilustración del trabajo de investigación; en aquel contexto, el amigo y fotógrafo Fernando Arocena descubrió en compañía del doctorando estos monumentos vegetales del viento, iniciando una serie de fotografías dedicadas a los abanderamientos. El resultado fue el conocimiento de estos bioindicadores pero desde otra perspectiva: la mirada artística. Fue el inicio del acercamiento del doctorando a este tipo de representaciones, en aquel momento ajena al proceso de trabajo y la investigación. En este sentido, la fotografía de los abanderamientos marcó un antes y un después en la investigación. Con la máxima de que el arte no sólo representa, sino que, también, revela "algo más allá" el doctorando se sumergió en diferentes tipos de conocimiento que le eran difíciles de escrutar. El doctorando, en su praxis diaria y cotidiana, cotejaba otros tipos de conocimiento que no tenían cabida en una perspectiva analítica; hablamos desde el testimonio pleno de matices que nos regala la pintura, a la rica información que suministra la literatura o los datos proporcionados por el conocimiento popular a través de sus dichos, relatos o percepciones. Es bien conocido que el clima es también objeto de atención por parte de otro tipo de perspectivas ajenas al método científico, como son el saber popular o acercamientos realizados desde la literatura o la pintura; más que explicar el clima, abordan dimensiones de éste no contempladas desde una perspectiva analítica o explicativa. Podríamos hablar de los múltiples refranes que ilustran sobre las condiciones climáticas locales desde la experiencia social o memoria colectiva; la literatura nos ha dejado maravillosos pasajes que retratan perfectamente las sensaciones de un verano sevillano (caso de Ocnos, de Cernuda) o aquellas asociadas al viento (caso de Los aires difíciles, de Almudena Grandes); viajeros románticos como Richard Ford o Gautier nos han dejado descripciones de los climas andaluces tanto o más completos que los pormenorizados análisis del coetáneo Madoz; pintores como Turner o Constable han sido capaces de revelar la fuerza de muchos fenómenos meteorológicos; y José Arpa o Joaquín Sáenz han transmitido en un lienzo con total fidelidad el ambiente atmosférico característico de muchos lugares. Respecto al marco territorial de la investigación, también fue interesante el acceso a representaciones culturales como la obra de Anton van den Wyngaerde, que realizó distintos bocetos sobre Tarifa y su entorno antes de terminar su gran vista sobre la ciudad del Estrecho; un primer acercamiento a la Imagen I.2. nos ofrece pautas sobre los factores que se habían estudiado anteriormente en relación con el viento y el territorio, como la conformación del relieve o la cercanía del continente africano. Pero, también, ofrece información valiosa sobre las claves fundacionales de la ciudad Tarifa, su vocación militar, su aspecto de ciudad fortaleza, la impronta de su castillo o la ausencia de puerto. El Estrecho, por ejemplo, no puede ser entendido si se obvia su mitificación desde le Antigüedad. Su situación geográfica y la presencia de potentes geoformas no pueden ser comprendidas en su totalidad si desconocemos el mito de las Columnas de Hércules. La experiencia de la contemplación de este paso marítimo se enriquece con representaciones culturales como la obra de Guillermo Pérez Villalta. Para un geógrafo, en un principio, esta pluralidad de acercamientos no debe suponer ningún motivo de preocupación, ya que el método científico le garantiza un proceder, unas técnicas y unos resultados objetivos que han de satisfacer sus necesidades. La climatología constituye una disciplina de la geografía con un corpus metodológico y conceptual bien armado de cara al estudio analítico, sinóptico o sistémico del clima. Tanto la descripción analítica de las distintas variables climáticas, como la explicación de los mecanismos causantes de los distintos fenómenos meteorológicos que conforman el clima, o diferentes estudios de carácter sistémico, ofrecerían al geógrafo sólidas metodologías para el desarrollo de la investigación. Pero, al igual que el término territorio no cubría del todo a la hora de entender y comprender toda la realidad observada, los métodos analíticos, muy eficaces para otros objetivos, no eran suficientes a la hora de integrar distintos tipos de conocimiento. En definitiva, dos nuevas demandas caracterizaron el trabajo del doctorando: la intuición de la existencia de una realidad que desbordaba el concepto territorio y la necesidad de un método de trabajo para integrar diferentes tipos de conocimiento. Se hacían necesarias nuevas herramientas epistemológicas y nuevas categorías conceptuales para abordar esta nueva perspectiva de trabajo. En este contexto, y en el marco del Máster en Protección, Gestión y Ordenación del Paisaje, el doctorando tiene acceso al Convenio Europeo del Paisaje (CEP) y a otros documentos que lo interpretan y desarrollan, así como a las reflexiones epistemológicas más recientes en torno al paisaje, como, por ejemplo, los trabajos de Ojeda Rivera (2005 y 2006a), Ojeda Rivera y Delgado Bujalance (2010), Delgado Bujalance y Ojeda Rivera (2007a, 2007b y 2009), Zoido Naranjo (2007, 2010 y 2011), Mata Olmo (2010a y 2010b), Maderuelo (2010), Ortega Cantero (2006a, 2006b y 2009) o Caballero Sánchez (2007, 2009, 2010a y 2011). Gradualmente, el concepto del paisaje y la perspectiva que supone se va revelando como la respuesta a las inquietudes e insatisfacciones arriba expuestas. Los pilares de muchos de estos planteamientos son también los de la presente investigación, por lo que conviene exponerlos de modo sucinto. En primer lugar, el concepto de valor paisajístico. A partir de desarrollos recientes (Caballero Sánchez, 2011), pueden definirse los valores paisajísticos como aquel núcleo de sentido o universo de significado -constituido por atributos, cualidades, límites espaciales, componentes, partes- que puede captarse en cualquier paisaje dotado de eficacia histórica. Así, los valores paisajísticos constituyen la clave de la eficacia histórica de los paisajes, estando presentes en el marco vital que es interiorizado en diversos momentos culturales, en la cultura territorial que de ello resulta, así como en las representaciones culturales y creaciones que constituyen la tradición interpretativa de un paisaje. Conviene resaltar que este concepto tiene antecedentes en la propia Geografía; emparenta directamente con el término "fisonomía" usado por Humboldt y Vidal de la Blache para designar los rasgos paisajísticos propios y específicos de un territorio y, más recientemente, con el concepto de landscape character acuñado en Gran Bretaña fuera de la Geografía. En segundo lugar, asumir el concepto de valor paisajístico sitúa al investigador en una tesitura similar a la del intérprete de un texto lejano en el tiempo. En esta situación de extrañeza y distancia, no hay otro camino que el de la mediación entre los propios prejuicios y formación del intérprete, y el universo de significado que le sale al paso. Algo análogo ocurre en la interpretación del paisaje. Como se verá con detalle a lo largo de la investigación, el doctorando se verá obligado a mediar entre marcos de referencia distintos y distantes (entre actor y observador, entre saber científico y saber popular, entre saber científico y experiencia sensorial….), si quiere realmente descifrar y comprender el orden simbólico que constituyen los valores paisajísticos. En definitiva, se trata de interpretación del paisaje o, si se quiere, de labor hermenéutica orientada al paisaje, enlazando con los antecedentes de la Geografía en este ámbito, pero integrando las aportaciones téoricas que, en las últimas décadas, han esclarecido la naturaleza de la hermenéutica como modo de acceso a la verdad, en este caso a la "verdad del paisaje". Por tanto, la presente investigación se justifica no sólo por las inquietudes y trayectoria personales del doctorando, sino también por la necesidad perentoria de recuperar para la Geografía la práctica de la interpretación del paisaje en toda su complejidad, con plena conciencia epistemológica de lo que ello supone, e inscribiendo esta práctica en las perspectivas abiertas por el CEP. Este es, en definitiva, el horizonte científico general de la presente tesis doctoral, basada, más que en una posición epistemológica previa, en una praxis como fue el proceso de investigación llevado a cabo en los años 2002 y 2003. Aquellos primeros resultados, si bien fueron más que interesantes, no conseguían transmitir totalmente lo observado, percibido, sentido y vivido por el doctorando en el Estrecho. Sería pues aplicable a este caso lo que H.G. Gadamer decía acerca de su reflexión filosófica: La génesis de mi filosofía hermenéutica no es en el fondo otra cosa que el intento de explicar teóricamente el estilo de mis estudios y de mi enseñanza. La praxis siempre fue lo primero (Gadamer, 2004, p. 388). Teniendo en cuenta esta experiencia y el proceso de investigación llevado a cabo, el doctorando pretende avanzar en el terreno de la interpretación paisajística con la presente tesis doctoral, resultado de su trayectoria vital e intelectual y, también por eso, de aprendizaje tanto a nivel teórico como a nivel de investigación. Partiendo de esta premisa, el objetivo planteado en la tesis doctoral es claro: la interpretación paisajística de un ámbito como las Sierras del Estrecho, una interpretación que seguirá un proceso reglado y fundamentado en una teoría hermenéutica del paisaje. Así, el título de esta investigación recoge el hipotético resultado del proceso interpretativo, la identificación de valores paisajísticos, pero no llevado a cabo desde interpretaciones parciales o inconexas. Se trata de interpretar un paisaje pero incorporando un determinado bagaje teórico, el de la teoría hermenéutica; es decir, no se trata de interpretar sin más, sino de intepretar siguiendo un proceso reflexionado y unos fundamentos conceptuales sólidos. Tras decribir la trayectoria vital e intelectual del doctorando, así como una primera justificación de la tesis, se comenta el contenido de la misma mostrando, en términos muy generales, el argumento que desarrolla el conjunto de la presente investigación y el papel que, dentro de la misma, desempeña cada capítulo. En el capítulo 1 se exponen los conceptos y metodología empleada en el proceso de investigación, ahondando en los conceptos básicos de la hermenéutica filosófica y su aplicación a la interpretación de los paisajes. Tras haber reflexionado sobre la naturaleza de los valores pasajísticos y explicitado el proceso interpretativo, se plantea la naturaleza de todas las perspectivas o tipos de conocimiento que permiten realizar el proceso de interpretación paisajística, es decir, el conocimiento científico, las representaciones culturales y los discursos locales. El capítulo 2 plantea una interpretación inicial del paisaje de las Sierras del Estrecho basada en distintos tipos de documentos de carácter científico -monografías, artículos, comunicaciones-, documentos d eplanificación y cartografía actual. Se trata de un análisis de los fundamentos naturales, el proceso histórico, el orden territorial para desembocar en una interpretación de la relación de los valores paisajísticos vehiculados por la interacción entre sociedad y marco vital. En el capítulo 3 se realizará una identificación de valores paisajísticos desde las representaciones culturales. Literatura geográfica, vistas de ciudades y cartografía histórica conforman las fuentes documentales de la perspectiva geográfica; los tratados y textos de aquellos que recorrieron el Estrecho desde la Antigüedad conforman el contenido de la perspectiva naturalista y viajera; las obras pictóricas nos acercan a la mirada del pintor; y la literatura permite identificar valores paisajísticos desde la perspectiva del escritor. En cuanto al capítulo 4, tras mostrar la metodología de carácter cualitativo empleada, se realizará un recorrido por las principales líneas que conforman los discursos locales, insistiendo en tres de las claves de la conciencia espacial de todo grupo humano: identificación de límites, atributos y componentes del entorno más inmediato.

The results of the research described above were obtained on a representative sample of Croatian youth from 15-24 years of age in the second half of 2002. The research was carried on in the context of a regional research project on youth under the auspices of the PRONI institute from Sweden. The main objective of the project was to provide empirical data on life, needs, attitudes and aspirations of young people as a means of assisting the process of youth policy review. The process was initiated by the Council of Europe with a view to strengthen youth participation in democratic changes of the countries in the region. This report is the most recent one in a long and well-established tradition of studying youth issues in Croatia. Therefore, it often includes comments and references to earlier research findings for the purpose of determining the changes in youth trends, as well as for the purpose of validity testing of our data. On the other side, the data presented in this report may, together with earlier studies, be used as a reference point in the process of reviewing the National Programme of Action for Youth, as well as in developing a comprehensive, efficient and youth-centred national youth policy. The core of the findings is probably that the criteria for determining the upper age-level of youth period should be reviewed and extended to include those who are 30 years of age. The fact that more and more young people remain longer in education, that they decide to marry and have children later in their life, that they consider changing their job and probably, if possible, enroll in re-training programmes for that purpose, as well as that they desire to reach full independence by relying on their own abilities and endeavour, speaks in favour of the need to redesign our traditional approaches to youth upper age-limits. Other findings that help us understand some important dimensions and trends of contemporary life of Croatian youth are summarised below. The most basic socio-demographic data demonstrate that very few young people from our research who are 24 and below are married and few think of having children before the age of 25. About half of them live in a two-child nuclear family in a house/apartment of their own that, averagely, comprises more than two rooms. Very few have an opportunity to live in an apartment of their own, although four fifths express desire to live separately. The aspiration towards such independence is mainly motivated by socio-economic and maturity factors: it is a prominent feature of young people who are university students, whose fathers have more education, and who are over 20. Since the chances of having their own apartment in a reasonable period of time are rather minimal, not only due to the difficulties in finding a job but due to extremely high prices in the housing sector, such prolonged co-habitation and dependency on parents and/or relatives is a frequent cause of young people' s frustrations and is probably related to, together with other factors such as poverty and limited capacity of pre-school child-care institutions, a constant decrease in the average number of children per family. On average, young people are satisfied with their present life and expect no change in the future. Despite a high unemployment rate especially among them, approximately three quarters assess their own present and future life, the life of their closest friends and their peers in Western Europe as good or excellent. Their optimism is somewhat even higher than it was found in the end of 1990s. When asked to imagine their life in 10 years ahead majority see it as a success, either in general terms or in specific terms of their professional advancement or family happiness. Dissatisfaction with present life grows with age and with opportunities to enter the world of work and become fully independent, since the young between 20-24 years of age, both employed and unemployed are more inclined to perceive their present life as unsatisfactory. Interestingly enough, the age does not have influence on the assessment of future, which means, in the context of this research, that young people in general, irrespective of age, equally believe that future brings better opportunities. In reference to their professional and educational aspirations, almost two thirds of the young want to continue education, while one fourth of them think of finding a job. The differences are mainly determined by residential, social, and age factors. Thus, a primary aspiration of pupils and university students, as well as of those who live in Zagreb or in families of higher socio-economic status, is to continue their education. Contrary to them, rural young people, those who live in low-income families, as well as those who are over 20 are more inclined to seek for a job or to continuing the job they currently hold. Over two fifths of young people plan to leave their present place of residence so as to be able to meet their professional and educational aspirations. Almost half of this group prefer to move somewhere inside the country, most often to a bigger city which is perceived as the place that offers better opportunities for career and social positioning, while other half think of going abroad. The percentage of the young planning to leave the country for good rose from 11% in 1986 and 18% in 1999 to 19% in 2002. Their migratory plans are connected to their residential status, i.e. to the conditions in the place or region where the young actually live. Young people from Zagreb are less willing to go somewhere else; rural youth and youth from Eastern Croatia wish to migrate to another place inside Croatia more than any other group, while all groups (except youth from Middle and Northern Croatia who want that somewhat more than others) equally (do not) want to settle abroad. Data on a desired place for living are quite similar to those on migratory plans. The number of youth preferring to remain in their present place of residence and the number of those having no migratory plans are almost identical. When compared to earlier studies, we see an increase in the number of young people preferring to live in large cities. In addition, almost one quarter express their preference for living abroad, majority of which opt for a Western European country. The fact that almost one fifth of all has plans and almost one fourth prefer to live abroad indicate the existence of two closely related but, nevertheless, separate dimensions of youth migratory thinking. While the preference for other counties may mean only an inclination, having plans on migrating abroad most certainly includes active search for such a possibility. In light of our findings it means that at least one fifth of Croatian youth not only dream of leaving the country but actually make plans how to make it a reality. Employed youth is far from being satisfied with their jobs. Every second confirms his or her disappointment. Approximately one fifth of both them and those that are still in the process of education desire jobs in the service or business sector; little less in number think of entering more creative and/or dynamic professions or professions related to education, health care and social services. This means that their professional aspirations are somehow higher that those of their parents, majority of whom have secondary school completed and are mainly employed as industrial, service and shop workers or clerks. Nevertheless, if their choices are compared to the structure of the employed force in Croatia and if we add to it a rapidly changing labour market in all transitional countries, their professional preferences seem rather realistic. This is probably why almost half of the young hold that their chances for getting a preferred job are high or very high. The data also confirm that their estimations are related to age and socio-professional status since pessimism increases with age (except for the university students) and is tightly linked to unemployment status. In any case, optimism prevails among the young and it, as well, may be linked to their strong motivation to succeed in life by relying on their own abilities despite unfavourable social and economic context in which they live. It is also possible, at least partly, that self-assurance of young people comes from positive educational experience. Over half of the young state they feel happy and satisfied when thinking of their schools or universities. However, it is not clear whether their satisfaction should be understood in terms of acquiring subject-matter knowledge and skills or in terms of developing certain personal qualities through participating in school life. Earlier studies on youth have proven that the young have complex relations towards education which are the outcomes of both institutional tasks and personal expectations. Moreover, our results document that feelings about school are correlated with sex and socio-professional status.Girls and university students, in general, are more satisfied with their education, while the unemployed are among the least satisfied. It is also possible that positive feelings about education also relate to school grades. Earlier studies have shown that female pupils receive somewhat better average scores than their male schoolmates, which may explain why girls have more positive feelings about school than boys. • On the other hand, it is clear that school is by no means a source of information about the events in the country and the world for young people since a great majority of them actually receive news through ordinary media (TV, radio, newspapers and magazines). Moreover, Internet has become an important source of information about the country and the world for approximately one fifth and over one fourth of them, respectively. This shift has to do with the fact that over two thirds of the young from our study are computer users and that more than half of them already have computer at home. It is, therefore, obvious that new information and communication technologies are becoming part and parcel of young people' s daily life what needs to be taken into account when policies and programmes of action for promoting their wellbeing are designed, especially in reference to underprivileged youth. Namely, our research confirms that the use of computer correlates with residence (urban environment), family background (parents with higher education and higher socio-economic status), age, and education factors (younger population and students). Nevertheless, young people are not enslaved by new information communication technologies. Most of them spend their free time associating with friends, engaging in sport activities, going to disco-clubs, watching TV or performing outdoor activities, while far less enjoy music, reading books or art exhibitions. In addition, many young people have no daily obligations, except in relation to school and spend their free time idling or sleeping. This means that the majority of youth either do nothing or engage almost solely in the so called passive and/or receptive activities for self-entertainment. Despite that fact, almost three fourths of them claim they are more or less satisfied with how they spend their free time what brings us to the conclusion that the main problem is not the quality of their free time activities but their lack of awareness that the quality itself is being at stake. However, it should be pointed out that their opinions are related to age and socio-professional status. Young people who belong to an upper age-cohort and who are unemployed exhibit far more dissatisfaction with their free time than the youngest. Overpronounced dissatisfaction among the unemployed seems to be an indicator of an overall discontent with one' s own life. For the unemployed, free time becomes a burden not only because they cannot perceive it in terms of an offduty activity but because they can not afford it financially. In reference to the use of psychoactive substances, it seems that tobacco smoking and alcohol consumption are the most widespread types of risk behaviour among the youth. Approximately one third of them smoke cigarettes or drink alcohol daily or weekly ; three fifths are non-smokers and one fifth never drink alcohol. Smoking increases with age and employment. Alcohol, on the other hand, is solely related to gender in a way that young women drink less than their male peers. Such trend may be the sign of a subtle male initiation rite de passage that has outlived its traditional context. Since the data on smoking are more favourable than those from earlier research it may be presumed that an anti-smoking media campaign, which has been going on rather aggressively throughout the country, has brought positive effect, whereas non-existence of similar anti-alcohol campaign may be the sign of a relatively high level of a social tolerance for alcohol consumption. As far as drug are concerned, Croatian youth is more inclined to the so-called 'soft' drugs. Over one third of the young have tried or used twice or more only marijuana ; hashish and ecstasy is mentioned by less than one tenth of them, whereas other 'hard' drugs have been only tried or are consumed by 1-3% of them. The consumption of marijuana is associated with a recognizable youth group, what confirms earlier studies. A group of highest risk is made of young people between 20 and 24, male, university students, the residents of Zagreb, Istria, Croatian Littoral and Dalmatia, and whose fathers have higher education level. A great majority of young people tend to see themselves in rather positive terms: they are self-assured, think they have a good number of personal qualities; believe in their capabilities when compared to other people and have no doubts that most people they know like them. This may be related to feeling of security they experience in the context of their immediate environment since a great majority of the young claim that they can almost always get warmth, care and support from their parents and support from their friends. On the other hand, only every second of them feel the same about their teachers. It seems that most Croatian families are characterised by an exercise of indirect and flexible control over their children in the course of their growing up. In over half of the cases parents or relatives hardly ever determine rules for their children' s behaviour although they do control the choice of their friends, as well as their evening outdoor activities. Moreover, young people claim that their parents are especially keen of their school progress since they almost regularly keep records on their children school situation. • When asked about the most serious problems of their generation, the majority of young people in Croatia mention socially unacceptable behaviour, such as drug abuse, alcohol consumption and violence, unemployment, low standard of living, the lack of life chances and mass migration of young experts abroad. Since unemployment was repeatedly displayed as the major problem of young generation in earlier studies, their present preoccupation with socially unacceptable behaviour may be related either to the sample structure (majority of them are students) or to a general social climate which is, due to predominance of media campaigns mainly geared against smoking and drug abuse (but not against alcohol consumption, except for safe driving), inducing an over-sensitisation to behavioural issues causing, on the other side, the lack of awareness of existentially important issues of young people that are of an utmost importance for their independence and self-satisfaction. Young people are inclined to attribute responsibility for solving these problems primarily to themselves, their parents and public authorities, i.e. firstly to those actors that function at the private level (personal and parents' responsibility), than to public sector (government, education system) and, finally, to the civil society (nongovernmental organizations, youth associations and religious institutions). This means that youth principally count on their personal strength and family support, as well as that they have explicit expectations of state institutions, whereas they think of receiving the assistance from the civil sector only exceptionally. Notwithstanding, since half of the young studied have failed to mention personal responsibility, it clearly demonstrates that both strong sense of self-responsibility and its avoidance stand side by side as two features of Croatian youth. Among the measures that Croatian youth see as the most efficient for solving their problems two are underlined: equal education and career opportunities, on the one hand, and strict punishment of drug dealers and restrictions on alcohol selling, on the other hand. Since the majority of youth consider socially unacceptable behaviour, including drug-addiction, to be the gravest problem of their generation, it is understandable that they see the way out in strict punishing of drug dealers, (rather than consumers), what is still inadequately determined by Croatian law. Other most frequently mentioned measure has to do with the youth quest for developing society of equal chances which is in line with their perception of unemployment as the second most frequently mentioned youth problem in Croatia. Although lesser in number, the young refer to their under-representation and require their participation in decision-making to be ensured at all levels. They also require better adapting of secondary and higher education to the needs of contemporary life, as well as better quality of education, in general; some speak in favour of establishing a ministry for youth affairs, developing national strategy for promoting youth well-being, setting up of funds for youth initiatives, better legal regulations of the places of youth entertainment, i.e., the issues majority of which have already been integrated into the recently adopted National Programme of Action for Youth that is seen as an initial step in developing a national youth policy. The values that the majority of young people hold personally important or very important are healthy environment, peace in the world, gender equality, and rights and freedoms of the individual. Second group of the most personally preferable values encompasses solidarity among people, social justice, economic security, respect for differences, rule of law, inalienability of property, civil society, free market, freedom of the media, protection of minorities, religion and democratic system. The bottom of the scale is occupied by social power, national sentiment, European integration, and high economic standard. The review of their preferences demonstrates a relatively respectable level of democratic potential of young people in Croatia. They are more oriented towards comfortable life based on key principles of democracy and civil society, which is in correspondence with earlier research that have documented the shift to a more individualistic value system, including youth' s preference for independence and their focus on self-realisation and material security. However, their relative devaluation of the importance of European integration may be, on the one hand, the sign of either their dissatisfaction with, or their criticism of the way new European order has been established, partly due to the fact that Croatia has been somehow unjustly left behind. On the other hand it may be the consequence of their perceiving the integration merely in terms of a political objective of which very little they experience in everyday life. This is not to say that they devaluate the importance of European integration for Croatia as such. It would be more accurate to say that Croatian young people are becoming more and more pragmatic in their social positioning of which many think not only in the context of Croatia but in the context of Europe and the world. Having in mind a long tradition of Croatian youth emigration to Europe and the fact that almost 20% of contemporary youth plan to leave the country for good (mostly for a European country), their relation toward European integration may mean that they see it only as an added value to an already established youth migratory pattern in Croatia. of young people about the determinants of upward social mobility in Croatia reflect their accurate perception of social anomalies that, if left unquestioned, threaten to deepen social inequalities and diminish democratic potential of the society. Namely, a great majority of the young see as important or highly important for social promotion in Croatia a combination of the following variables: adaptive behaviour, personal endeavour, knowledge and skills, and connections and acquaintances. University degree, money and wealth, and the obedience and submissiveness to the 'boss', are identified less but, nevertheless, reflect a combination of appropriate and inappropriate means of social promotion. Somehow more troublesome is the finding that one third to one half of the young consider belonging to certain nation or political party, as well as bribing and corruption as important determinants of one' s success in Croatia. These data present an index of youth's perception of Croatian society as the society of unequal chances since it, by allowing nondemocratic practice to play an important role in social promotion, actually discriminates against those who in this matter believe in, and rely on their own abilities and efforts. When compared to earlier studies, it is highly troublesome that almost the same factors of social promotion are estimated as important by both socialist and ' transitional' young people in Croatia. Overall examination of the above results may be seen as an indicator of a process of relative homogenisation of young people in today' s Croatia – certainly, within the issues here examined and at the present level of analysis. There is no doubt that young people here described have many characteristic in common, especially in reference to their marital status, family pattern, housing conditions, parent' s educational background, attitudes towards present and future life, professional and educational aspirations, desired accommodation, sources of information, satisfaction with free time, positive feelings about themselves, feeling of security in relation to their parents and friends, as well as in reference to their abuse of psychoactive substances. They also share their desire for autonomy and independence, and for the recognition by the society at large, as well as their dreams of a more just society in which life opportunities would match individual abilities and endeavour. When they differ, it is mostly due to their varied socio-professional status and age. Residential status, father' s educational background, gender, and regional background are less important. The tendencies that have been documented suggest that youth are divided primarily by their actual social status and stage of attained maturity, and only secondarily by socialization factors, such as social origin in a narrow and broad sense of the term, and a gender socialization patterns. However, further analysis of data should disclose youth dominating trends with more accuracy.

Impactos y desafíos para el ordenamiento territorial de Santa Rosa de Cabal, asociados a los nuevos proyectos de Infraestructura de Conectividad Regional que inciden en la Ecorregión Cafetera y en particular sobre la conurbación del Eje Cafetero, considerando los modos de transporte terrestre, fluvial y aéreo. Esta presentación, a nombre de la Sociedad de Mejoras Públicas Manizales y de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia, para el evento sobre el POT realizado en el Auditorio Pascual López López de dicha ciudad de Risaralda, el viernes 17 de Abril de 2015

Issue 61.4 of the Review for Religious, 2002. ; Identities Spirituality Community Living \ Profiling JULY AUGUST 2002 VOLUME 61 NUMBER 4 Review for Rellgious hdp people respond aria bkfa thful ~ ° ~ to God's ~niversal call to holiness ~ by making available to t~em the ~piH~l legades that flow~om the'charisms of CathoUdeOnsecrated life. Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bimonthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393 Telephone:314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 E-Mail: review@slu.edu ¯ \Veh site: www.reviewforreligious.org Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP Mount St. Mary's Seminary; Emmitsburg, Maryland 21727 POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Periodical postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See iuside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©2002 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to COl)}, any material (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distrihu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. for religious LIVING OUR CATHOLIC LEGACIES Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Adv#ory Board David L. Fleming SJ Clare Boehmer ASC Philip C. Fischer SJ Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Judy Sharp James and Joan Felling Adrian Gaudin SC Sr. Raymond Marie Gerard FSP Eugene Hensell OSB Ernest E. Larkin OCarm Bishop Carlos A. Sevilla SJ Miriam D. Ukeritis CSJ JULY AUGUST 2002 VOLUME 61 NUMBER 4 contents 342 feature Reciprocal Identities: Apostolic Life and Consecrated Life Patricia Wittberg sc oudines the role apostolic institutions had in shaping the identity of religious congregations in the past and describes the role of a person who would be responsible for catalyzing a congregation's reformulation of its apostolic identity in the absence of these institutions today. 352 364 spirituality Diocesan Priesthood: Discerning the Fire in Our Midst George Aschenbrenner SJ describes four steps that are part of a discerning life and three dimensions of the human stage on which the drama of a personal love-relationship with God is played. Desert Spirituality Ernest E. Larkin OCarm examines the ancient traditions of desert spirituality and contemplative prayer and proposes ways to adapt them to our times. for l~eligious 375 community living Three Forms of Community Living: A Survey Report Barbara Zajac makes a sociological survey of sisters in one religious community to explore how they define and create "community." 395 Expert Practitioners of Union: Forming, Living, and Sustaining Community Joel Giallanza CSC reviews the complexities involved in defining or describing religious community and suggests strategies to form and live and sustain community. 407 profiling Merton and the Enneagram: The Ritual Enactment of His Myth Suzanne Zuercher OSB examines Thomas Merton from his journals, considering him as an enneagram 4, his true self more acknowledged over the years, then anguished over, and ultimately embraced. 419 Liberal or Conservative: Temperaments and Faith Edward Krasevac OP proposes that awareness of temperamental affinities for liberal/conservative positions can give us a greater and sometimes much-needed sensitivity to what others are saying and give us at least a partial understanding of why we b~lieve what we believe. departments 340 Prisms 430 Canonical Counsel: Involuntary Departure 435 Book Reviews j~uly-Aug~tst 2002 prisms ~hen we say "We had an extraordinary time," for example, at a family reunion or at a church conference, we imply that the event was better than usual. The ordinary, by contrast, seems to be of negligible value. Ordinary means normal, hav-ing the implications of the usual routine. Often when we say that our time has been ordinary we signify that it has been just "more of the same." When the church makes use of the phrase ordi-nary time to describe a part of the liturgical year, we tend to .bring our everyday meaning to the phrase. We think of the routine of following one of the synoptic Gospel readings in weekday and in Sunday Eucharists. Church ordinary time seems not to emphasize cele-bration, just "more of the same." The church, how-ever, intends only to identify this part of the liturgical year as those weeks of the year proceeding in a long, numerical order (deriving from the Latin ordo) that are distinct from the holyday or holiday weeks iden-tified as Advent, Christmas, Lent, and Easter. And so there are some thirty weeks, liturgically, of "ordinary time" in every church year. But beyond the fact that ordinary time provides us with weeks in a numbered order, I believe that the church in her liturgy plants the seed that ordinary time is meant to be a time of wisdom. Wisdom might be described as "putting it all together," living an integrated life. For us Christians, wisdom means that we put our life together in the light of our being followers of Christ. The scrip-ture readings that flow through the Sunday and weekday read-ings for Mass and for the Liturgy of the Hours are both an inspiration for and a measurement of our living and acting as children of God. Jesus, as we see him living everyday life in the Gospels of ordinary time, remains the paradigm of what it means to be a human being, one created in the image and likeness of God. Being true God and true man, Jesus shares with us, through the Spirit, how to live our lives wisely in our own every-dayness as sons and daughters of God. We are baptized in Jesus' name; we are fed with his Body and Blood. The Son of God, Jesus, incarnate God--infinitely beyond Adam and Eve's mere creation in the image and like-ness of God--is our Brother. With him, we Christians experi-ence the new creation in his life, death, and resurrection. What our Scriptures in the church's ordinary time impress upon us is that we do not turn to the Gospels just for the high points of suffering or triumph or just for some code of rules. The Gospels are written to enter us into Jesus' wisdom way of living. Like St. Paul, we spend our lives trying to make it ever more true that "I live, now not I, but Christ lives in me." The church presents us ordinary Christians with a chal-lenging paradox. Ordinary time is wisdom time. Because we are being formed daily by the word of God and nourished by daily bread, we dare to say with Jesus: "Our Father." David L. Fleming SJ July-August 2002 feature PATRICIA WITTBERG Reciprocal Identities: Apostolic Life and Consecrated Life This year my congregation is celebrating its 150th anniversary. In special symposia and lectures, in liturgies and panel presentations, we have been encouraged to reflect about who ,we are as a community, who we have been--and who we will be. Since I have been researching relationship between religious congregations and their sponsored ministries, these events have spurred me to reflect on what it has meant--and what it will mean--that we are an apostolic congregation. I have, however, found it unexpectedly difficult to do this. How does our charism differ from that of an active monastic or evangelical order? In what way do our apostolates define who we are as a community, especially since very few of us still minister in the schools and hospitals we traditionally staffed? These are important questions to ask--and to continue asking--as we rearticulate our apostolic identity for the coming century. But I ,have come to believe that we lack an importfint kind of resource person who could facilitate our reflections. To the best Patricia Wittberg SC last wrote for us in September-October 2000. Her address is 2141 Dugan Drive; Indianapolis, Indiana 46260. Review for Religious of my knowledge, no religious congregation makes provision for such a person in its reflection processes. There is not even a name for her, so I will call her--however awkwardly--an Apostolic-Identity Catalyzer, or AIC for short2 In this paper I will first attempt to oudine the role apostolic institutions had in shaping the identity of religious congregations in the past. Next I will describe the kinds of activities an AIC might undertake to catalyze a congregation's reformulation of its apostolic identity in the absence of these institutions. Who We Were: Shaping a Reciprocal Identity Throughout their history, apostolic religious congregations have developed in an intimate dialectic with the institutions they created, staffed, and administered. On the one hand, Catholic hospitals, schools, and social-work agencies derived their religious identity primarily from the presence of religious congregations. Religious nurses, teachers, and social workers, all fully habited, served as living icons of the spiritual character of these institutions. As owners they also made the key decisions and policies. Their presence on the staff and in the administration meant that the culture of the congregation infused the entire institution. Without pointing to the congregation's presence, it would have been hard for a school or hospital to articulate what made it Catholic. Until the mid 1960s, however, the two were so intertwined that the question never even arose. In a similar manner, religious congregations derived their apostolic identity from the institutions they staffed. As Margaret Susan Thompson has pointed out in a previous issue of this journal,2 most U.S. women's apostolic congregations did not have a distinctive initial charism: rather, they have a "deep story" developed through years of lived experience. The distinctive identity of my own congregation was forged as sisters worked and lived together in our hospitals in Dayton and Albuquerque, Religious congregations derived their apostolic identity from the institutions they staffed. Wittber~ ¯ Reci~n'ocal Identities as they made bulletin boards together for our elementary schools in Detroit and Chicago, and as they cared for children in inner-city settlement houses and orphanages in Denver and Cincinnati. Young women got to know us through our ministries, and those attracted by our witness in these apostolates joined us. The congregation filled with new entrants who came expecting to perform institutional service, which further tied our apostolic identity to these works. Without citing the particular places where we served, it would have been difficult for many of us to articulate exactly what being an "apostolic" community meant. A Parallel: Mission-Effectiveness Offices in Catholic Institutions Most religious communities today have loosened, and some have completely severed, their ties with their institutions. Within their hospitals, colleges, and other agencies, this has led to some serious institutional soul-searching. Bereft of the iconic presence of the religious order, these institutions were in danger of losing their distinctive religious character. "Isomorphic" pressures from government regulations, professional associations, and economic competitors threatened to make them indistinguishable from other private schools or hospitals) The leaders of these organizations realized that retaining a distinct religious identity in the face of such pressures would require a deliberate effort. An institutional religious identity could not simply depend on the private spirituality the individual workers might bring to their jobs. Such spirituality was likely to remain private to each individual, since there are strong American cultural norms against sharing one's spirituality in the workplace. A school's, a hospital's, or a social agency's institutional religious identity had to be developed and shared in a way that would be transformative: grounding the daily operations of each department, underlying the administrative decisions, and spurring an ongoing, institution-wide search for new and creative ways to be a Catholic (or Jesuit or Vincentian) organization. Many religious hospitals, colleges, and other institutions, therefore, created special mission-effectiveness positions to address these goals. The person filling this role--often the last remaining member of the sponsoring congregation still in full- Review for Religious time ministry there--has typically been responsible for activities such as the following: ¯ orienting new staff and administrators to the charism or ethos of the sponsoring religious community (Jesuit scholarship, Vincentian caring, the spirit of Mercy); ¯ organizing periodic retreats and seminars for long-standing staff and administrators, in order to keep the spirit of the founding congregation fresh and alive; ¯ conducting various spiritual "leaven" activities: leading daily prayers over the public address system, organizing liturgies, providing short reflective prayers before meetings, disseminating newsletters or daily bulletins, erecting and maintaining religious iconography, and so forth; ¯ creating psychic and physical spaces where staff and administrators feel encouraged to share their spiritual journeys; ¯ estab-lishing awards for staff and administrators who most typify the founding spirit, and publicizing the winners of these awards; ¯ writing, updating, and promulgating the mission statement; ¯ raising ~ssues of mission and ethics at meetings of the board of trustees and other instances when key decisions are made; ¯ acting .as liaison with the sponsoring congregation, to help define what the implications of congregational sponsorship are for the institunon; ¯ serving as the religious-identity spokesperson to the media, overseeing public relations activities connected to the institution's religious identity. This is the ideal, of course. Many mission-effectiveness directors are marginalized, lacking any real input into the organization's decision making. A recent study found that "even in colleges that maintain the vice-presidential rank for the mission-effectiveness officer, there is no guarantee that the position will enjoy institutional prominence . Frequently the position operates on the .periphery of the college, resulting in compartmentalization rather than integration of mission concerns into daily senior-level academic or administrative decision making.''4 Mission statements may be mere words, Many mission-effectiveness directors are marginalized, lacking any real input into the organization's decision making. July-August 2002 PVi~tberg * Reciprocal Identities uncoupled from and alongside the day-to-day running of the institution. But at least the concept of mission effectiveness exists in our institutions, and we can readily articulate the kinds of activities such a position would involve. Apostolic-Identity Catalyzer: An Unknown (but Necessary) Role The same is not true for the position which I have termed the Apostolic-Identity Catalyzer. In fact, the apostolic congregations I know of do not have such a person. But, if mission-effectiveness offices are important for maintaining the religious identity of a school or hospital in the absence of its founding religious congregation, an apostolic-identity office should be equally important in helping maintain the apostolic identity of a religious congregation that is uncoupled from its institutions. In this section I will try to explain why I believe this to be so. When apostolic religious congregations withdrew from their institutions, they lost a key component of their former identity. Monastic and evangelical congregations, which had been inappropriately conformed to the apostolic model in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, could--and often did--simply revert to their original identities. But, to the extent that apostolic congregations had drawn their identity from their specific institutional works, they have had to devise a new articulation of who they are as a group and why they exist. "Isomorphic" pressures have also influenced this process. These pressures do not come from government regulations, professional standards, or economic pressures dictating what kind of identity an apostolic congregation should assume. Rather, they come from the ideals or "templates" current in the church and in society, which presume a primarily spiritual basis for the identity of religious groups. These spiritual foci commonly fill the void left by the loss of a congregation's institutional apostolate. Some apostolic communities have thus become more like small Christian communities, faith-sharing groups, or even parishes. The members minister in various locations and professions, pray privately every day, and meet regularly as a group for shared prayer and/or socializing: Other congregations Review for Religious have formed intentional communities that more closely approximate the monastic model: the members live and pray communally, but leave for separate ministries during the day. In either case, the conKregation begins to draw its identity more and more from the common spiritual activities of its members, and less and less from any common apostolic character. New entrants are attracted by the spirituality of the congregation, not by its distinctive common apostolates --which no longer exist. The metamorphosis continues. If apostolic religious life is to retain its distinctive identity, apostolic congregations must take deliberate steps to foster it. As with the religious identity of our former institutions, this will not happen automatically. Nor can we assume that our congregation is apostolic simply because we, as individual religious, give witness to God's love in our individual apostolates. (Surely all Christians are called to do that!) A congregation's apostolic identity must be transformative of the entire congregation, grounding the daily operations within the motherhouse, provincialates, and local houses, und.erlying the decisions of the council or leadership team, and spurring the community on its search for new and creative ways to be an apostolic congregation. This is where an apostolic-identity office would be useful. Since I know of no congregation that provides for such a role, the following list of suggested tasks is deliberately modeled on the activities which mission-effectiveness offices perform in our sponsored institutions. Within a given congregation, therefore, the AIC might be responsible for some or all of the following tasks: ¯ Orienting new members to the apostolic tradition of the congregation, as part of the formation program. This might include workshops or presentations, along with arranging visits to the former institutions and interviews with retired sisters who used to work there. ¯ Organizing periodic retreats and seminars for the professed and associate members of the congregation on the way(s) the congregation currently expresses its apostolic identity. This might include facilitating volunteer opportunities (whether single days throughout the year or six-week summer experiences) at some sites. Or theologians might be invited to community gatherings to discuss the various theologies of the interaction July-Augt*st 2002 Wittberg * Reciprocal Identities between spirituality and the apostolate. Or the clients served may be invited to give input on how they see the apostolic witness of the congregation and how it can be improved. ¯ Conducting various apostolic "leaven" activities within the congregation: circulating specially written prayers for specific apostolates and/or designating specific days of prayer for them; writing feature articles on the apostolates in the congregation's newsletter and/or disseminating a special newsletter on the apostolates; organizing the collection of money and goods; erecting and maintaining displays of apostolic artifacts at the motherhouse and elsewhere; initiating letter-writing campaigns to elected officials on apostolic issues; and so forth. ¯ Creating psychic and physical spaces where members are encouraged to share the insights, joys, and sorrows they have derived from their apostolates. The Daughters of Charity, with whom I currendy live, have a special monthly apostolic reflection wherein each member of the local house shares some incident from her ministry through which God has spoken to her that day. In a local house of another congregation where I once lived, we spent an afternoon and evening visiting each sister's work-place so that we could have a mental picture of the setting in which she spent a good part of her day. ¯ Establishing awards or other forms of recognition for individual members whose apostolic works witness to the character of the congregation, and publicizing these awards in the congregation and in the surrounding neighborhood or town or city. ¯ Leading reflections and other activities on the apostolic aspects of the congregation's mission statement (or facilitating the composition of such a statement if one does not currently exist). ¯ Raising issues of the congregation's apostolic identity at council meetings (which implies that the AIC is a member of the council). ¯ Initiating a congregational reflection to define exactly what the "sponsor" relationship requires of the congregation. As at least one critic has pointed out, the duties and obligations of sponsorship are often specified for the sponsored institution, but rarely are similar duties and obligations spelled out for the sponsoring congregation,s The MC might encourage meetings of both the leadership and the membership to outline the responsibilities the congregation has toward its institutions. Once these are determined, the AIC might be the one to see that they are met. Review for Religious ¯ Serving as a liaison with the various sponsored ministries. If the congregation has a separate board of sponsored ministries, then the AIC should be a member of it (and perhaps chair it). ¯ Serving as the apostolic-identity spokespdrson for the congregation to the media, overseeing public-relations activities connected with the congregation's apostolic identity. Again, this is an idealized picture. As with the mission-effectiveness offices in our former institutions, the activities of the apostolic-identity office may be marginalized in a given religious community. Many religious are so heavily involved in their ministries that they may resist invitations to set aside time to do this kind of communal apostolic sharing. Others may wish to forget about their jobs--especially if they find them draining and exhausting--and focus on more spiritual and recreational matters during the congregation's brief time together. Still others, formed in the days of common ministry within large institutions, may not - feel the need to discuss how apostolate is related to religious life today. And, since an apostolic-identity office is such a novel concept, many may not see why one is needed at all. Surely our congregation is already top-heavy with leadership? Why do we need to release another member from active ministry to do this? Perhaps the demise of the apostolic form of religious life is inevitable. Large hospitals, colleges, and other institutions may have become so bureaucratized and professionalized that they can no longer credibly represent a corporate Catholic vision of education, healthcare, or social service (although, of course, individual teachers or nurses--lay and religious--may still bring their private spiritualities to their jobs in these institutions). Fast-paced American culture, steeped in workaholism, may make it difficult to stop and be reflective about the work we do. There Many religious are so heavily involved in their ministries that they may resist invitations to set aside time to do this kind of communal apostolic sharing. Ju~-dugu¢ 2002 Wittberg * Reciprocal Identities may be a greater need for religious life forms focused on community and spirituality than on work--especially work in large institutions. Certainly monastic and contemplative religious communities are showing stronger growth than most apostolic ones.6 Religious life may thrive in monastic, evangelical, or future undreamed-of forms, even if its apostolic version becomes extinct. Perhaps an AIC would be a useless relic of a time already past. Or perhaps not. Perhaps what the world most needs is the witness of a group whose common vision for a transformative spiritual identity permeates the offices, factories, and marketplaces where its members work. Perhaps the reciprocal dialectic of religious community and sponsored ministry, each forming and transforming the other, is a longed-for alternative to the prevailing, "Enronized" corporate culture. Perhaps apostolic religious congregations possess the seed of a new corporate ministerial presence in the world, over and above the scattered individual ministries of their members. If so, then this vision, this dialectic, this presence, must be fostered and nurtured to growth. An AIC would have her job cut out for her. Notes i This is a terribly unattractive name, of course, but I am unable to think of any other. If this article persuades any congregation to establish the office of apostolic-identity catalyzer, they might consider naming it after a founding member who exemplified the apostolic dedication the congregation wishes to foster. 2 Margaret Susan Thompson, "Charism or Deep Story? Towards Understanding Better the 19th-Century Origins of American Women's Congregations," Review for Religious 58, no. 3 (May-June, 1999): 230-250. 3 According to sociologists studying organizations, "isomorphism" refers to the many pressures, both external and internal, which lead them to adopt similar practices. External pressures would include government regulations, professional accreditation standards, and the demands of customers/clients. Internal pressures would include ways of thinking that administrators develop from all of them being trained in the same schools, clinging to established practices in times of uncertainty, and needing to project an image of competence. See Walter W. Powell and Paul J. DiMaggio, eds., The New Institutionalfim in Organizational Analysis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). 4 Dennis H. Holtschneider CM and Melanie M. Morey, "Relationship Review for Religious Revisited: Changing Relations between U.S. Catholic Colleges and Universities and Founding Religious Congregations," Occasional Paper No. 47, Association of Governing Boards of Universities and Colleges. s Melanie M. Morey, Leadership and Legacy: ls There a Future for the Past? A Study of Eight Colleges Founded by Catholic VVomen's Religious Congregations, dissertation, School of Education, Harvard University, 1995, p. 203. 6 "Monasteries Enjoy Boom, with Some Help from Marketing," Religion Watch 17, no. 6 (April 2002): 2-3. Promissory In early March buds begin to swell on my peach tree. It is too soon. This uncertain month delivers snow and fro~t with its warm, sweet winds. But there they are, small, swelling promises of succulent fruit, nature's resurrective fiat silently shouting down my wintery worry with summer's certainty. Bonnie Thurston July-Aug~tst 2002 GEORGE ASCHENBRENNER Diocesan Priesthood: Discerning the Fire in Our Midst spirituality These are not easy days for the diocesan priesthood. Sexually inappropriate behavior has been making rousing--and saddening--copy in newspapers and magazines. This behavior can be, must be, viewed from a number of different perspectives. I mention just a few: the horrendous injustice and injury done to the victims; the sickness, often, of the perpetrator himself; the lack of honest dealing with sexual urges; the unjust accusation of some priests; the betrayal and undermining of the trust of many members of the church; and the faithful, generous service of many unheralded diocesan priests. I do not deny the seriousness of the present situation, nor am I insensitive to the many serious repercussions of the publicity. We all have much to learn from this difficult time for the diocesan priesthood. Seminary formation programs--indeed each individual priest--must honestly and carefully look at both sexual orientation and the swirling interior cauldron of sexual impulse, fantasy, and urge. Sexuality George Aschenbrenner SJ was cofounder of the Institute for Priestly Fbrmation at Creighton University in Omaha, Nebraska, and.is director of the Jesuit Center for Spiritual Growth; P.O. Box 223; Wernersville, Pennsylvania 19565. Review for Religious is only one aspect, but always an important one, of the discerning presence 6f the diocesan priest in the midst of a local people. This article is not about the sexual aspect of discernment, but implications for that area of human experience will be easily recognized. I focus on a central constituent of diocesan priesthood, namely, the priest's discerning presence in the midst of a local people. (In a recent book I develop this and other charisms that are needed in diocesan priesthood.)! The desires and needs of his people seek, from the diocesan priest, discernment, the art of holiness, but these desires and needs may not be easily detected. Holiness, in itself, does not seem something most people are daily concerned with. But reflection may suggest otherwise. Though often thought of or spoken of in other words and with a deceptive indirectness, the longing of the human heart for more--for something beyond what we have and appreciate, beyond our present knowing--stirs in all of us from time to time, especially in quiet moments. If we sometimes find this longing in ourselves, we must assume it in others as well. And, when the glow has faded from life and still we cannot say or put into words what we are missing, we and others may recognize that this longing for more is really a desire for an ever greater goodness, for holiness, in fact a desire for God. The ordinary people of a parish feel this in many ways, but may seldom try to express it. They desire holiness, a relationship that gets them out of the narrow confines of their own self. They seek greater meaning, more happiness, and greater love in the humdrum of ordinary living. Other people in the parish are more explicit and direct. They want to pray better; they want to know God's love more; they want their faith to be more alive. Though some may have a counselor or friend with whom they speak of these concerns, the principal person to whom people bring such stirrings and longings is their diocesan priest. They look to him for help, for answers, for the solution to their dissatisfaction. But what can the priest do? What answers does he have? He is presumed to have the graced art of daily growth in holiness. This is precisely what we mean by discernment of spirits. It is a very human process, God's subtle inspiration enlightening us to interpret, make sense of, the fire of God's awesome love present in the ordinary daily experience of us all. In various ways the human psyche is always encountering our Ascbenlrrenner * Diocesan Priestbood loving God. And these experiences are indeed profoundly human, and yet so much more. In faith they are experiences of a love promising a joy that alone can satisfy our longings, to some real extent here and now, but fully only on the other side of death. This discerning art of holiness is not a catalogue of answers to be learned and then distributed on request. Rather, it is a life to be lived in the uniquely personal part of our hearts, and yet with extroverting implication for all our human brothers and sisters and for our union with them in the transformation of our whole expanding universe. This article, then, is not a minicourse on discernment, nor is it a review of the answers a priest will need for all the people's questions. Rather, I want to present something of what is involved in a priest's discerning understanding, in his radiating the fire of the Holy Spirit for the people of his parish. I will describe four steps that are part of a discerning life and then three dimensions of the human stage on which the drama of a personal love-relationship with God is played. As a spiritual leader in the midst of the parish, the priest must have a reflective understanding of the art of discernment, seen as the dynamics of any mature faith life. This charism prepares the priest to play two important roles of service among the people: as a guide into the mystery of God's fire of love and as a soul doctor for those being healed and purified in that same fire. Discernment: God's Story of Mature Faith Growth Holiness and growth in union with God always involve the full human person alive in his or her concrete circumstances. A person's spiritual maturity, then, involves good actions, but also much more. It involves feeling and emotion, but also much more. Together with concern for actions and feelings, spiritual maturity must go down into a person's inner core. It is from this core that God's love should radiate into holy action and feeling so that people can readily become aware of God's love in the world. This radiation is an invitation to notice and welcome God's love in every situation. Discernment of spirits means achieving such recognition. Sometimes discernment is mistakenly seen as one of any number of approaches to mature spiritual development. Indeed, Review for Religious some schools of faith growth have their own terminology. Under these different articulations, however, is one fundamental process of growth toward mature faith, a sorting of inner experiences. For this reason, discernment of spirits is the story of personal faith growth, God's story of it. This process has two roots: our human reality within God's creation and God's revelation in Jesus. Discernment of spirits is God's story of us, narrated both in our makeup as human creatures and in God's love for us all in Jesus. If only this love shone clearly, brilliantly, beautifully in every situation! At times it does, of course, but at other times the radiance of this love is stained by smog or hidden by a heavy cloud of evil. If all were goodness, grace, and beauty, how wonderful--and surely no need for any careful sorting in such a good world. Or, if all were evil, darkness, and wickedness, we would live on the brink of despair--but, again, no need for any sorting or sifting. But, when the world of human beings is ambiguous and mixed, and still we are c~lled to find the goodness in it and to display it in ourselves in our daily lives, then a discernment of spirits within ourselves assumes an essential importance. We must learn to distinguish our selfish impulses from the radiant inspirations of the Holy Spirit of God. Most people have not developed the skills for expert discerning of spirits, but, if they do no discerning at all, mature faith eludes them. The priest, then, the spiritual leader and soul doctor in the parochial community, must do the hard work of learning the theory and practice of soul doctoring, of discerning holiness. In the midst of such careful inner sorting, we must never forget this: God desires and is committed to each of us in Jesus more than we can fully realize--and the Holy Spirit is constandy active in our hearts and our world. Christian holiness always has its initiative in the fire of God's loving desires for us. It is never a figment of our imagination or a product of our willpower. It is the mystery of God's precious gift for us all. But each of us must The priest must have a reflective understanding of the art of discernment, seen as the dynamics of any mature faith life. 3~uly-du~lst 2002 Aschenbrenn~ * Diocesan Priesthood learn to recognize, receive, and nurture the gift. And we need a guide to lead us, in some special ways, into the fire, into the radiant glow of that mystery: God's love burning bright in Jesus. The Material of Discernment God wants each of us to imitate.Jesus uniquely. The great challenge and invitation that haunts us all is to discover our true self in Christ. For each of us God intends a unique revelation of Christ. Though the enterprise has very complex aspects, the point is as simple as it is startling: God wants each of us to imitate Jesus uniquely. The very self that God intends each of us to be is a unique, living imitation of Jesus. And that life of ours is meant to shine for all the world. This true self, this unique revelation, this treasure is camouflaged in the spontaneous interiority of our daily consciousness. This pearl of great price, this treasure beyond all value, must be searched for and recognized when stumbled upon. Into the daily spontaneous consciousness of the priest and of his people come many images, feelings, thoughts, impulses, and moods, sometimes quietly, some-times shockingly. This inner world has a variety of seasons, bright hopeful springs and dark threatening winters. We might wish we could glimpse our true self in Christ conveniently and directly, avoiding tentative efforts to interpret these various elements in ourselves like the weather. But we do not even have anything like a satellite picture of our ow~ inner world. God takes the complexity of our human condition seriously, and so Jesus usually comes to us at the place where our own consciousness tangles with today's large or small historical realities. To try to avoid this encounter would be to deprive ourselves--and other people, too--of our unique opportunity to reveal Jesus Christ as God intends, that is, in daily circumstances that without our presence may lack the glow and radiance of fire. Whenever one person avoids these opportunities, the radiance of us all is somehow dimmed. The diocesan priest, doctor of souls that he is called to be, must not fail to uncover the treasure in these moments; others, seeing it, will carry the glow far beyond him. Revie~ for Religiou~ This discerning search for the treasure of our true self can be described in four steps, steps easier to describe than to apply to real circumstances. My intention is to describe the steps so that the priest can learn to recognize them in his own experience and then make them his own. This discerning process can then help the priest, the soul doctor, to guide people in discovering and welcoming the mystery of God's love in their own hearts and lives. Turned toward God This first step is most important and profound: an identity in Jesus Christ. Until this identity has been cultivated enough, serious discernment is not possible. A serious turning to God readies the heart for discernment and so initiates any trustworthy searching for the treasure of God's personal, uniquely specific love. This turning is a real change that grades the ground of our heart to a new incline: away from ourselves and toward God. It is more than a passing fancy or a momentary quirk. The realization that we are conceived, marked, and shaped from the dawn of our existence by a God who always and only loves, this realization takes root and changes the landscape of our daily lives. This realization of a Love greater than the love we have for ourselves stops us in our tracks. It invites an about-face. It gets us out of ourselves. A whole new vista opens up. We have discovered and been turned toward Someone more beloved than we are to ourselves. Is this Love for real? Can this Beloved be trusted? What are we to make of all this, of these subtle perceptions. As we pay closer attention to them, the realization can come that receiving and responding to such Love assumes an importance beyond all else. The ground under our feet shakes and radically shifts. At this juncture, there is a clarity; something has clearly changed. A central question has been posing itself in our heart for a long time: Am I the ultimate meaning of my own life? As we heard that question, the winds of our contemporary culture kept howling their answer: "Yes, of course! Of course I am the ultimate meaning 'of my own life! If not I, who else could be?" But now that yes is radically shaken and splinters into a clear no. The tree of my life is changed. I am no longer the ultimate July-Augwst 2002 Ascbenlrrenner ¯ Diocesan Priesthood meaning of my own life. Now my life's meaning is God's Love-- as promised and present in the risen Jesus. A new sun has risen, and it will never set. Now life becomes, more and more, fascination with this mysterious Beloved and radical openness and readiness for whatever that Love draws me to. Something has deepened and developed. An early seedling of religious intuition has become the fragile sprouting of a realization that by being tested becomes stronger and more deeply rooted. An early surmise and semiconscious intuition becomes a resolute desire of will. No tall grass shivering in the wind, but a tree, deeply rooted and still growing. This resolute desire shapes and casts our lives in love: first, God's ever faithful love in the risen Jesus and then our own love, our carefully discerned response of love. From now on, life is about love, at times tough love, but love nonetheless, and always. Make no mistake about that! In some important way, we are no longer in charge of our own lives. God is! Life is not yes to self, but yes to God, as shown in Jesus ("with him it was always yes," 2 Co 1:19). Facing Our Spontaneous Life Insofar as the countercultural movement to God's love has begun to take serious rooting in our heart, a second step beckons. Only honest facing of our inner spontaneous life makes it possible for us to find, in faith, trustworthy understandings about God. This statement is true, but it prescinds from the ingenuity of human consciousness for dishonest avoidance and selfish projection. We must learn, as best we can, to stand clear of these deceits and deceptions, whether conscious or unconscious, if we are to discern God's loving desire in our hearts. This is no easy matter, and invites the priest to an asceticism leading to truth and love. Sometimes this asceticism, always motivated by a growing desire to live in God's consoling love, will involve unlearning some previous training. An overly rationalistic view of Christian spirituality downplays, even scorns, the role of spontaneity and feeling, while on the other hand a supersensitivity to feeling and sentiment can smuggle into Christian spirituality a presumption that proclaims, sometimes quite unwittingly, that whatever we feel is God's will for us. In both of these instances, a previous Review for Religious learning must be honestly acknowledged, judged as incorrect, and gradually changed. As difficult as this change may seem, especially when the previously learned viewpoint has taken deep root, such a conversion is always possible for two reasons: first and foremost, the mystery of God's steadfast desire to get through to us and, second, our own soul's desire for ever greater radiance. If the priest stays in close touch with these two desires, he will be capable of whatever transformation is necessary because it will really be the work of the radiant Holy Spirit of God beckoning him beyond his own depth and into the realm of greater mystery in faith. A Wisdom of Interpretation in Faith In the process of the discernment I am describing here, for someone clearly turned toward God and honestly sensitive to the flow of inner spontaneity, the issue becomes a matter of meaning: Where is God in all of this? The answer requires a certain wisdom and ability to interpret. But interpretation could spring from any number of different vantage points, for example, from lived common sense, from majority cultural opinion, from professional human development, or from Christian faith. All of these different "wisdoms" might overlap to a small or large extent, but each would produce a different conclusion when used as the central focus of interpretation. In discernment the focus is profoundly one of Christian faith, a faith radiating with the experience of Jesus Christ and revealed in the Holy Spirit. How God is present here, now, offering a love beyond all loves--that is the central concern for a person turned toward and identified in God. As we have seen already, God is always present in all of our present historical world and in all of our spontaneous inner experience, but never simply and completely present to us. That treasure of a love beyond all value, that revelation of our own unique imitation of Jesus, must be sought in the mixture and confusion of our inner lives. An enlightenment of the Holy Spirit springing from our experience of God's faithful love alone--that is the gift needed at this point. Such enlightenment and wisdom differ subtly, though sharply, from enthusiastic generosity and simplistic sincerity. By themselves, without graced wisdom, these two qualities lack a North Star and can be dangerously ~Tuly-Au~st 2002 Aschenbrenner * Diocesan Priesthood misleading. The wisdom referred to here has a profound paschal orientation and is found more and more decisively present and operative in Jesus as he moves into the depths of his Passion all the way to Calvary and into his resurrected glory. This wisdom and enlightenment is hot the result of taking an academic course or reading a book. And it is not some sleight of hand or guesswork either. It is a grace the priest must pray for regularly. It has a firm context, and this helps the priest to be sure about the giftedness of his insight. The insight is tested in relation to the polestar of our identity in God's love. The. presence of the Holy Spirit is revealed in anything that conforms to our resolute desire to keep God's love, not self-love, as our focus. And anything that violates this focus is not an inspiration from God, but a nudge, large or small, toward self-idolatry. A pleasure-pain instinct in all of us tries to tilt us toward self-idolatry. This instinct of liking pleasure and fearing pain is understandable and healthy. But, when we let it assume a priority and centrality, when it becomes the focal light for our interpretation, then we become narcissistic. This pleasure-pain principle, in itself, is never fully identified with the paschal enlightenment of God's love. It was not so identified in the experience of Jesus. The pleasure-pain instinct did not plot his course to his beloved Father. Escaping 'the dominance of this instinct demands an asceticism. We are not to renounce this instinct pure and simple; rather, we renounce it as the polestar of our identity. Developing in faith our interpersonal relationship of love with God in the beauty of Jesus will not completely get rid of this instinct, but will weaken it. God's love ~n Jesus has become the treasure beyond all value, and what a grace it is to know indescribable pain when deprived of that treasure. To learn how to stand with Jesus, sometimes in pleasure and at other times in pain--this is the mature wisdom of a person consciously living in God's love. It is to claim the treasure intended by God before the foundation of the world: a radiant true self uniquely imitating the mystery of Jesus. Tactics for Intimacy with God The final step in this process is decisive tactics in accord with the paschal-faith interpretation of the previous step. For Review for Religious someone whose heart is resolutely set on following the lead of God's love, anything experienced as an incarnation of that love (often called consolation) is to be embraced, claimed, and lived, and anything that deflects us from God's love and toward self-idolatry (usually called desolation) is to be rejected and courageously withstood. In this step the issue is courage and decisive generosity, something possible only when illumined and strengthened by paschal wisdom. The issue is whether we will follow, and how wholeheartedly, the revelation of the Holy Spirit. This is the time for the soul's character to be healed and for faith to be annealed in the fire of the Holy Spirit. This process helps the hidden self grow strong, so that the priest can be a discerning presence in the midst of the people. Discernment, a life of mature spirituality, always acknowledges, distinguishes, and then interrelates three different dimensions of human existence: external behavior, what I call the core of the soul, and inner spontaneity. To develop and live out of the core of our true self is never easy, if possible at all in our post-modern world, but is always crucial for responsible, mature living in faith. Today's culture has great need of doctors of the soul who can facilitate the development of this core sense of true self through the integration of these three dimensions of human existence. Though our external behavior is perceptible and often consumes enormous energy, it is nothing more than a superficial part of our being. The activity on this stage poses a question of meaning, a question that it cannot itself answer even though it may seem to contain adequate answers for others and even ourselves. In our daily activity we touch and influence many people. As the New Testament reminds us, the activity of sincere loving reveals the genuineness of our faith. In the midst of our busy lives, the question often rises in our hearts: Are we simply what we do? Some careful reflection is needed to answer correctly and accurately. The question often rises in our hearts: Are we simply what we do? 2002 .~chenbrenner ¯ Diocesan Prie~thood A Hidden Self Grown Strong The soul's core is the unique and deepest part of every human person. This core plays a crucial role in the discovery of our true self in the beauty of Christ. A deep-hearted personal world, a treasure beyond value, is gradually revealed, acknowledged, and then laid claim to, though this whole process is much more one of receiving than of making. This inner core has a depth and a simplicity that is beyond words. As we grow in our appreciation of this personal center, its presence dawns, alluringly shrouded in mist and mystery. In the shifting mists of this mysterious realm, a noisy world is hushed. God breathes eternal love and life into this core of our soul moment by moment and on into eternity. This same creative love, unique to each of us, is in all of us. Our experience of God and of ourselves becomes ever more profound, personal, and unique. Even as you now read, this profoundly personal inner experience, this quiet steady conversation of love at our deepest core, gives the lie to feelings of suffocating loneliness. It gives the lie to the hateful notion that anybody is rotten to the core. Because of Jesus' love, a buried treasure, a pearl beyond pricing, a hidden self waits to be discovered in each human being, to be embraced, and to grow strong. Spontaneity takes place in the "skin" of our soul, in the rational and affective human experience of us all. As mentioned earlier, this experience of spontaneity conceals the deep treasure of our true self in Christ. These spontaneities of thinking and feeling may skitter across the skin of our souls, but do not touch the core. Spontaneities of impulse, image, and mood can flail and crackle and roar across our lives like an electrical storm. Such skitterings, such storms, coming and going, can bother or frustrate or enrage us. But they do, finally, pass. This level, spontaneous unintended experience, has the unpredictability of shifting sands and is not capable of the rock-like dependability of the core of the soul. This skin of the soul poses its own question: Are we simply and wholly identified by what we spontaneously think or feel? Though "what I feel" is never equal to "who I am," in the midst of a temporary storm we can all too easily judge otherwise. These spontaneities, though, really are on a different level. They are part of a process of integration, of coming to spiritual Review for Religious maturity, but they have their meaning only in relation to the soul's core. The presen.ce of these three dimensions of our persons and the four-step discernment process for integrating them should be familiar to the priest. Such integration is the way to mature faith and to appropriate activity that mature faith leads to. This integration is sometimes easy and obvious, sometimes confusing and excruciating. But doing it in love, doing it in our own unique imitation of Jesus' way of loving us, makes it possible, encouraging and strengthening us. This is the realm of service for a doctor of the soul. If the seminary communicates this and if it continues long after ordination, the result of this integration, this purification, will be like gold, bright and not sadly tarnished. To his service of their souls, the priest will bring a radiance that can illumine and develop the bright potential of their own lives. This radiance will be God's love shining from the face of the risen Jesus, still serving in our midst. Notes I George Aschenbrenner SJ, Quickening the Fire in Our Midst: The Challenge of Diocesan Priestly Spirituality (Chicago: Loyola Press, 2002). 2 See George Aschenbrenner SJ, "A Hidden Self Grown Strong," in Handbook of Spirituality for Ministers, ed. Robert J. Wicks (Mahwah: Paulist Press, 1995), pp. 228-248. "Hidden Self," pp. 236-240. In the Words of Meister Eckhart The soul loves the body tenderly, even when, like a child on edge, it runs rambunctious through desire collapsing at last and won&ring why. Maryanne Hannan ~Tuly-dugv~st 2002 ERNEST E. LARKIN Desert Spirituality Booth Christian Meditation and centering prayer come out f early monasticism, which itself is a development of desert spirituality? Christian Meditation is the prayer of the heart described by John Cassian, the historian of desert spiri-tuality, who brought the wisdom of the desert fathers and moth-ers of Egypt and the Middle East to the West. Centering prayer comes out of the Cloud of Unknowing, a 14th-century English text that enshrines the contemplative traditions of the desert. It is no accident that both these contemplative prayer forms came to us by way of Benedictine and Trappist monasteries. Desert spirituality was the beginning of Christian monasti-cism and the matrix out of which Western monks developed their lifestyle. Contemplative prayer was at the heart of their life, and desert spirituality was the context. This article proposes to examine those ancient traditions and adapt them to our times. Desert spirituality is a technical term that has biblical and early Christian roots. The desert experience is a staple of both the Old and the New Testaments, for example, in the Exodus story, in the life of Elijah and the prophecy of Hosea, in John the Baptist, the forty-day fast of Jesus, and the three-year novitiate of Paul in Arabia (Ga 1:17). This desert experience was devel-oped into a coherent spirituality by the desert fathers and moth- Ernest E. Larkin OCarm wrote for us twice in 2001. His address remains Kino Institute; 1224 East Northern; Phoenix, Arizona 85020. Review for Religious ers in the 3rd and 4th centuries of the Christian era. These fer-vent Christians fled to Egypt and the Middle East to escape the decadence of an effete Roman empire. The wastelands offered a stark and untrammeled setting for a life of penance and prayer. Its rugged emptiness and its silence and solitude invited the flight from the world OCuga mundi). A special appeal to heroic souls was the belief that the demons infested the wastelands and could be met there in open combat. It did not take long for the desert dweller to discover that the demons were within and to be engaged on the battleground of the soul. Life in the desert was simple. Manual labor broke the monotony of the silence and solitude of the cell and provided .its own asceticism as well as sustenance and something for almsgiving. Desert dwellers spent their days in soul searching and the pursuit of the living God. Community life, especially when the solitary life prevailed, and outreach in ministry were clearly sec-ondary and not really part of the inte-rior struggle. Continuous prayer was the focus, and the abbas and the ammas spent their time in lectio div-ina, reading the psalms and the breviary, celebrating liturgy, and cultivating the prayer of the heart. These are the main fea-tures of desert spirituality. In this setting Christian holiness was a kind of white mar-tyrdom, a total giving over of one's life to God, the shedding of all self-indulgence in favor of a single-minded search for God. The desert was a graphic symbol of the emptiness of life and the otherness of God. The emptiness translated into purity of heart, a heart freed from sinful affections and centered on God. Thus the beatitude that best sums up desert spirituality is "Blessed are the pure of heart, for they shall see God." Contemplation is the goal, and letting go of all lesser aims and surrender to the living God the condition. This general principle is abstract and can be lived out in an imaginary as well as a real desert. The desert as symbol universalizes desert spirituality as a possibility for everyone. There is, however, still place for the physical desert in ordinary Christian life. We examine this role The desert as symbol universalizes desert spirituality as a possibility for everyone. ]My-August 2002 Larkin ¯ Desert Spirituality in the next two sections of this paper, and we will return to the symbolic desert in the third section. Our first question is this: What can the desert do for me? In other words, why should I go out into the desert? The second question is a prophetic one: What can I do for a desert that is now under attack by the forces of neglect or consumerism? How do my efforts to protect the environment or my failure to participate affect my personal life? After these two reflections we will return to the overall princi-ple of desert spiritfiality, the call to emptiness and encounter with God. What Can the Desert Do for Me? In Scripture the desert is primarily the wasteland, and it leads to the garden of the promised land, the desert come to life, as in Isaiah 35:1-2: "The desert shall rejoice and blossom . The glory of Lebanon shall be given to it, the majesty of Carmel and Sharon." Both the bleak image and the flowering one apply to the physical desert as we use the term today. The desert means the wilderness, the great outdoors. This includes barren wastelands like sand dunes or the scrubby flatlands of Texas or Arizona, but also verdant gardens, scenic forests, majestic moun-tains, and rolling plains. The desert is all the places on this beautiful earth that are still largely untouched by city sprawl and offer themselves as a refuge for weary people. These lands can be gift for our spirits. They refresh us and challenge us. They beckon us to "come aside and rest awhile," away from the noise and congestion of the city with its polluted air and harried traffic. The desert is the place to hike a trail, fish a stream, pic-nic with friends, or just smell the sage and be with one's long thoughts. " Except for some few families that have declared their inde-pendence and homesteaded in the wild and some rare hermits who have also settled there, people today only visit this desert; they do not dwell there. They go out for physical exercise and emotional refreshment, for meditation and for fun. They enter desert places hostile to human habitation very gingerly, armed with water jugs, proper sun gear, and ideally with companions. Some visit these "fierce landscapes" (Belden Lane) for excite-ment, others to deal with a crisis, a limit experience, a sorrow Review for Religious that overwhelms them. Perhaps unconsciously they are looking for an environment that mirrors their troubled soul. A good example of this kind of match between soul and terrain is a retreat for middle-aged men described in a recent publication.2 It was conducted by Richard Rohr and designed to help men from many walks of life through their midlife crisis. The retreat took place at Ghost Ranch in northern New Mexico in the sum-mer of A.D. 2000. The men were challenged to let down their defenses and face themselves squarely. The retreat turned out to be a harrowing rite of passage. The torrid summer heat and the bleak lonely emptiness of the desert combined with soul-search-ing introspection and dramatic rituals to test the most stout-hearted. More often retreats or "a day in the desert" are spent in more friendly spaces. An attractive pastoral setting calms the soul and provides the quiet that people need for facing the real issues of their life. God seems closer in pristine settings. One popular formula for such outings is the poustinia, a concept pop-ularized by Catherine de Hueck Doherty. Poustinia means her-mitage, and folks become poustiniaks for a day, bringing along only a Bible and a bit of bread and cheese. The poustinia can actually be a back room or the attic of one's home, but there are advantages in going out to the woods or the seashore. Getting out in the country, breathing in the fresh air and fragrances of the meadows, walking around the lake or trudging along paths in hilly terrain, can be healthy physical exercise and spiritual refreshment. These are ways of slowing down, of refus-ing to be a couch potato and insuring the balance of mens sana in corpore sano (a sound mind in a sound body). Grace builds on nature, so a healthy body and soul are a good basis for the life of God in us. A good health regime works directly against anx-ious, workaholic tendencies or the equally bad habit of inertia and laziness. Recreational activities also develop the playful side of our lives. This is our contemplative side. Visitors to the desert know that God is everywhere and that they do not have. to go up to the heavens or across the sea to find the word of God. "No," Deuteronomy says, "the word is very near to you; it is in your mouth and in your heart for you to observe" (Dt 30:11-14). But the desert facilitates the search. The wide open spaces, the silence and solitude, reveal God. July-August 2002 Larkin ¯ Desert Spirituality Silence is the best conta.ct point with God, since God is always present, though beyond speech, images, and concepts. The desert fosters this silence, this emptiness, the letting go of every-thing that is not of God. The desert is built for kenosis, the self-emptying of Jesus, who was perfectly open to God and was therefore exalted with the pleroma, the fullness of the resurrec-tion (Ph 2:5-11). The desert way is the way of emptiness and fullness. These reflections belong to the first step on the spiritual journey, the appreciation of creation. Original blessing pre-ceded original sin, and immersion in creation and appreciation and love for this gift ought to precede the work of redemption. This is the thinking of Teilhard de Chardin, Matthew Fox, Francis Kelly Nemeck, and Marie Theresa Coombs. More recently Dorothee Soelle sees "being amazed" as the first of the three ways or stages of the spiritual life? Instead of the classi-cal ways of purification, illumination, and union, she proposes "being amazed, letting go, and resisting" as the three steps. Amazement and appreciation help us take an objective stance before the earth, and this makes it easier to let go, the second of the three ways for Soelle. This leads us to involvement, to compassion and commitment, regarding the world. She calls this resistance, because it involves working against the threats to the environment and society. That is to say, we resist and work for justice in all areas of life, such as the economic and the eco-logical orders. The unitive way calls to action as well as divine union. What Can I Do for the Desert? The work of saving the earth is a challenge and responsi-bility for people everywhere today. The call resonates among informed spiritual persons. They have listened to the new cos-mology presented by scientists like Brian Swimme and the "geologian" Thomas Berry, and they have heard the plaintive warnings of the environmentalists that the earth is wounded and in danger of collapsing. The universe has become part of today's spiritual journey. The whole universe and its crown, homo sapiens, are seen as one vast living organism in which they depend on each other and rise and fall together. In the past the Revieva for Religious earth was looked upon as an appendage of humanity. Humanity alone counted, and the rest of creation was expendable. Human beings pursued their own desires recklessly, without thought about the effects in the environment. They could trash the earth, abuse it or destroy it, without worry because there were always other virgin territories to exploit in the same way. This was an affront to creation; we see it now as an affront to human life as well, because, in the words of Edward Abbey, "the wilderness is not a luxury but a neces-sity of the human spirit just as vital to our lives as water and good bread.''4 The uni-verse is an integral part of our human life. We are partners, and we participate in growth or decline together. In the abuse or destruction of the universe, we are diminished and dehumanized. The commission in Genesis 1:26 to have "dominion" over the earth did not give humans the right to abuse it. We are only caretakers, not absolute owners; we cannot take the myopic view of looking for an immediate return in pleasure or profit with no thought about the long-term loss to creation and the short-changing of future human beings. One reviewer of Thomas Berry's latest book, The Great Work: Our Way into the Future, quotes Berry and then adds some strong words of his own: "'What happens to the outer world happens to the inner world,' Berry avers. 'If the outer world is diminished in its grandeur, then the emotional, imaginative, intellectual, and spiritual life of the human is diminished or extinguished.' Our inner being will die if we continue to transform natural beauty into the soul-deadening, concrete-laden, box-store landscapes of a consumer society." s The obligation to safeguard the environment has three aspects: personal, societal, and spiritual. Each person needs to treat the desert with love and respect. Some of that concern is cosmetic, like cleaning up after using the land and properly dis-posing of the debris, especially nonbiodegradable material. Respect and moderation mean that we do not harm the plant life by careless trampling, that we obey rules about camp fires and camping, that we leave the natural beauty intact without pil-fering plants or otherwise harming the vegetation, that we Each person needs to treat the desert with love and respect. July-Aug;ust 2002 Larkin ¯ Dese~t Spirituality carefully control toxic substances like pesticides or poisonous chemicals. These are cominonsense suggestions. The societal obligation may take the form of joining groups like the Sierra Club that are dedicated to the environment, or of lending one's name to, say, Robert Redford's campaign to save the National Arctic Wildlife Refuge. Systemic problems can be addressed only by group action that can effect structural changes. We need to support these causes. There is no other way to stop the pollution of our waterways and atmosphere, to keep indugtrial wastes out of our rivers and lakes, to find ade-quate ways of dealing with nuclear waste, to stop the destruction of the ozone layer, to save the rain forests and wetlands, and to halt the woefully unbalanced overconsumption by the few. Elizabeth Johnson writes: "Every year, the twenty percent of Earth's people in the rich nations use seventy-five percent of the world's resources and produce eighty percent of the world's waste." 6 There is a special spiritual component today because of the crisis in saving the earth. Time is running out, and experts say that there are only twenty-five or thirty years left to turn the destructive spiral around. The problems are over-whelming, and the laborers are few. We can organize and we can work, but the odds are against us. At such times we need overt divine help. Specifically the challenge is to pray con-templatively, to face the societal impasse which Constance FitzGerald, in a famous article several years ago, connected with the dark night of St. John of the Cross: The dark night occurs as impasse in all sectors of human life, whether prayer, human relationships, or societal renewal. One response to impasse is trusting acceptance, silence before God, and lov-ing surrender, which bring wisdom and strength and which are qualities of contemplative prayer. We take our insoluble problems to God. We wait with faith and trust, ready to spring into action in changing what we can deal with and accepting what we cannot change. Contemplative prayer is an admission that our problems may be beyond human resources. But our prayer is full of hope, because contem-plation may stretch our imagination and inspire new creative ways of dealing with the problem. Solid prayer will certainly strengthen our resolve to continue the struggle. The popu- Review for Religious larity of contemplative prayer in our time may well be con-nected with the magnitude of the problems of this age. Desert Spirituality in Its Purest Form We return now to the traditional meaning of desert in the spiritual life, namely, desert as physical place and as symbol. The desert of the first abbas and aromas was the real wasteland. Anthony and Pachormus spurned the fleshpots of the Roman cities and went to the bleak deserts of Egypt to be alone with God and to keep careful watch over the movements of their hearts. The purity of heart they sought meant that they tried to choose only the good, to do everything right, in perfect measure, for the right reasons. They prayed and fasted to put to death the old man within themselves, so that the new man could come alive. They underwent this discipline for one reason: They wanted to see God. This goal was not face-to-face vision, as heaven will be (1 Jn 3:1-3); nor was it seeing God as an object, the way I see a person in front of me. Neither was it simply a new understanding, a new image of God, or a new perception. It was a seeing that meant presence, companionship, walking with God. It was contemplative union with God. Contemplation follows purity of heart as night follows day. We have a window into the thinking of the desert fathers and mothers in the first conference of John Cassian.s The imme-diate objective of life in the desert was purity of heart; this he called the skopos (English "scope"). The skopos is oriented to a further good, which he calls the telos, the end or final purpose. An example of these two aspects of human endeavor is the life of the farmer. The farmer prepares the soil, plants the seed, hoes and manures the field. All this is his immediate task, his sko-pos. But he does it all with a view to the harvest, which is the telos, the real purpose of his work. If the skopos of life in the desert is purity of heart, the telos is the fullness of the kingdom of God, the resurrected life. This program of seeking perfect purity of heart in order to find God can be applied to every Christian life. Purity of heart-- as freedom from every actual sin and as right relationships with self, others, the world, and God--is the immediate task of the daily struggle. Purity of heart is more than chastity; it is all the Larkin ¯ Desert Spirituality Purity of heart is all the virtues in perfect integration. virtues in perfect integration. This marvelous condition is often set in negative terminology. It is called detachment, or indif-ference, or freedom from sinful habits. But it is a very positive condition identified with biblical faith. This faith is the response to the word of God wherever it is recognized. It is the faith of the Virgin Mary in St. Luke's Gospel. At the annunciation, for example, she is perturbed at the angel Gabriel's message. How can she, a committed virgin, be the mother of the Messiah? When the angel assures her that God will provide, she gives her full assent to that word. She lets go of her own project in favor of God's word. A high degree of purity of heart means a heart full of faith. It means a heart full of love. The pure of heart are loving per-sons. They will see God, that is, they will know and love God, as described in the First Letter of John: "Beloved, let us love one another, because love is from God; everyone who loves is born of God and knows God. Whoever does not love does not know God, for God is love . No one has ever seen God; if we love one another, God lives in us, and his love is perfected in us" (1 Jn 4:7-8, 12). For the desert fathers and mothers and espe-cially for theologians like Evagrius and Gregory of Nyssa, see-ing God meant contemplation. This gift was the reward for the purification, and it consisted in experiencing union with God. This contemplation was not one particular experience, nor an altered state of consciousness. It came out of transformation. By allowing one's life to be brought under the movement of the Holy Spirit, one was born a new person, a "new creation" (2 Co 5:17). This new creature lived in the world of God and expe-rienced God in the whole gamut of his or her worldly occupa-tions. Contemplation was thus a way of life, not a particular experience. The Carmelite Application The evolution of desert spirituality suggested in this paper has special reference to Carmelite history. Carmel came out of Review for Religious the desert, born on Mount Carmel, home to the Old Testament prophet Elijah and to hundreds of hermits at the time of the Crusades. The Carmelites were one group of such hermits; they sought a rule of life from the Latin patriarch of Jerusalem, Albert of Avogadro, who held the office between 1206 and 1214. The result was the Rule of St. Albert, a contemplative and eremitical document that was simple, practical, and eminently scriptural. The tides of politics and war, however, forced the Carmelites to leave their sacred mountain and go back to Europe as early as 1238. The eremitic style of life underwent change in the direction of community and ministry, eventually making the order a mendicant one like the Dominicans and Franciscans. One of the early general superiors, Nicholas the Frenchman, tried to stem the move to the city. In 1270 he wrote a strong let-ter, called "The Fiery Arrow," calling the men to return to the desert. But the mendicant form of life had struck a chord in their hearts. They continued to foster their contemplative long-ing, but now they carried the desert in their hearts. The desert was a symbol now rather than the physical reality. A second charter of the order, called the Institution of the First Monks, dated 1370 and written by a Catalonian Carmelite, Philip Ribot, presented a symbolic life of Elijah and the example of the Blessed Mother as both a description and a defense of the new lifestyle. The book incorporated the thinking of John Cassian, especially on the structure of the religious life as the search for purity of heart and contemplation. The desert spirituality of Mount Carmel was adapted now to an active apostolic life. Henceforth Carmelite spirituality was at home in communities of active religious and lay people as well as cloistered contem-platives. The reform of Teresa of Avila and John of the Cross two centuries later built on this document and renewed and perfected the eremitical-contemplative ideal of Carmel. They did so, not only by promoting desert houses of total contem-plative life, but by organizing a way in which every Carmelite house could be, in the words of a great Carmelite of the next century, John of St. Samson, another Mount Carmel. The desert spirituality of Carmel's beginnings had become democratized and available to all who espouse the ideals of the Carmelite tradition. 3 73- --- July-August 2002 Larkin ¯ Desert Spirituality Notes t Christian Meditation and centering prayer are two popular forms of contemplative prayer, designed by John Main OSB and the Trappists at Spencer, Massachusetts, respectively, the former promoted by the World Community of Christian Meditation under Laurence Freeman OSB and the latter by Contemplative Outreach, whose leader is Thomas Keating OCSO. 2 Donal O'Leary, "High Noon at Ghost Ranch," Furrow 52 (January 2001): 27-35. 3 Silent Cry: Mysticism and Resistance (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001), pp. 88-93. 4 Cited from his Desert Solitaire by Thomas J. McCarthy, "The Ultimate Sanctum," America (9 April 2001): 6. s Stephen Bede Sharper, "A New Heaven and a New Earth," Christian Spirituality Bulletin 8 (Fall-Winter 2000): 15. 6 "God's Beloved Creation," America (16 April 2001): 9. 7 "Dark Night as Impasse," in Living with Apocalypse, ed. Tilden Edwards (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1984). s Conferences, of John Cassian, trans. Colm Luibheid (New York: Paulist Press, 1985), pp. 37-43. Devotion I am twelve, have read of the child Virgin martyrs, and decide it is High time I practice such virtue. At My next confession, after the usual Childhood sins, I say I want to Vow myself to God like a saint. The Assistant pastor, thinking fast, replies That at present I don't know The vocation God has chosen For me, but I may promise him My chastity until I take that vow, Or those of marriage. Satisfied, I rejoice in God's favor, and Make my promise. Mary Hanson Review for Religious BARBARA ZAJAC Three Forms of Community Living: A Survey Report For much of the 20th century, sisters who performed charitable service works lived in convents near the institutions they served. As missions and roles changed after the Sister Formation Conference (1950s) and Vatican Council II (1960s), so did the living arrange-ments, often necessitated by travel considerations. Congregations such as these had called themselves "communities" when they held common missions and residences, and they continue to use this term today even though--wearing few or no common ~ymbols, ministering in widely diverse occupations, and residing in locales favorable to their mission assign-ments- many are barely identifiable as members of a group of sisters. Puzzled that this topic received little attention in sociological literature aside from Wittberg's analyses (see Bibliography), I found myself raising several research questions about the meaning of "community." Does it mean a location-based entity? A process? A set of relationships? A task force? A par-ticular goal or ideal toward which people strive? As part of a larger study (Zajac, 1999b), I studied Barbara Zajac first contributed to our pages in 1999. Her current address is Department of Sociology; Indiana State University; Terre Haute, Indiana 47809. July-Aug£ust 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living one religious order of apostolic sisters. Though from their founding the group provided chiefly educational and medical services, individual sisters now select their own mission assign-ments, which include traditional teaching and parish pastoral work, professional careers such as psychologist and speech pathologist, and social activism and feeding the homeless and hungry. Throughout California over a two-year period (1995 and 1996), fifty members of this congregation were interviewed indi-vidually and in-depth. Although the sample was volunteer and purposive, it is considered fairly ~:epresentative of the order in general (see Zajac, 1999a). Additional information was obtained from the group's monthly magazinE, religious periodicals, and selected participant observation. The group is given the pseudonym Sisters of Reconciliation of JesusI (SRJ). Similarly, individual names and identifying factors have been disguised or altered. What Community Means It is evident that there is no widespread consensus about the word community. Putting feelings into words was difficult for the sisters, and they responded in words they were comfortable using. Some began with what I would call generalized notions of community, and others described what community involves or how it can be formed and lived. Still others spol~e of mani-festations of community and of how community is maintained. Nearly everyone cited some of the qualities I will describe under manifestations of community. Anything approaching near agreement on most of the gen-eralized notions of community was absent. Some sisters attached the term to a specific location, while others denied the impor-tance of a spatial component. Some described community as an ongoing process that is never completed, or as an ability, agree-ment, or commitment. Others mentioned the people involved and the human connections among them. A number of the sis-ters spoke of community as a bond or tie among people, a togetherness, while others used such phrases as "a living-out of the vows," "a unanimity of vision and purpose," and "the charism [of the Sisters of Reconciliation] lived out." Regarding Review for Religious the often mentioned familial nature of community, there was much disagreement. Some denied that it is a family, some described it as "like" a family, and others claimed that it is "more than" a family. Certain sisters told me they think community involves notions of struggle, being invested in the group or having a sense of ownership about it. Some explained the factors by which they create for themselves a sense of "community," ger-mane to the can-be-done category. While at least one sister cited similar ministry as the key to community, others thought the key is personal characteristics such as being open to others, try-ing to understand them, and being thoughtful, prayerful, and considerate. Many said that much communication is needed, and a great deal of give-and-take, exemplified in being open to others, trying to understand them, and allowing for the flow of communication, with its misunderstandings, disagreements, and concurrences. Others talked of the mechanisms by which community can be sustained, such as living or working together, "making it happen," or constantly articulating the meanings. The latter suggestions are rather nonspecific, but the next item is quite different. Certain sisters told me they think community involves notions of struggle. Manifestations of Community Nearly everyone listed one or two qualities in the category called manifestations ofcommunity. A good many used a small number of emotionally laden terms, heartfelt terms: empathy, interconnectedness, sharing. Others used different words, but their intent seemed similar enough that I could not justify putting their statements elsewhere. Examples of this are "living together, not singly" and "working on things together." In this "manifestations" category many talked of the people they encountered, or of the work as being a continual process; some continued an articulation of "what community means to me." Human behaviors and interactions, with their sentiments July-August 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living and attitudes, make up the heart of community. Empathy is expressed especially through concern and caring, through notic-ing and having interest in others. One person termed this a "feeling for" others, and many called it "support." Such senti-ments are displayed in such particular behaviors and actions as showing respect and appreciation or at least acceptance; if not, the reality of the sentiments is questionable. If empathy is pre-sent and expressed, the members of a group develop and main-tain an interconnectedness, an interdependence, a mutual sense of belonging. They develop a social solidarity. Empathy, empathic behavior, and interdependence work together in what is called sharing, which seems to be central. Nearly all the sisters interviewed mentioned the sharing of something, whether faith or prayer, tasks, worldly goods, help-ful services, or expressions of caring support. Sharing faith and the spiritual life was mentioned most frequently, and, along with it, the emotional support this sharing provided. Things like housework, goods, and ministry are shared differently, depending on the specific living arrangements (to be described shortly). The sharing of spirituality and various works rein-forces caring sentiments and behaviors and the sense of being interdependent. It is through sharing even ordinary things that crucial personal connections are created and sustained. Representative Community Groupings Three types of community living groups will be described: a self-named "intentional" community, what I term a residen-tial community, and a community of one. These are composite portraits. They do not describe every type of living situation, but seem representative of the arrangements of active Sisters of Reconciliation. Intentional Community "House of Peace" is the sign next to the doorbell of a large house in a run-down neighborhood of the central city where poverty is endemic and violence is the norm. The home of five SRJs, this intentional:community was formed with express pur-poses in mind. The sisters deliberately chose its location amid Review for Religious widespread desolation in order to identify with and serve the poorest people of the city. The members were selected for their personal and professional qualities, namely, a desire for an intense spiritual life and an unwavering dedication to the mis-sion of the Sisters of Reconciliation in serving the city's need-iest people. There are five regular residents. Sister Elaine Sherman runs a transitional housing program for homeless families. Sister Mary Anne coordinates the sisters' social-justice efforts. Sister Ruth Patrick, retired from a full career of teaching, daily trav-els twenty miles each way to where she cooks and serves meals to transients. Sister Bertina Marie, who is bilingual, is a com-munity activist and pastoral minister in the Spanish-speaking community. Sister Jane Th~r~se, who has not yet taken her final vows in religious life, teaches religion in a local Catholic high school and hopes to study divinity in the future. The house is also the home base of a sister working in a residential house for adolescents and of sisters visiting temporarily from mission lands or elsewhere. Sister Ruth Patrick, the oldest sister and the one longest in the SRJs, was the driving force for starting this new house. She had been aware of the brewing turbulence in religious life since the 1950s and thought then that the sisters ought to be living more adult lives than was possible while rigidly observing detailed rules and daily schedules in sequestered convents. She wanted to live out her own values explicitly, holding prayer in common, sharing with the poor, living very simply, and being concerned about others and accountable to them. And so she looked for sisters that she felt had a strong sense of the SRJ mis-sion and were dedicating their lives to living it. She looked for sisters who knew themselves well and.knew what would equip them well for their ministries. She looked for sisters who were aware of what would personally empower them and what might drain them of apostolic energy. She looked for sisters who were willing to give support to others and to receive it as well. Such sisters she approached with her proposal. Perhaps most important, these women must be open to new forms of prayer such as sharing of the heart rather than recit-ing formulaic prayers at specified hours. This prayer involves common reading of a passage from the Bible' and then individ- July-August 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living ual reflection and comment on what the reading means to each one, how it applies to her own life. It demands a willingness to be open and vulnerable to other people. This sharing of faith and spirituality is not for everyone. Some older sisters, in par-ticular, have been reluctant to engage in it. Now, when a new member wishes to join the house, she comes and talks with the existing group about her hopes and ex.pectations for common life. She learns that, in addition to sharing faith and emotional support, the group divides up the house chores, such as bookkeeping and paying the bills, shopping for food and preparing meals, cleaning and yard work. She learns that she is to live on the allotted personal budget and to reserve some of that money to support foreign missionaries. She learns that "one person's guest is every person's guest" here. Although a sister may dislike or resent such an interview before being admitted to a new house, she needs to remind herself that the present residents consider it crucial that new residents know and agree to support these values and their explicit expression. Sister Elaine, who came to religious life through her vol-unteer work and not directly from her Catholic schooling, explains more about this group's dynamics~ Although they min-ister in diverse fields with varied schedules, they reserve one night a week as their community night, when all will be present for prayer, eating, and sharing. Her social-work background leads her to describe the difficulty of working with people "who are blocked up" by past traumas or interpersonal issues. This form of life, this "microcosm of society," is a difficult life to live. It must enable sisters to go out and minister to the world. They must learn to be communicative and must get to know each other's histories. Since there are various workable arrangements for getting through days cooperatively and smoothly, the sisters must con-tinually strive to accommodate themselves to the others in the group. Sister Elaine thinks that an all-female group can be "really beautiful and powerful or really terrible," depending on how they handle interpersonal relations. The key thing, in her experience, is to keep talking to each other and "not whine." She admits that she had to learn some of these things herself in community living and that it is still sometimes difficult to keep her own "space." She is one of those who prefer not to talk to Review for Religious anyone for a few minutes after arising in the morning, so she now showers at this time to maintain her internal quietude. Pastoral ministry to the poor and immigrant Spanish-speak-ing community is Sister Bertina Marie's specialty. While her day is occupied with teaching English as a second language and running a community center with various offices and activities (Head Start, legal clinic, medical outreach services, and chil-dren's programs), she is an integral member of the House of Peace. Seeking more ways to live out the SRJ vision, charism, and values, its members extend love and hospitality to sur-rounding neighbors. The sisters offer their house as a site for Neighborhood Watch and other meetings. They make sure that flowers are always growing in their yard to symbolize nonvio-lence in a locale where drugs, gangs, and hostilities abound. Sister Bertina Marie stresses the integration of the house goals with individual ministries: all identify with and serve the poor, value deep prayer life in common, and support others with goods and hospitality. Sister Mary Anne, the government-affairs coordinator for the congregation, spends her.time researching, writing, lobby-ing, and educating people about political issues that affect the poor. Working for such structural change where results come slowly if at all is for many an enervating and thankless task. She talks of recognizing one's own needs as well as those of others, and of balancing community life with ministry. She speaks from experience. At one time she held a position that "totally consumed" her. She thought she was in a vocation crisis and should perhaps leave the community. She was so burned out that she" had nothing to give to anyone and did not even want to "bring Jesus" to the people she worked with. An extended retreat, however, provided her with reflection time to realize it was her ministerial position that needed to be changed, not her SRJ affiliation. Now she highly values living with oth-ers who think as she does, all of them giying and getting real emotional and spiritual support. "Community has been a gift to me," she recalls, mention-ing the friends she has made and how they "move together in growth." She says she was one of the first to propose and pio-neer small-group living and that her experience with eight oth-ers proved its value for her. Being honest with each other and .~tuly-August 2002 Zajac * Three Forms of Community Living "I'm not accepted just because I'm capable. I can be a failure and I'm still loved." sharing their deepest values were what she had been seeking. When all members had the "same thirst for God and the desire to live out a faith life in mission," they found they did not fight over little things, but rather worked them out, a quality that is sometimes missing in residential communities. The youngest member of the House of Peace commun!ty is Sister Jane Th4r~se, thirty-something, planning to take her final vows within a year. She was attracted to this house for sev-eral reasons besides its location near where she teaches religion to inner-city children. She was pleased that there were a vari-ety of ages together there and liked their outreach to the neigh-borhood. As a newer SRJ, she appreciated this group's willingness to work with younger members and pass on wisdom and insight from their experience. Sister Jane Th4r~se cites a sentence to describe the com-munity's value to her, a line from the SRJ constitution: "With the strength that comes from our life together, we turn to serve the world in need." "This was not only memorized," she says, "it was lived." She remarks that the constitution holds that SRJs share "all that we have and are," including personal uncertainties, frailties, and inabilities, all of which she knows firsthand. Before her current ministry she was locked into a miserable sit-uation where she had no power or auth.ority. She says that, although her sisters in this local community were in no position to give her help or even offer constructive criticism, speaking about her difficulties and receiving support in return were cru-cial to her fulfilling that assignment. Such unconditional accep-tance comes from being a member of the community. She says, "I'm not accepted just because I'm capable. I carl be a failure and I'm still loved." The ability to be vulnerable and to share one another's gifts helps her "to find God active in the world." In addition to these regular residents, House of Peace is also the local community for Sister Mary Kimball, a member of the SRJs of the East Coast. In Califoi'nia to gain experience in a new ministry, she runs a home for truant and delinquent high Review for Religious school girls who show academic or other creative potential. Because this ministerial unit requires her live-in presence, she affiliates with the House of Peace local community. Ordinarily she will be there every Monday evening to share dinner, prayer, and occasional social activities. Being a member of this group keeps her from feeling isolated and abandoned and allows her to give and get support within the context of her commitment to the mission of the SRJs. Residential Community The convent of St. Junipero Serra sits amid a pleasant res-idential neighborhood in the west side of the city. Next to the Catholic church and school, it once housed sisters of the con-gregation responsible for running the school. Now no sisters teach there. Not needed for parish activities, the building is rented to the SRJs for a reasonable fee. The residential com-munity is home to seven SRJs engaged in various ministries; the youngest is in her forties, and two are semiretired. This convent is run by group government, explains Sister William Joseph, who teaches math at Sacred Heart College for Women, established by the SRJs. Group government, originally an experimental form of living, applies now to almost all resi-dential groups and means participatory decision making in mat-ters that involve all members. The group collectively determines the extent of common prayer life, shared meals, other domes-tic activities, and group celebrations. "Respect" and "acceptance" are two words frequently heard in this group because, as one explains, "not all things can be shared well." This group has decided to share morning prayers Mondays through Fridays, and to gather one evening a week to share experiences and discuss the business of the larger con-gregation. They support the large community of sisters at events and serve as a "presence" in the parish. The group evening may be for holiday celebrations or indi-vidual birthdays or religious feast days. At the time of Sister William Joseph's interview in early January, there was a tall dec-orated Christmas tree in the common living room where we talked. She told me that this community would be celebrating its Christmas that evening, exchanging gifts. During the previ- July-August 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living ous week, all were out visiting their families, so a common celebration was postponed. Sister William Joseph was one of those who did not want to break up the convent into smaller residential groups in the 1970s. She has always appreciated the exposure to many other sisters and did not wish to lose contact with those she might not encounter in her ministry or in small-group living. She says she has always had to "stretch herself" for others, but adds that this is part of the commitment they make to each other. Similar is her opinion of all the congregational events this house supports; she really does not care for so many meetings and events, but attends as part of the duty she upholds. Sister Adia Marie Buckley, too, is involved in academics. An administrator at the same college, she speaks about reli-gious- life community a little differently. "Although there must be people with whom one lives and with whom one must main-tain friendly relations," she says, "community extends to much more than this." She explains the kinship sense she feels with the broad congregation of other SRJs in the United States and else-where in the world, and with affiliate members, former mem-bers, and sisters in other orders. Sister Catherine Tivnan, who runs an office at the congre-gational headquarters, explains why she chose this house: "They're kind of middle-of-the-roaders, and I thought I'd fit in with them. I thought this was what I was looking for in peo-ple, for not heavy-duty intensive living, but just a nice, com-fortable place where I would fit in and would be accepted." By "not intensive" she explains that in some places there are peo-ple who "dissect everything and practically have a magnifying glass on everything you say and do." She says she does not mind such psychological probing on occasion, but cannot take a steady diet of it. She gives an example. A sister with whom she used to live would read every article in the Sunday newspaper and then want to discuss it with anyone in the room at the time. Eventually Sister Catherine would explicitly refuse to talk with her. She preferred to look at the paper rather quickly and then move on to other activities like walking by the beach or going to a movie. Sister Elizabeth Conan is a registered nurse and medical instructor who teaches away from home two or three evenings Review for Religious a week. Dressed in jeans, sneakers, and a plaid shirt, she tells me that she does less of the cooking for the house than some oth-ers because of her split work schedule. Her family also occupies her attention for about one day a month because of some difficult illness. She loves spending time with her sisters in com-munity, however, including their times of play. She likes to barbecue in good weather, and she says that at times she will just put out a sign-up sheet shortly beforehand, rather than planning everything well in advance. "Dressed to the teeth" was the impression Sister Margaret de Lorca made when I met her in her office at the parish hall. She explains that, coming from an artistic family, she had always enjoyed the use of color in her surroundings, although she did not wear it during many years of teaching in the traditional habit. Working part-time now, Sister Margaret works in religious edu-cation, organizing prayer groups, directing occasional retreats, and providing individual spiritual direction. She tells me that the sisters have common prayer in the house at 6:10 a.m. Monday through Friday. They initially prayed together in the evenings, but found it too difficult because of their divergent schedules. She contrasts living here in a small group with living in the congregational center, which is home to about a hundred sisters and was her home for two years. Even though residents here have to work to find time to be together, it takes a lot less energy to relate to this group than it would to everyone in the large community. Life was stressful for her there because, in walk-ing down a hallway, she would commonly encounter ten or twelve different people. By the time the tenth person said "How are you, Sister Margaret?" she would be exhausted. She is "not an extrovert," but also "not a strong introvert," so daily relations with six other people are plenty for her. Another member of this group is Sister Margot Monroe, an educational psychologist who does counseling for individ-ual schools and has a private practice for handicapped children. The sisters have common prayer in the house at 6:10 a.m. Monday through Friday. July-dugv~st 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living Though she loved the children she encountered in her teaching career, she became frustrated by the time required for extracur-ricular events like sports and cheerleading. She wonders if the congregation made a mistake leaving teaching en masse, and thinks the sisters should have taken more risks in starting new schools and programs.' She also expressed her frustration about the church, where "the hierarchy has not accepted our SRJ growth" and women religious are "only tolerated in the church and not really accepted." This leaves her in the painful posi-tion of being more removed from general church affairs than she would like to be. She feels similarly frustrated in her residential community, where not all have grown theologically and personally to the extent she has. Some of the sisters are not accustomed or very open to sharing, which she finds particularly "life-giving." "People can fulfill all their responsibilities," she explains, "and still not share who they really are." Although she tries to encourage certain ones to be more open, she does it in a gen-tle manner. Still, she finds this group to be a little shallow: "I feel I have community with the people I live with, but it's rather superficial. We're nice to each other. Our horarium for the day is not problematic at all, but I wish we had a depth of sharing that would bring us all to a different place." She believes, however, that living in this house is a trade-off. These people are not her best friends, of which she hag a num-ber outside this convent. While she gains depth and stimula-tion from her outside friendships, here she has the freedom and flexibility to come and go as she pleases without making com-mitments for large blocks of personal time and energy. The final resident of this group is also semiretired. Sister Patricia Louise, in her nineties, likes to cook and works in the parish food pantry. She says that "the diversity of ministry now militates against close community life," which they had when all worked together. This way is "harder but healthier"; it keeps people in contact with diverse fields and offers stimulating con-versation. She says: "It used to be that, if you all taught in the same elementary school, your conversation was always about families in the school, problem kids, what was going on in the parish. But this way we also know what is going on at the col-lege, at the high school, and at the hospitals." Review for Religious Despite their interdependence in the common life, how-ever, they are independent about their use of free time. She says that everyone is very "embedded" in what she is doing on her own and that not living with one's best friends is really an advantage. She adds that she never wanted a residence that was "like a hotel" and prefers the interdependence she finds here. Even though these women do not have "a lot of involvement with each other, what they do has value." A Community of One Sister Zo~ Warnercalls herself "a community of one" because no other sisters live or work with her and she does not have weekly contact with members of her congregation. Fifteen years ago she went out on her own with the blessing of the com-munity (but no funding) to create St. Martin's Children's Center, a temporary residential and resource center for children in fam-ilies undergoing major upheavals in their lives. Like an available set of grandparents, this center can care for up to fifteen chil-dren for a maximum of thirty days each, although the staff tries to restrict it to fewer children and shorter periods of time. Sister Zo~ lived in this large residence with a dog as her sole com-panion while the structure underwent remodeling and opera-tions eventually got underway, and she still lives there. Her purpose in inhabiting the building before its operation was to become a "presence" in the town and to begin to get a "community focus" on the center. She is referring not to the SRJ community now, but to the neighborhoods, businesses, and voluntary groups which support the center's activities. Her strat-egy evidently worked, because, as people came to know her and her plans, they wanted to participate and give support in vari-ous ways. One measure of that support is financial. Sister Zo~ "lives on faith" to provide the center's operating expenses of almost a half million dollars a year, because it has no regular income. Contributions tend to be sporadic yet somehow ade-quate for their needs. She says: "The Lord provides when we need it. from the little things to the big things . We just watch the mailbox and say our prayers. We have never run out of money or closed our doors due to lack of funds." Although she hopes to obtain the services of a part-time grant writer later July-Auffust 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living "Community is the same as its core. I am a sister from the core of my being." this year, she has done this and all other duties herself, includ-ing caring for the children and teaching life skills to the parents. Although a few Sisters of Reconciliation have come to work with her for brief periods over the years, Sister Zo~ now sees none of them frequently. Yet her connection to the SRJs is strong, and "our sisters., very much know I'm a community member." She explains that her SRJ area superior holds general gatherings three or four times a year and maybe a day of prayer once in a while. By participating in these activities and attend-ing the funerals of older sisters, Sister Zo~ carries the SRJ charism with her and uses it to create a sense of community with whomever she is working: "There's something I have learned., that, no matter where you go, you bring the sisters with you or you bring your experience of community." In addition to SRJ gatherings and ministry associates, Sister Zo~ has a couple of good friends she sees regularly. One of these is a nun from another congregation; the other is a priest friend. This little group frequently celebrates Sunday Mass in the residence of the non-SRJ, and they sometimes follow it with a potluck dinner, occasionally bringing in other friends or neigh-bors. She had to create this new sense of community herself, however, and she attributes this ability to her long-standing experiences with the SRJs: "By coming out here, community wasn't provided for me. I had to create it, and I used the skills, the tools, the experiences that I had had for all those years. to create a life that was community-oriented. But I had to take the reins and take the initiative and have it happen." Would she like more contact with other SRJs? She says that, although she does not require it, she would welcome another sis-ter if one were to want to live and work with her, and perhaps this new person would help care for her when she gets "old." She emphasizes, "Community is not based on the number of times you see people, but on the feelings and interests to see, hear, and share with others." She also takes he~" identity as an SRJ seriously, having followed the advice of her novice mistress never to abbre-viate the word sister, but always to write it out as part of her name Review for Religious and identity. Sister ZoE puts this together with her feelings about community: "Community is the same as its core. I am a sister from the core of my being, and I am a Sister of Reconciliation." "Good" and "Bad" Community Some sisters gave examples of either "good" or "bad" com-munity experiences, which sometimes held more feeling than the brief descriptive words suggest. One sister said that real community spirit was truly shown when her very good friend died suddenly. She received about a hundred sympathy cards, which told her that the loss of this friend was about more than "my private grief." Another sister described spending some time at a residential therapeutic community for religious congrega-tions. The therapy included the sharing of their life stories, a "first" for this particular sister, where the sharing of those "sad and joyful feelings" created a strong bond within the group. Still another told of the difficult period when she lost her job because of organizational restructuring, but still had had the full support of the community: "I was very glad I was a com-munity woman because otherwise I would have had to get a lawyer. In community I just shared what happened, and they journeyed with me through it." Sister MaryJoyce described her experiences in one of the first experimental communities of group government in 1969. In this new group for which everyone had volunteered, there were between ten and fifteen sisters at various times over several years, and they were trying out new approaches to teaching as well as living. This situation was "life-giving": the participants were all "high energy" types and risk takers as well. They all cared for each other and the outside world, and were concerned about where people were with God, faith, and prayer. Sister Kathryn Ann described something similar. When her ministry took her away from others in her own order, she lived in an apartment house that people came to call The Nunnery because in addition to herself there were six sisters from another con-gregation, a priest, and a brother, all in individual apartments. Although they "lived singly" and ministered in different places, they got together frequently for prayer, meals, and Mass, often signaled by a knock on the wall. July-Angvtst 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Living 3.90 Sister Mary Magdalene has had her share of feeling less than appreciated by other SRJs, yet had a wonderful experience when she lived in a rural area with three other sisters, all teachers, who endured together the crisis of the school's closing. Although one of them was the principal of the school and also the supe-rior of the convent, they interacted as equals and "were just peo-ple together," frequently cooking and sharing meals on the weekends in an era when most convents still had cooks. Although they were together in the school, they also spent outside time together, but "it wasn't mandated. It was a choice we were mak-ing." This relaxed atmosphere where everyone's talents were recognized was contributed to by a pastor who was supportive and friendly and occasionally took them all out to dinner. Another sister, Sister Peg, described an aspect of her first job as a hospital chaplain. Living in an apartment across the street from the hospital, she provided hospitality for visiting sisters and especially those recuperating from surgery or illness. The informality and spontaneous "ease with which the sisters moved in and out of my life" was an exciting and fulfilling period. These positive experiences of community do not necessar-ily require other sisters or vowed people. Sister Benita Rogers shared one such experience when she was leaving an ethnically mixed parish that she had brought together over a number of years. Addressing a large parish group, Sister Benita, who does not speak Spanish, expressed her desire that perhaps now the diocese would assign a bilingual person as her replacement. A Hispanic man stood and spoke for the group: "It doesn't mat-ter whether or not you can speak Spanish. You have the corazon, the heart. That's how you've communicated. You've read us with your heart." It is the major congregational gatherings, however, that sev-eral sisters cited as the "best expression" of community spirit. One of these celebrations is the Congregational Days, when all sisters from the West come together with former sisters as well as affiliate members to celebrate the SRJs as a whole. The other is the jubilee celebration, held anr~ually on the feast day of their patron. Families and friends are invited to participate in the joyful celebration of the anniversaries of their vows as Sisters of Reconciliation. Among these hundreds of people there is a won- Review for Religious derful "spirit that you can almost touch." Everyone feels a part of this group energy and spirituality. It leads people to say that "the most profound experience of community is to experience us praying together." Although Sister Rafaela says she "has never had a bad com-munity experience," this is not the case for many sisters. Sisters described instances where they felt alienated, isolated, or at least not fully appreci-ated in the community, both in their local group and in the larger group. Often the difficulty stemmed from some-one's personality or behavior. When people are too busy to notice others or care about what they are undergoing, those others can feel "deadened" and not supported, making them withdraw from the group. On the other hand, those who "demand too much" from others in terms of time or resources make community living difficult. These people are usually those who have "not done their home-work" regarding their own interpersonal issues. Sometimes, carrying unresolved emotional traumas from their early life, they attempt to hide with the aid of alcohol, a too busy sched-ule, or emotional distancing of others. When people are "afraid of their own spirituality" or are "not willing to be honest" with each other, communal sharing and support are undermined from the start. Sometimes there is a plain lack of openness to others. Sister Joan Claire Mendoza described such a case. She lives in a large convent with eight or nine other sisters, four of whom work in the attached school, while the rest work in various other min-istries. They are together for morning Mass and one evening dinner per week. Although these sisters are "polite" to Sister Joan Claire, it is clear to her that they really do not want her there. Three of them maintain very close relations and actually "make up their own community." Fortunately, Sister Joan Claire has developed a personal and professional network of friends and colleagues from whom she receives most of her emotional Those who "demand too much" from others in terms of time or resources make community living difficult. -201 --- . J~dy-dugust 2002 Zajac " Three Forms of Community Living sustenance. Another sister described a similar case. She felt so rejected that she was "not even sure she was still an SRJ." Others expressed their isolation when they felt that their talents, gifts, or ministry were not appreciated. If community members remain or act unaware or. uninformed about them and their work, those living in common as well as those minister-ing on their own can be affected. Sometimes the personalities of the people living together are too divergent or their schedules too diverse to allow for harmonious living. Highly divergent worldviews in people can also make daily life uncom-fortable. In other instances a quiet person is misconstrued to be someone quite alien to her real self. One sister said she had been surprised to learn that her housemates had thought she was very self-confident and did not need any help or support. In another convent she had been perceived as a threat to others because she had more education than most of the others. The biggest obstacle to community, however, one sister said, occurs when people do not maintain confidences. This causes a shat-tering of trust and pushes people back to isolation. A few sisters expressed frustration or anger with the com-munity at large. One told of an instance when her mother was dying. Although everyone knew about this, there was little inter-est, caring, or support shown. Another sister said that several years ago she was angry with the general community for giving financial support to a foreign political group that she thought was wrong. Another sister said that sometimes lack of equality really bothered her. Because of her age she had been denied permission to study for an advanced degree, yet in that very year three sisters older than herself were approved and funded for graduate education. When this woman protested this as unjust, she received an apology from the president of the con-gregation, but still no approval for further study. In this article we have examined how sisters in one reli-gious community define and create "community." There is lit-tle general consensus about the term, although some common values are evident. In general, all agree that something must be shared and that there is a feeling of interdependence or inter-connectedness. How and what things are shared, however, varies according to the type of living group that is chosen. Individual Review for Religious sisters' stories were interwoven here into three composite pic-tures of community living: intentional community, residential community, and a community of one. Also, some examples of what creates "good" and "bad" community were given. The various types of community exist in various circum-stances and are experienced in various ways by individual sisters. There seems to be no one right way. There is a considerable diversity of views, activities, roles, and living arrangements. This diversity contrasts strongly with the pre-Vatican II con-vents, with their physical proximity to the apostolic work the sis-ters did, their thorough discipline, and their homogeneity of life conditions. Note ~ I later discovered that this was the original European name of a congregation now in the United States with a different name. Bibliography Beane, Marjorie Noterman. 1993. From framework to freedom: A history of the Sister Formation Conference. New York: University Press of America. Eby, Judy, RSM. 2000. "A little squabble among nuns"? The Sister Formation crisis and the patterns of authority and obedience among American women religious, 1954-1971. Unpublished doc-toral dissertation, Saint Louis University. Emerson, Robert M., ed. 1983. Contemporary field research: A collec-tion of readings. Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland Press. Merton, Robert K., Marjorie Fiske, and Patricia L. Kendall. 1990. The focused interview: A manual of problems and procedures. New York: Free Press. Powdermaker, Hortense. 1960. Stranger and friend: The way of an anthropologist. New York: W.W. Norton. Quifionez, Lora Ann, CDP, and Mary Daniel Turner SNDdeN. 1992. The transformation of American Catholic sisters. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Vatican Council H: The conciliar and postconciliar documents and More postconciliar documents. 1975, 1982. Edited by Austin Flannery OP. Northport, New York: Costello Publishing Co. Wittberg, Patricia, SC. 1990. Dyads and triads: The sociological impli-cations of small-group living arrangements. Review for Religious 43, no. 1 (January-February): 43-51. July-August 2002 Zajac ¯ Three Forms of Community Li~ing ¯ 1993. Residence stability and decline in Roman Catholic reli-gious orders of women: A preliminary investigation. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 32: 76-82. Zajac, Barbara. 1999a. Becoming a nun: A general model of entering religious life. Review for Religious 58 (July-August): 403-423. --. 1999b. Community suicide: Secularization in Catholic nuns with the manipulation of ritual and symbol. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California, Riverside. Wounded The unseen spider ripped my flesh, and drew blood, nourishment, afresh, and left a black-red crater there: pink, puffy, filled with pus - not fair. A round wound one inch wide oozing fluid down the side. I've been a meal for a foreign beast, stamped with a bump, a spider's feast. This tiny spider sucked sustenance from me, drew life, left a mark, for all to see - how dare he! Am I any different? Don't I do the same? Feed on the Christ, wound him, without shame? Michael J. Lydon Reviev; for Religious JOEL GIALLANZA Expert Practitioners of Union in Community Once upon a time community was uncomplicated, ever a delight in which to witness and work, a constant joy to be and build. Beg your pardon! Are we talking about reality here? Yes, but only by flashback to the language and imagery of a different era. Let me explain. In researching various writings on religious community--most of them published from the 1930s to the early 1960s--I wondered if the lived experience of community during those decades matched the somewhat romantic and idealistic rhetoric about it. I decided that it prob-ably did not; rather, the rhetoric offered encouragement and hope as supports for the lived experience. Religious knew then and continue to experience now the complexity of community life. The word community itself has a complex meaning. It means more than religious living in the same residence. We know that community members may be scattered across cities and even across continents. Another facet includes the personalities and perspectives of the members. Similarity and unanimity are no guarantee that a community is healthy and thriving or even that the members know one another more than superficially. Community encompasses the members' cultures and customs and their ages and attitudes. And so we can ask: How do we recognize one another as members of the Joel Giallanza CSC last wrote for us in May-June 2000. His address is Province Center; 1101 St. Edward's Drive; Austin, Texas 78704. July-August 2002 Giallanza ¯ Expert Practitioners of Union community? Community also encompasses the unique heritage and history of each religious institute and the cast of charac-ters who have lived that heritage and been a part of that history. And there are our own experiences in life and ministry. The complexity of religious community does not diminish its potential for living up to the rhetoric of earlier eras. In truth, it has all the potential with which humanity was invested by God at creation. And yet, when we discuss the many factors currently influencing religious life, the task of formulating an all-encompassing definition or description of community is quite daunting and sometimes discouraging. This perception, this temptation to invest less time and energy in such discus-sions, can have a detrimental effect on the quality of community we hope to build for the future. These present reflections are intended to resist that temptation and to encourage continu-ing efforts to form and live and sustain community. Forming Community In the apostolic exhortation Vita consecrata (hereafter VC), Pope John Paul II writes: "Consecrated persons are asked to be true experts of communion and to practice the spirituality of communion as 'witnesses and architects of the plan for unity which is the crowning point of human history in God's design'" (§46). This is a significant challenge; to be "true experts" at almost anything in our world is a considerable achievement. Being expert practitioners in the spirituality of communion calls for more. John Paul's understanding of communion is incarna-tional: communion does not exist apart from those who strive to live it daily. The etymology of the word "expert" provides an important insight. Often the term is used in a static way, indicating an acquired ability needing little if any further development. The root meaning, however, is quite dynamic: an expert is one who tries and who learns by trying. As a person's ability matures, there are always new approaches to try and new things to learn. The words experiment and experience have the same root. One way, then, of becoming experts in communion is through our experiments and experiences in community. We must keep try-ing and keep learning. Community is never finished. Review f

Issue 54.1 of the Review for Religious, January/February 1995. ; Review for Religious (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at Saint Louis University by the Jesuits of the Missouri Province. Editorial Office: 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, Missouri 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-977-7363 ¯ Fax: 314-977-7362 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor: Review for Religious ¯ 3601 Lindell Boulevard ¯ St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the Canonical Counsel department: Elizabeth McDonough OP ¯ P.O. Box 29260 ° ~,~ashington, DC 20017. POSTMASTER Send address changes to Review for Religious ¯ P.O. Box 6070 ¯ Duluth, MN 55806. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis, Missouri, and additional mailing offices. See inside back cover for information on subscription rates. ©1995 Review for Religious Permission is herewith granted to copy any ,naterial (articles, poems, reviews) contained in this issue of Review for Religious for personal or internal use, or for the personal or internal use of specific library clients within the limits outlined in Sections 107 and/or 108 of the United States Copyright Law. All copies made under this permission must bear notice of the source, date, and copyright owner on the first page. This permission is NOT extended to copying for commercial distribu-tion, advertising, institutional promotion, or for the creation of new collective works or anthologies. Such permission will only be considered on written application to the Editor, Review for Religious. for religious Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Editorial Staff Advisory Board David L. Fleming SJ Philip C. Fischer SJ Regina Siegfried ASC Elizabeth McDonough OP Mary Ann Foppe Tracy Gramm Jean Read Joann Wolski Conn PhD Iris Ann Ledden SSND Joel Rippinger OSB Edmundo Rodriguez sJ David Werthmann CSSR Patricia Wittberg SC Christian Heritages and Contemporary Living JANUARY-FEBRUARYI995-* VOLUME54 * NUMBER 1 contents 22 faith and culture U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality William A. Barry SJ proposes that a spirituality, lived out vibrantly, is our way to God and our way to let God break through the encrustations of cultural conditioning. Back to the Future: Franciscan Literary Tradition, Virtual Reality, and Infomania Timothy J. Johnson OFM Cony draws attention to the twin challenges virtual reality and infomania pose to the appropriation of heritage texts for religious candidates. 41 48 pioneering the future Beyond Ecumenism: Religious as Pioneers Ruth Fox OSB gives examples of what it means to move from events to processes for our ecumenical effort. Dynamic Memory's Role in Reimaging the Future Shaun McCarty ST describes the role of dynamic memory in bonding community and discerning the future. 59 seeking formation directions Reflections on the Lay Spiritan Program in Canada Michael Doyle CSSp presents a picture of the successes and difficulties that are part of a contemporary development of the Lay Spiritan program. 73 Cross-Cultural Issues in Vocation and Formation Ministry Dennis Newton SVD and Ed PeHo SVD share the challenges and questions of cross-cultural formation. 81 The Ministry Spiral James H. Kroeger MM presents core el~ments of the contemporary call to Christian ministry. 2 Review for Religious 89 IOO learning the tradition The Desert and the Cell Kenneth C. Russell explores the significance of the desert and the cell for the men and women solitaries in the third and fourth centuries. Clare of Assisi: Her Leadership Role Marie Beha OSC explores the example and understanding of leadership which Clare of Assisi provides by her life and in her writings. 113 131 coping in crises Where Is God in Our Suffering? Richard J. Hauser SJ highlights the two religious contexts for coping with suffering: the meaning context and the support context. The Midlife Crisis: God's Second Call Robert S. Stoudt explores the meaning of religious call at two special moments in life--adolescence and midlife. departments 4 Prisms 143 Canonical Counsel: Directives on Religious Formation: Potissimum Institutioni 149 Book Reviews Janttary-Febrtutry 199Y 3 prisms No sooner had the relatively unevent-ful synod on consecrated life ended than Pope John Paul II published the most extraordinary apostolic letter of his pon-tificate. The letter, Tertio millennio adveniente (As the Third Millennium Draws Near), was officially released on 14 November 1994. It sets forth an agenda to be implemented from the time of its publication until the actual celebration of the Great Jubilee of the year 2000. The letter is addressed to bishops, priests and deacons, men and women religious, and all the loy faithful. Pope John Paul confesses that preparing for the year 2000 has become a hermeneutical key of his pontificate and that the time leading up to the jubilee year is to be lived as "a new Advent." He points out how this theme, found in his first encyclical Redemptorhominis (1979), is developed at length in Dominum et vivificantem (1986) and has continued to mark his addresses and other writings. Although the pope reviews significant 20th-century events of both world and church history, he centers on Vatican Council II as directing us towards this celebration. He now challenges all Catholics to a more immediate preparation. He identifies two phases: (1) an ante-preparatory time (1994-1996) dedicated to reviv-ing in Christian people an awareness of the joyful meaning of the Great Jubilee in human history, with its call to con-version and reconciliation as we commemorate the birth of Christ, and (2) a more focused preparatory time (1997- 1999)--with the year 1997 devoted to reflection on Christ, savior and proclaimer of the gospel, the year 1998 bringing attention to the Holy Spirit's sanctifying presence within the community of Christ's disciples, and the year 1999 given 4 R~viewfor Religious to believers helping one another to see things in the perspective of Christ as with him they journey to the Father. Although the prepa-rations are described with broad strokes in this letter, John Paul indicates certain concrete steps to be taken during each stage and promises to call for widespread consultation regarding plans for spe-cific events. The juxtaposition of the synod on religious life in October 1994 and the release of this apostolic letter in November 1994 is not hap-penstance. No one will deny that there is a certain obscure light around the phenomenon of consecrated life in the Vatican II church. The synod, with its ten thousand speeches coming from places where Christ actively continues to play, reflected the obscure light in which religious live and work. But on the very heels of the completion of this synod comes an agenda for the church of the third millennium. Religious congregations should take note. They mal(e a positive choice, I believe, for their own futures in proportion to their enter-ing into the church agenda outlined in this letter. John Paul challenges all church members. Religious, "at the ser-vice of the church," need to respond with all the prayer and zeal their proper charismatic identity supplies. There is no place for a wimpy or weaseling response that would look first at how the lim-ited particularity of "our congregational or province plan" fits some-how into the pope's challenges. Rather, religious need to give the church agenda a chance to inspire, shape, change, and give new direction to community life and apostolic endeavors. Religious life receives a vital challenge for the future millennium in Tertio millen-nio adveniente. As we enter into 1995, Review for Religious welcomes two new members to the advisory board. Father Joel Rippinger OSB, a writer and currently chair of the American Benedictine Academy, is a monk of Marmion Abbey in Aurora, Illinois. Sister Patricia Wittberg SC, associate professor in the Department of Sbciology at Indiana University (Indianapolis), just recently published The Rise and Decline of Catholic Religious Orders (Albany: SUNY; cloth $59.95, paper $19.95). At the same time we say a grateful farewell.to Sister Suzanne Zuercher OSB and wish her well with her new responsibilities as president of Saint Scholastica High School in Chicago, Illinois. As we noted in our last issue, Sister.Mary Margaret Johanning SSND died from cancer in October 1994; we miss her but also know her continuing support. David L. Fleming SJ aTanuary-February 1995 5 faith and culture WILLIAM A. BARRY U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality In recent years I have grown in the conviction that I do not best understand myself as a believer who tries to love and engage his culture. The wiser ques-tion asks: Since it is a given that I am shaped by my culture, what do I need to help me to become a believer? I never possess faith as some fully formed object that I then bring to my culture. In faith I live a lifelong conversion of the culture I carry within me. I am, in short, a late-twentieth-century capi-talist; along with most of the readers of this essay, I carry the inclinations, the burdens, the nobilities, and the violences of capitalist culture deeply etched in the core of my being. My situation is no worse, surely, than that of citizens of other cultures. But no better either. Culture lies too deeply embedded in human beings to ever become completely baptized, and the life of faith in every era takes the form of a holy tension between primordial cultural ten-dencies and God's endlessly affectionate challenge to learn to live faithfully.~ With this sharp commentary John Staudenmaier cuts to the heart of the issue of culture and spirituality. There is no spirituality that is not imbedded in a culture. If a William A. Barry SJ, well-known author and currently provin-cial of the Jesuits of New England province, gave this presenta-tion to the Augi~st 1994 national assembly of the Conference of Major Superiors of Men (CMSM) in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. His address is P.O. Box 799, Back Bay Annex; Boston, Massachusetts 02117-0799. 6 Review for Religious spirituality wants to be in contact with the living God, then those who espouse it must work hard and beg God's help to free them-selves from the cultural biases which make it almost impossible to find the real God. For Staudenmaier the issue is not so much how religion or spirituality influence culture, but rather how any of us encultured human beings can become free enough from our culture to be believers. That puts it starkly. The Meaning of Culture What do we mean by culture? Clifford Geertz defines cul-ture as "an historically transmitted pattern of meanings embod-ied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life."2 Culture in this sense, then, is the way a particular group of peo-ple makes sense of its world. Culture is imbibed with mother's milk and inculcated in every member of the group by formal and informal education and formation, and increasingly, by the mass media. One can see why Staudenmaier says of himself: "I am a late-twentieth-century capitalist." Of course, he could have added many more identities, such as "I am a late-twentieth-century American Roman Catholic," "American Jesuit priest," "academi-cian," and so forth. Given his age, he could also have said of him-self "Roman Catholic formed by pre-Vatican II culture and reformed, insofar as this is possible, by post-Vatican II culture." For the most part, the influence of culture on us escapes our consciousness. We have so imbibed our culture or cultures that we are unaware of how it conditions our behavior. Let me give an example. A few years ago I spent three weeks in Ireland where I did a lot of walking. Every time I had to cross a street I looked left first, and started across if I saw no traffic; only then would I look right to see if there were traffic coming the other way. In the United States this ingrained way of proceeding is not only second nature, but also self-protective. In Ireland it was downright dan-gerous because the pattern of traffic is just the opposite. So I learned that I was unconsciously conditioned to a traffic pattern by growing up in the United States. Moreover, when I drove a car in Ireland and in Jamaica, I periodically experienced anxiety when I instinctively felt that I was on the wrong side of the road. Attempts to change the unconscious way we do things lead to .~anuary-February 199~ 7 Barry * U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality anxiety. Years ago Bill Callahan argued that we are cultural addicts who find it uncomfortable to try to overcome our cultural addic-tion) Remember that culture influences our image of God. One way for us to discover some of the unconscious ways our culture works on us is to live for a time in another culture. I believe that this is one of the best reasons for having part of one's formation as a religious in another culture. When they give them-selves to the process, young religious who live and work in a for-eign culture, especially a Third World culture, find themselves facing in a new way their alleged trust in God. Another way is to ask for honest feedback from our brothers and sisters from another culture about their experience of living in one of our communi-ties. We would probably be surprised at what we might hear and thus learn how our culture unconsciously conditions how we live, how we pray, and how we worship. The Meaning of Spirituality What about "spirituality"? Philip Sheldrake trenchantly notes that spirituality "is one of those subjects whose meaning everyone claims to know until they have to define it.''4 He then gives one of the best definitions of the term that I have found: "I would suggest that what the word spirituality seeks to express is the con-scious human response to God that is both personal and ecclesial. In short, 'life in the Spirit'" (p. 37). He also says of Christian spirituality: Spirituality is understood to include not merely the tech-niques of prayer but, more broadly, a conscious relation-ship with God, in Jesus Christ, through the indwelling of the Spirit and in the context of the community of believers. Spirituality is, therefore, concerned with the conjunction of theology, prayer and practical Christianity (p. 52). A spirituality is, first of all, the enactment of one's religion by a group and only secondarily a reflected upon and system-atized set of characteristics of that particular enactment. Since spirituality in this sense develops in historical people and not in the abstract, there are multiple spiritualities. For exam-ple, we speak of Benedictine, Franciscan, or Dominican spiritu-ality; of nineteenth-century French or fifteenth-century Flemish spirituality. As soon as we speak in this fashion of different spir-itualities, we realize that a spirituality is enculturated. As Sheldrake 8 Review for Religious says, ". part of the contemporary problem with defining spiri-tuality is associated with the fact that it is not a single, transcul-rural phenomenon but is rooted within the lived experience of God's presence in history--and a history which is always specific" (p. 3 3). Indeed, just as culture is carried by a living tradition, so too is a particular spirituality. I would argue that a particular spirituality is part of a culture. As I noted earlier, not only is John Staudenmaier a late-twen-tieth- century capitalist, he is also a late-twentieth-century U.S. Jesuit priest. Part of his encultured personality is rooted in the spirituality founded by Ignatius of Loyola and formed and deformed by four hundred years of history, including two hundred years of history in the United States. Putting things in this way makes for at least one interesting paradox: One of the hindrances to belief in God could be the spirituality we have imbibed. Spirituality, even though culturally influenced, has a built-in safeguard against encrustation by a culture; any spirituality defined as I have suggested posits the active presence of God in human affairs. Stephen Carter, in The Culture of Disbelief, makes this point with regard to religion: "Although many thoughtful sociologists and historians have defined religion in other ways, the belief in supernatural intervention in human affairs is a useful divider for our present purposes, because that is where the culture seems to draw the line between that which is suspect and that which is not.''5 Whereas, as Carter makes plain, our political and legal culture considers belief in divine intervention "a kind of mystical irrationality" (p. 7), any spirituality worth its salt banks on such intervention. Such a spirituality expects that God is actively pur-suing the divine intention iia the one action which is the universe. God is, therefore, continually trying to break through the encrus-tation of any specific culture to reveal God's own reality and desire. The trick is to develop ways of noticing God's interven-tions, ways of letting the crust of culture be dented enough so that we pay attention. God is continually trying to break through the encrustation of any specific culture to reveal God's own reality and desire. January-February 199~ 9 Barry ¯ U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality Any specific spirituality derives from an experience or series of experiences of God that a group has. Any such experience is never, of course, a pure experience of God. Any human experience is multidimensional, the product of an encounter between some-thing and a person with a psychological, social, and cultural his-tory. Benedictine spirituality with its vow of stability was the product of an encounter between God and Benedict and his fol-lowers who grew up at the time of the breakup of the Roman Empire when stable institutions were few and far between. Recent work on Ignatian spirituality has shown how it is the product of the encounter with God of a late medieval wounded warrior whose mother died when he was an infant.6 The point is that any spiri-tuality is the product of an encounter with God of a group of human beings with a particular history that includes, among oth-ers, psychological, social, and cultural influences. An American Spirituality? Joseph Tetlow argues quite cogently that over the past two-hundred years Catholics in the United States have had a unique experience of God and have, therefore, developed a distinctive American spirituality.7 He believes that our contribution to the church may be the very spirituality that has developed on these shores; indeed, American Catholicism with its distinct spiritual-ity may be the bridge between a European church and a worldwide church. We have not yet fully delineated what that spirituality is, he notes, but it is important to do so since the discovery will help us to understand American Catholic identity and to clarify how the American church ends the European captivity of the Roman Catholic church. Tetlow himself has attempted to delineate some characteris-tics of an American Catholic spirituality. First, it is pluralistic, not only because different ethnic strains and religious traditions have gone into its makeup, but also because it developed in and adapted to a predominantly Protestant culture. Second, it is ahis-torical for the most part; like our fellow citizens we Catholics do not look to history for instruction. Third, it is democratized in the sense that American Catholics feel that everyone has equal access to God and to holiness. In our day, for instance, anyone, not just a priest or religious or an upper-class lady, can have a spiritual director. As Tetlow says, "American Catholics are not impressed 10 Review for Religious by the thought that spiritual gifts are spread around about as unevenly as IQ, health, and length of life" (p. 34). Another instance is the way American Catholics have decided issues of morality, especially birth control, on the basis of their own expe-rience and have not felt the less Catholic for it. Fourth, it is func-tional in the sense that it deals not so much with truth claims, but with meaning and meaningfulness; American Catholics tend to look for "theological wis-dom in the meaning of con-crete experience" (pp. 34-35). For American Catholics experience is a sound theo-logical source. Tetlow cites the way John Courtney Murray found Catholic truth in the meaning of American democracy. To show the dif-ference between a European spirituality and ours in this regard Tetlow notes that at about the same time that Hans Kung published his hugely successful Does God Exist? Donald Gelpi pub-lished Experiencing God. Fifth, it is experimental in the sense that we have imbibed the definition of belief of American philoso-phers, namely that "belief is the willingness to accept the practical consequences of what we claim is true. We tend to think that we either do the truth or the truth does not exist."8 Hence, for example, we are willing to try out all kinds of prayer forms to see which ones help us, and religious congregations try out var-ious forms of government to see which ones work. Sixth, Americans have developed a spirituality of plural loyalties; an example is the fact that we have grown up in a church where both the American flag and the papal flag stood in our sanctuaries. "I believe that we will find at the core of American Catholic spiri-tuality a complex but quite tenacious loyalty.''9 A vibrant, self-confident yet critically astute sense of how American Dominicans, for example, have lived out the spirituality inherited from St. Dominic and his European followers could have great benefits for the whole order, especially for the Dominicans in developing countries. ffanuary-February 1995 11 Barry ¯ U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality With this sketch of some characteristics of an American Catholic spirituality we already see how our culture has affected our spirituality, with both good and bad effects. Each religious congregation has to do its own reflection on how American cul-ture has affected it for good and for ill and how its distinctive spirituality is lived out in this country. I believe that it would be healthy for each of us to do so to gain some self-confidence in the distinctive cast the living out of a particular charism has taken on in the United States. A vibrant, self-confident yet critically astute sense of how American Dominicans, for example, have lived out the spirituality inherited from St. Dominic and his European followers could have great benefits for the whole order, especially for the Dominicans in developing countries. The task lies before each of our congregations. Individualism Some elements of our U.S. culture have impacted on our spir-ituality. One element has been apparent at least since the time of de Toqueville, namely an emphasis on the individual. Bellah and associates in both Habits of the Heart and The Good Society have documented quite well that our culture is dominated by this cult of the individual. We operate on the assumption that the indi-vidual is prior to and takes precedence over the community. The individual is considered to be rational and autonomous in his or her dealings with other individuals, and the individual's goal in life is to maximize self-interest; the acquisition of private property is, in principle, unlimited. But a group of self-interest maximiz-ers will inevitably come into conflict with one another over prop-erty and goods. To avoid conflict social contract is necessary to protect private property. This leads to market economy which eventually tends to take over all our institutions. In politics we now have no civic culture, but a claimant culture with the politi-cian as manager; we continually hear of "rights," but rarely of our "civic duties" to one another. We sue at the drop of a hat. Even marriage has come to be looked upon as a limited contract for the benefit of the two individuals leading to an adult-centered rather than a child-centered family. Education more and more has taken on a market character where the question is what the students want. A liberal education for its own sake is increasingly difficult to find and to sell to people who look on education as a 12 Review for Religious way to get ahead. Even religious institutions have taken on some of the aspects of the market culture; people ask, "What is in this church for me?" The authors of The Good Society note that a Lutheran church in California has a money-back guarantee: Donate for ninety days and if, in that time, you do not get what you have asked for, you get your money back (pp. 93-94). In an insightful talk to a convention of spiritual directors Robert J. Egan SJ noted that one of the roots of this rampant sec-ularized individualism may well be the religious individualism of our Catholic spiritual tradition with its emphasis on the renun-ciation of the world and of family life and the embrace of poverty, celibacy, solitude, silence, and so forth. The outcome of such a spirituality is a radical spiritual individualism.~° In this analysis the lonely ascetic fighting his battle with Satan is the spiritual precursor of the model American hero, the Lone Ranger. Many of us were brought up in the spiritual tradition of renunciation, something which puts us doubly at risk to be infected with indi-vidualism. Effects of Individualism on Religious What are some of the effects of our culture's cult of the indi-vidual on us? First, let us be grateful for the positive effects. Our culture teaches us to prize the individual and his or her gifts. In our religious lives such a prizing is a healthy corrective to the "long black line" mentality that prevailed among us and led to the use of individuals as mere cogs in the machine. Obedience without consultation of the individual's own desires and dreams has happily gone the way of the dodo. We Jesuits, for example, have recovered the tradition of Ignatius which expected that the dreams and desires of good Jesuits might well be a clue to dis-cerning God's will. I believe that our culture helped us to that recovery of the tradition. But we must not overlook the dangers in the kind of radical individualism rampant in American culture. For example, do we use the yardstick of salary to measure our own or another's worth? Do we also measure the quality of our life by the amenities available, the kind of car at our disposal, the vacations we can take? Is the difficulty we have in taking a serious look at what a simple lifestyle might mean at least partly the result of our cultural addiction? One of the results of the cult of the individual in the United ~Tan~,ary-Febr~tary 1995 13 Barry ¯ U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality States is the loss of a sense of community, a point made strongly in the two books by Bellah and his associates. The demands of community, especially an inclusive community, impinge on the freedom of the individual. Has this virus affected us? I have noticed a tendency for religious to criticize community life, but not to ask what they are contributing to it. "This community does not meet my needs" is a common enough complaint. But rarely do such complainers say, "What can I do to make this community a better place for all of us, or at least for those of us who want a more meaningful religious community?" The cultural climate which puts the individual before the community makes it difficult for us Americans to see ourselves as having embraced a community of brothers or sisters for the quality of whose religious life each one of us is responsible. Yet God, the perfect community of three Persons, creates this universe not for individual fulfillment alone but so that all people might be enticed into the community of the Trinity. In fact, I cannot achieve fulfillment without other people. One of the desperate needs of our country is the example of vibrant community life. All of us need to work hard against the virus of individual-ism which destroys community. The efforts many religious have made in recent years to share their faith journeys and their expe-riences of the apostolate with one another and with their lay col-leagues run counter to the culture of individualism. Such sharing of experience is one of the characteristics of American spiritual-ity. We find that ideology and abstract theologizing divide people, whereas the sharing of experience brings people together and thus helps to overcome the virus of individualism. Narcissistic Personality Type Robert Egan makes a trenchant comment about the type of personality that results from contemporary American individu-alism, namely the narcissistic type. It is noteworthy that recently psychiatrists and psychologists have written more and more about this personality type, different from the neurotic type seen in European culture earlier in this century by Freud and his associ-ates. Without even knowing it, narcissistic persons tend to think first of all: "What's in it for me?" The male version is dubbed the "Eternal Boy." One of the characteristics is a great difficulty in making lasting commitments. Another is suspicion of institutions 14 Review for Religious and authority because they can get in the way of my rights, my needs, my desires. Have we been infected by this narcissistic tendency? I think that I perceive some disturbing trends in myself, in some of my brother Jesuits and in other religious. VChen we are asked to con-sider an assignment, are these the first questions that pop into our minds, "But what will happen to me ifI take that job? . Will I be able to keep my car? . Will I be happy there, the way I'm happy here? . What's the TV reception like there?" Just recentl~ tears of gratitude and admiration came to my eyes when I said to a Jesuit who had been approached to take on a new assignment, "I want you to give that serious consideration." His immediate response was: "If you want me to go, I am on my way." Obviously my reaction indicates that I do not run into this attitude as often as I would like. One former provincial asked a man to take on a job for which he had the talent, but which he did not want. After a period of time to think it over, he again asked the man if he wanted to do the job. Again the man said no. The provincial then said: "I am sorry, but I need you to do it. I want you to do it." Our man said: "Fine!" The provincial then said: "There are only three men in the province who would be ready and willing to go anywhere and do anything if I should ask them to." Do we as religious tend to think first of "my rights," "my hopes," "my desires," "my comfort" when looking at apostolic opportunities? If we do, then we have been deeply infected by the individualism of our culture. Again, however, our spirituality gives us the means of coun-tering this culturally induced narcissism. Any spirituality, as we noted earlier, presupposes an encounter with God. There is noth-ing better as an antidote to narcissism than meeting the living God. Moreover, any Christian spirituality is not just about saving one's soul; eventually the saved sinner is called to discipleship with Jesus. One Protestant minister makes a wonderful statement in The Good Society: Ira person really has Jesus living in their life, and they are in a Christian fellowship growing in the Scriptures and learning what he is talking about; then eventually they are going to worry and be concerned about the homeless peo-ple, pregnant teenagers, people who are addicted, people in minorities being persecuted and denied - women, blacks, poor people in the rest of the world. If Jesus is really in their life, and they read in there that God is no respecter of January-February 199Y 15 Barry ¯ U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality Religious take a vow of obedience which should lead to thinking beyond personal discernment. What is the greater good? What does the church need? What do people need? persons that Jesus died for everybody, it's going to come out socially. Saving souls is not the whole gospel. That's just getting born (pp. 201-202). Any vibrant Christian spirituality will move in this direction. Each of our spiritual traditions is aimed precisely at helping us to overcome our inordinate attachments which Gerald May calls addictions.11 These attachments include our cultural addictions. By opening ourselves to hon-esty before the Lord and with our spiritual director we can allow ourselves to be freed from these attachments. The daily examen of consciousness is another element used by many religious (or, should I say, recommended to many religious) that can lead us to the life-long conversion from cultural addiction. Falling in love with Jesus and his mis-sion is a powerful antidote to narcissism. At the same time we need to ask ourselves whether our culture's cult of the individual with its concomitant tendency toward narcissism has some-what co-opted the recovery of our spiritual traditions. Statements such as "In my retreat I discerned that I should work and live in such an apostolate" or "My spiritual director agrees with my discernment that I should study for a doctorate in Zen" are often taken as the final word in the process of discernment. Such statements may betray the unconscious cultural narcissism that we have imbibed. Religious take a vow of obedience which should lead to thinking beyond personal discernment. What is the greater good? What does the church need? What do people need? What does the province or community need? These are questions that must also enter into any discernment of spirits that merits the name Catholic. We Jesuits in preparing for our 34th General Congregation.have a chance to rediscover the necessary 16 Rwview for Religious tension between personal discernment (inherited from the Spiritual Exercises) and spiritual obedience (inherited from our Constitutions). Any authentic Roman Catholic spirituality, I believe, has this built-in, and healthy, tension between individual dis-cernment and obedience to legitimate authority.~2 Of course, authority can be abused, just as can individual discernment. That is why the tension has to be there. The Culture of Disbelief Another element in our culture is slightly different from the tack we have been on, yet moves in the same direction. The stress on the individual as rational and autonomous in his or her pursuit of self-interest with its concomitant glorification of science and technology has tended to downplay the mysterious and nonra-tional as aspects of human life to be taken seriously. In academic and political life religion is relegated to the private sphere at best. Stephen Carter speaks of the culture of disbelief in his best-sell-ing book of that title. This culture, he maintains,-presses believ-ers "to be other than themselves, to act publicly, and sometimes privately as well, as though their faith does not matter to them" (p. 3). By the use of numerous examples he shows a trend in our culture to treat religious beliefs as: arbitrary and unimportant . More and more, our cul-ture seems to take the position that believing deeply in the tenets of one's faith represents a kind of mystical irra-tionality, something that thoughtful, public-spirited American citizens would do better to avoid (pp. 6-7). As a result, many Americans split their public and private selves. What they believe about God and God's intentions for this world does not enter into the way they speak and act in pub-lic. As people of faith we believe that God is active in human affairs and that God does have an intention for our world. Yet I have the impression that we have bought into the culture of dis-belief to such an extent that we unconsciously assume that unbe-lief does not have to be defended while belief does. We do not realize that unbelievers and believers are on a level playing field insofar as justifying their divergent stances; both of us plant our feet firmly in midair and march on. Unbelief is as much an irra-tional stance as is belief; neither can be justified on purely ratio-nal grounds. .~anuary-February 1995 17 Barry ¯ U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality Effects of the Culture of Disbelief on Us Insofar as we cannot speak of our experiences of God with one another, we cannot engage in any kind of communal discernment. Has this culture of disbelief infected our religious lives? Is this culture behind our seeming fear of speaking with one another about our experiences of God, for example? Are we afraid to be considered naively, pious, not with it? In my religious life I had not talked with another Jesuit about my own religious experience until we rediscovered the individu-ally directed Spiritual Exercises and a kind of spiritual direction that focused on the experience of peo-ple with God. Even with this recov-ery it is very difficult for us Jesuits to speak of our experience of God outside a retreat or session of spir-itual direction; some of us may find it easier to speak of our sexual and aggressive fantasies and feelings than about our experiences of God. Insofar as we are infected with the culture of disbelief religious cannot become a community of friends in the Lord, people who know through mutual communication the bedrock experiences that ground our life together. Moreover, insofar as we cannot speak of our experi-ences of God with one another, we cannot engage in any kind of communal discernment. Communal discernment requires that we be able to share with one another our experiences of God with the trust and hope that in that sharing we as a community will find the way that God is pointing out to us. Moreover, if we cannot share our experiences of God, can we really collaborate with one another and with our lay colleagues in a religiously convincing way? Our collaboration will be based on functional and utilitar-ian grounds, not on the ways of God. This culture of disbelief deeply affected my practice of clin-ical psychology. Even though I believed that God could be encountered in human experience, I did not expect that my clients would speak of such encounters, even when I was doing psy-chotherapy with Jesuit scholastics at Weston School of Theology. It was only when I began to give the Spiritual Exercises individ- 18 Review for Religiotts ually that I realized what I had been unconsciously doing. Even my Jesuit clientsdid not bring up religious experiences because they felt it inappropriate to do so, something I unconsciously approved. So the central reality of the lives of these young Jesuits did not fig-ure in our conversations which covered many other intimate details of their lives. Spirituality as an Antidote Our spirituality can counteract the deleterious effects of cul-ture. Any spirituality is culture bound, as we have said. Indeed, the American way of living out a particular religious spirituality has engendered suspicion in other parts of the world, especially in Europe and particularly in Rome. At the turn of the century the Spanish Jesuit General Martin removed the English provincial, believing that he and many of the English Jesuits were infected with "Americanism." 13 But any spirituality has a built-in correc-tive against the corrosive effects of culture, if the spirituality is vibrant. That built-in corrective is, of course, the fact that a spir-ituality is a way to God and a way to let God impinge on our lives. For each of us religious our spirituality, as it is lived out vibrantly in the United States, is our way to God and our way to let God break through the encrustation of cultural conditioning. To overcome the corrosive effects of American culture on our religious living and working we must recover the authentic way of our spirituality for our time and place. Each of us must engage deeply in our way to God, and then we must find ways to com-municate with other members of our congregation the experi-ence of meeting the living God in our way. But we must be clear that it will be a difficult and messy process. We are, as Callahan pointed out, culturally addicted, and attempts to overcome the addiction will produce anxiety. In addition, as Staudenmaier said, we are talking about a process of lifelong conversion to the living God. We can never completely shed the conditioning of our cul-ture. We can only try to engage the living God individually and collectively with humility and courage and, above all, with char-ity toward one another. A final note: According to Bellah and associates our culture desperately needs an antidote to its rampant individualism and narcissism. They speak of the need of communities of memory, of the replacement of the politics of f~ar with the politics of love January-February 1995 19 Barry ¯ U.S. Culture and Contemporary Spirituality (quoting Vficlev Havel), of developing the habit of paying atten-tion as an antidote to distraction. What they are speaking of could be construed as the need for a spirituality. They are not afraid to use religious language in a book devoted to a sociological analy-sis of our culture. With Reinhold Niebuhr they argue for the need of basic trust for the health of our democracy. Theologians such as Niebuhr.suggest that behind parental love, essential as that is, lies a deeper question: Is reality, is Being itself, trustworthy? To argue that trust or faith is justified, that God as the very principle of reality is good, is not obvious--not obvious to Christians and Jews, who through the centuries have been supposed to believe it, and not obvious to anyone who has to live in the world as it is. Trust or faith, like parental love, is a gift. It comes to individuals and groups in particular experiences at particular times and places. Niebuhr did not say that it comes only to Jews and Christians, or that it comes only to people who think of themselves as religious, but that to whomever it comes, it comes as a gift. And when it does come, it brings a great joy and enables us to live responsibly with our fellow beings.14 We who belong to communities of memory, which is what religious communities at their best are, have a pearl of great price to offer to our fellow citizens. We who belong to communities that foster contemplation, which is a way of paying attention to what God is doing in our world, have a pearl of great price to offer. We who have a special way to God which has been shaped by our being planted in this country, a way to let God assure us that he is trustworthy, have a pearl of great price to offer. Let us not be afraid to share it with our fellow citizens. Only God can save us all. Let us give God a chance to do it. Notes I John M. Staudenmaier SJ "To Fall in Love with the World: Individualism and Self-Transcendence in Mnerican Life," Studies in the Spirituality of Jesuits, 26/3: May, 1994, p. 2. z Tbe Interpretation of Czdtltres (New York: Basic Books, 1973), p. 89. In Habits of the Heart: lndividllalism and Commitment in American Life Bellah, et al. have a similar definition: "Those patterns of meaning that any group or society uses to interpret and evaluate itself and its situation. We take culture to be a constitutive dimension of all human action. It is not an epiphenomenon to be explained by economic or political factors," (New York: Perennial Library, Harper & Row, 1986), p. 333. 20 Review for Religious 3 William R. Callahan, "The Impact of Culture on Religious Values and Decision-Making," Soundings: A Task Force on Social Consciousness and Ignatian Spirituality (Washington: Center of Concern, 1974), pp. 8-12. q Philip Sheldrake, Sph'ituality and History: Questions ofl~Jterpretation andMetbod (London SPCK, 1991), p. 32. s Stephen L. Carter, The Culture of Disbelie3~ How American Law and Politics Trivialize Religious Devotion (New York: Basic Books, 1993), p. 25. ~' See William W. Meissner, Ignatius of Loyola: The Psychology of a Saint (New Haven: Yale, 1992) for the psychological dimension of Ignatius's experience and John W. O'Malley, The First Jesuits (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard, 1993) for the cultural and historical dimensions. 7 Joseph A. Tetlow, "The Emergence of an American Catholic Spirituality," Theology Digest, 40/1 (Spring, 1993), 27-36. 8Joseph A. Tetlow, "!Mnerican Catholic Spirituality," New Catholic World, 225/5 (July/August, 1982), 153. 9Tetlow, "The Emergence ." p. 35. ~0 Robert J. Egan SJ, "Contemplation in the Context of Contemporary Culture: Reflections on Spiritual Direction in Dialogue with Cultural Analysis and Criticism," talk delivered at a conference of spiritual direc-tors in February 1990 at Mercy Center, Burlingame, California. ~ Gerald G. May, Addiction and Grace (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1988). ~z See William A. Barry SJ, "Discernment and Obedience: Finding God's Will and Staying Roman Catholic," an article first published in America (164/24, 1991) and reproduced in God's Passionate Desire and Our Response (Notre Dame: Ave Maria, 1993), pp. 129-133. ~3 See David G. Schultenover, A View from Rome: On the Eve of the Modernist Crisis (New York: Fordham University Press, 1993). ~q Robert N. Bellah et al, The Good Society, (New York: Knopf, 1991), p. 284. January-Febr~ary 199 ~ 21 TIMOTHY J. JOHNSON Back to the Future: Franciscan Literary Tradition, Virtual Reality, and Infomania Z~195a3 Ray Bradbury presented a chilling vision of the future Fahrenheit 4YI.~ In this novel, books have been banned by a totalitarian regime that lives in dread of the truth. Books are set aflame by a new breed of firemen bent on eliminating any still in existence. In such a climate of fear, society as a whole no longer cultivates any sense of literary appreciation. Only a few individ-uals still stubbornly believe in the significance of the great works of literature. Bradbury ends his numbing glimpse into the future on a hopeful note by describing a community of men and women who commit themselves to the preservation of their literary cul-ture by memorizing important books. Each person metaphori-cally becomes a living book. While we do not have to fear a future as grim as that of Fahrenheit 4Yl, we may witness the demise of our literary sensi-tivity, at least in some sectors of our culture, through the lack of education and widespread indifference. While society can take concrete steps to improve the quality of education, it cannot implement measures to force people to develop an interest in lit-erature. In the dawning age of what is termed virtual reality and infomania, books as we know them may become nothing more than boring, irrelevant relics of an earlier age. This article exam- Timothy J. Johnson OFM Conv is the director of formation at Saint Bonaventure Friary in Washington, D.C. An earlier version of this arti-cle appeared in Miscellanea Francescana 94 (1994): 3-19. His address is Saint Bonaventure Friary; 3514 Fifteenth Street N.E.; ~AZashington, D.C. 20017. 22 Review for Religious ines the question of literature, contemporary American culture, and the formation of members of religious communities such as the Franciscans in their respective literary traditions. It describes the nature of virtual reality technologies and infomania and delin-eates the challenges these cultural phenomena pose to those reli-gious communities relying on classical spiritual texts in the appropriation of their traditions. I offer some tentative strategies from a Franciscan perspective to face and interpret these chal-lenges. These strategies are based on the Franciscan vision of the world as book and on the sapiential focus of Franciscan theology. The articulation and implementation of a Franciscan response to virtual reality technologies and infomania are fundamental tasks not to be ignored. Otherwise the lasting wisdom of our spiritual heritage may become obscured or lost in the climate of literary insensitivity and insatiable information hunger increasingly char-acteristic of the United States cultural milieu. The Nature and Challenge of Virtual Reality What is meant by the term virtual reality? Michael Helm gives the following definition in The Metaphysics of Virtual Reality: Virtual reality pertains to convincing the participant that he or she is actually in another place, by substituting the normal sensory input received by the participant with the information produced by a computer. This is usually done through three-dimensional graphics and input-output devices that closely resembie the participant's normal inter-face with the physical world. The definition of VR includes several factors and emphases: artificial reality, as when the user's full-body actions combine with computer-generated images to forge a single presence; interactivity, as when the user enters a building by means of a mouse traveling on a screen; immer-sion, as when the user dons a head-mounted display enabling a view of a three-dimensional animated world; net-worked environments, in which several people can enter a virtual world at the same time; telepresence, in which the user feels present in a virtual world while robotic machines effect the user's agency at a remote location in the actual pri-mary world.: Although the arrival of the age of virtual reality is not read-ily recognized by everyone, it is apparent to those cognizant of United States cultural trends that we are moving from a culture ffobnso.n ¯ Back to the Future based on books to one based on computer-driven graphics and visual imagery. For those who have eyes to see and ears to hear, the challenge of the future is already found in the crowded amuse-ment arcades across the United States where thousands of young people gather to spend long hours staring at video screens. Following the example of many of their parents, who found great solace and entertainment in front of the television, many of these young people are not likely to develop a taste for serious reading. The shift from the written word to the visual image carries with it a tremendous challenge to those involved in the preser-vation and interpretation of religious traditions. The memory of a religious community such as the Franciscan Order, for example, is preserved in many literary documents. Not only do these texts serve as a historical disclosure of the particular tradition, they also carry the promise of the future development of that tradi-tion inasmuch as they are interpreted and appropriated anew by subsequent generations of community members. Those who work in formation and education have a particular responsibility in the future development of their religious traditions; therefore, they cannot avoid the question of the appreciation and use of those texts that are normative documents for the development and expo-sition of their charisms. Formators and educators introduce these classical texts to their members. Their role, however, will be equivalent to that of museum custodians if the spiritual classics are presented simply as part of a formation requirement and not inter-preted and integrated anew in the life of the community. Formation and education ministries provide a unique and privileged setting for this hermeneutical project; yet the cultural emphasis on visual images, as opposed to literary texts, complicates this task because many of our present and potential community members are already formed in an image-based culture long before they contemplate entering religious life. The trend towards a visual culture, manifest in many sectors of United States soci-ety for years, has been accentuated and accelerated by the appear-ance and ongoing refinement of what is spoken of as virtual reality. The emergence of a visual or image culture and the concomitant development of virtual reality technologies pose a challenge, in general, to a culture which has been largely transmitted by the written word, and, in particular, to cultural traditions such as reli-gious life which consider literary texts among the definitive, nor-mative expressions of community identity. 24 Review for Religious The challenge of a visual, image-centered culture, symbol-ized in the growing interest in virtual reality, can be faced by a cre-ative incorporation of technology and text. Our very idea of reading may change and lead to a new way of approaching clas-sical spiritual texts. Fortunately virtual reality itself may lead us back through the past to our future. The possible demise of lit-erary appreciation under the continuing onslaught of virtual real-ity technologies opens up an exciting, albeit undeveloped arena, for the cultivation of our literary tradition. Michael Heim writes that by the year 2000 the vast majority of written texts will be accessible in electronic form (p. 56). The availability of "elec-tronic literature" opens up attractive avenues for the develop-ment of an appreciation of traditions previously transmitted by the written word. One possible route for development is linked with the advent of what is termed hypertext. Hypertext technology is, according to Heim, an approach to navigating information. From the computer science point of view, hypertext is a database with nodes [screens] connected with links [mechanical connections] and link icons [to designate where the links exist in the texts]. The semantics of hypertext allows the user to link text freely with audio and video, which leads to hypermedia, a multimedia approach to information (p. 154). Hypertext allows every element of a text to be related to another element thereby creating an environment of electronic intertextuality, a "supertext" so to speak, where everything can be referred equally to something else. This is far different from the earlier literary experience where the secondary text or foot-notes were visually and conceptually subordinated to the primary text. Now, when a search is made of a particular word or phrase in hypertext, every context of the text containing that word or phrase will appear on the screen. Reminiscent 6f earlier forms of writing such as medieval illuminated manuscripts, hypertext unites the word and image into one text that is particularly appealing to those raised in a video or image culture. Hypertext allows these words or phrases in question to be cross referenced or linked simultaneously with photos, films and audio recordings. The reader, jumping back and forth at will through the electronic text, is free to enter into a world of con-tinuous textuality where the normal linear sequence of reading ~Tanuary-Febr~ary 1995 25 Johnson * Back to the Future The Scriptures are necessary because the debilitating effects of sin blind the eyes of the spirit and impede the effort to. understand the book of creation. is replaced by the intuitive, relational association of word, image, and sound. Since all the possible textual referents are but a click of the mouse away, the experience and the concept of a primary and a secondary text disappear on the screen right before our eyes (Heim, pp. 30-31). The introduction of hypertext capabilities into electronic lit-erature allows for an amplification and opening up of traditional spiritual texts to the inyriad levels of possible meaning embed-ded within the texts. Already there is the nascent realization among some contemporary observers of the literary scene that interactive soft-ware offers new possibilities for the appreciation and retrieval of classi-cal spiritual texts) From a Franciscan perspective, it is possible to envision an interactive version of Saint Bonaventure's Major Life of Saint Francis written in hypertext. This electronic classical text would incor-porate words, images, and sound. Among many of the advantages made possible by hypertext technology is that of allowing the introduction of other classics from the same tradition of the literary work into the dialogue of interpretation and appropriation. Not only would people be introduced to the written text of Bonaventure's work, but they would also encounter other classics of the Franciscan tradition represented in art, architecture, and music. Given the possibilities offered by hypertext, it is not difficult to imagine reading the Major Life of Saint Francis at a video terminal while simultaneously viewing the Giotto cycle of paintings in the Upper Basilica of Saint Francis in Assisi and listening to Gregorian chant of the same era. The utilization of interactive software in the manner just sug-gested leads us back, in a somewhat analogous sense, to the medieval experience of reading a text. For the medievals, like their classical predecessors, reading was an act of speaking and hearing words read aloud from a manuscript, since legere, "to read," and a'adire, "to hear," were virtual synonyxns in the Middle 26 Review for Religious Ages.4 This medieval practice of reading was often accompanied by looking at images on the manuscript which interpreted or illus-trated the words of the text. Our current custom of silent, pri-vate reading was rare in earlier times. Since it is largely culturally determined, our present mode of reading could be altered with-out losing the sense of what it means to read. Viewed against the horizon of cultural history, perhaps our current manner of read-ing is only an aberration that will gradually disappear as the use of virtual reality software with hypertext capabilities becomes a common reality in classroom education. A shift to the world of vir-tual reality, as unsettling as it might be to those who appreciate the solid feel of a book in their hands, may lead, paradoxically, to a greater appreciation of our literary tradition. Virtual Reality and the Franciscan Vision of the World The application of virtual reality technologies in the trans-mission and appreciation of the Franciscan literary tradition should not be reduced to simple, pragmatic response to an emerg-ing cultural challenge. Instead, this proposal is firmly grounded in the Franciscan approach to the world. The fundamental open-ness of the Franciscan tradition to the new possibilities offered by virtual reality technologies flows from a vision of the world as a divinely written text which can be heard as well as seen. Bonaventure, reflecting the medieval understanding of nature as the book of creation, considers all creatures as unique words uttered by God. He writes in the Commentary on Ecclesiastes, "Every creature is a divine word." All that exists comes into being through the word of the Father which is uttered eternally in the Son. Just as an audible word first exists as a mental concept in the mind of the speaker and takes on sensible form when spoken by a human voice, so also does the Son exist as the eternal Word of the Father which takes on sensible, temporal form in the Incarnation. From this perspective, creation can be considered a linguistic expression of the divine reality constituting a primary text or book in which men and women can read of the Creator. Scripture is a complementary text which fosters our attempt to read and appropriate the message found in the book of cre-ation. The Scriptures are necessary because the debilitating effects of sin blind the eyes of the spirit and impede the effort to under-stand the book of creation. Bonaventure notes in On the Trinity: January-February 1995 27 Johnson ¯ Back to tbe Future ¯. the book of creation was efficacious in the state of orig-inal innocence, when this book was not obscured nor the eye of humanity had been darkened. When the human eye, however, was darkened by sin, that mirror was rendered enigmatic and obscure and the interior ears of understand-ing were closed to hearing that testimony. Divine provi-dence decided to .provide, therefore, the testimony of another book, that is the book of the Scripture which was written, certainly, according to divine revelation . . . (q. 1, a. 2, concl. W. 55a]). The book of creation speaks of the Creator because, just as the wisdom of the artist is manifested in particular works of art, so too, all of created reality reveals the hand of the Master artisan. For Bonaventure, the same creatures, which are divine words, are also images of God which reveal the causative, creative wisdom of the Creator and share an analogical relationship with their original cause. As a result, any attempt on our part to come to know the Creator is determined by the exemplary nature of creatures and the physical and spiritual composition of human beings. The reality of the human condition dictates the necessity of learning about God through a careful reading of the book of cre-ation because the intellect is incapable of directly perceiving the light of God. Because of its material composition, it must depend on creatures who reveal, albeit in a darkened, imperfect manner, the divine light. Ultimately only contemplatives can read the book of creation because .only they, as opposed to natural philosophers, are able to perceive the divine image in the natural world which surrounds them. Creation serves as an appropriate matrix for contemplation because knowledge of God, like all knowledge of the intelligible, begins in contact with sense objects. Through the instrumental-ity of the five exterior senses, the contemplative can discern the power, wisdom, and benevolence of the Creator in the manifold works of.creation. While it would be a mistake to remain fixed on the level of sense objects by treating them as if they were more than images of the Creator, the intellect cannot ignore these images if it wishes to come to a profound knowledge of God. As Bonaventure points out, a painting can be known in two ways, either as a simple picture or as an image. To refuse to consider a painting as aft image is to remain fixated on the beauty of the perceived object wi.thout being drawn to the source of the beauty. To attribute the beauty to the source is an excellent way of know- 28 Review for Religious ing about God, because all noble properties observed in creatures speak of the Creator. Bonaventure's decision to ground the contemplative ascent into God amidst the beauty of creation was confirmed by Francis of Assisi's experience of creatures as witnesses to God. In the Major Life of Saint Francis, Bonaventure points out that the Poor Man of Assisi was neither deaf to the testimony of creatures nor blind to their beauty. Attentive to the divine glory resplendent throughout creation, he delighted in creatures and joined his voice with theirs in praise of the Creator. In the midst of nature, Francis perceived the divine harmony reflected in the various qualities of creatures and invited all humanity to praise God. With the keen gaze of the contemplative, Francis considered the world around him as a ladder allowing him to ascend to God. This lad-der, leading from creatures upward to the Creator, has three prin-cipal steps. The first step directly concerns the book of creation and consists in the proper reading of external, visible, sense objects. Bonaventure gives these images of the divine the techni-cal term vestige, meaning footstep. These vestiges are the discernible traces of the Creator in the world because they speak of God in a distinct, yet distant manner. Creatures as vestiges manifest the ternary properties of causality attributable to God as efficient, exemplary, and final cause. According to Bonaventure, all men and women are called, like Francis of Assisi, to read the book of creation. As the medieval understanding of reading indicates, the reading of a text entails the use of both our audio and visual faculties. Consequently, Bonaventure urges those who would pick up the book of creation in contemplation to open their eyes and ears to the presence of the Creator in the world. They will thereby come to a deeper knowl-edge of the divine which will be revealed in loving praise of God. A refusal, however, to seek the Creator in the splendors of creation through the use of the senses, is the height of stupidity: Therefore, whoever is not enlightened by such great splen-dors of created things is blind; whoever does not awaken from such great outcries is deaf; whoever on account of all these effects does not praise God is dumb; whoever does not perceive the First Principle from such great signs is a fool.--Open your eyes, therefore, direct the ears of your spirit, free your lips and apply your heart so that you may see, hear, praise, love and worship, magnify and honor your God in all creatures lest perhaps the whole world rise up ~anuary-February 199~ 29 ffobnson * Back to the Future against you. Fo? because of this the whole worm willfight against the senseless, but on the contrary it will be a matter of glory for the intelligent, who can say according to the Prophet: O Lord, you have delighted me in your work and in the works of your hands I will rejoice. How exalted are your works, 0 Lord: you have done all things in wisdom, the earth has been filled with your possessions.5 This text from Bonaventure's classic, The Journey of the Soul into God, along with other texts, is helpful in understanding the Franciscan approach to the world and serves as a point of depar-ture for a discussion of the relationship between virtual reality technologies and the Franciscan literary tradition. These texts indicate that Franciscans perceive and interpret the world as the book of creation, whose words are both visible and audible images of the Creator. Such an approach to the world, often spoken of as exemplarism, elicits a positive stance toward the senses, especially seeing and hearing, because they are essential in the reading of the divine truths revealed in the book of creation. The cultivation of the senses as doorways to the divine with the concomitant insight into created realities as images of God creates a favorable envi-ronment in which a response to and implementation of virtual reality technologies can be envisioned. In fact, the contemporary turn toward graphic imagery and multisensual reading of elec-tronic texts is a cultural shift which is harmonious with the tra-ditional Franciscan understanding and positive evaluation of imagery and senses. The various aspects proper to the Franciscan tradition which have been examined, the world as book and reading as a visual-aural experience, are reflected to some degree in current efforts to develop hypertext versions of literary documents. For example, if we regard the world as a book, we expand the concept of a leg-ible text beyond that of a written product such as a published book to include all created reality. Creation can be ~onceived as a hypertext replete with myriad referents to be read and inter-preted by the attentive reader. When the world itself is under-stood as text, a hypertext exposition of Bonaventure's Major Life of Saint Francis, which would include written words, images, and sounds, can be considered as a book and, therefore, as an inte-gral element of the Franciscan literary tradition. To admit with Bonaventure that hearing along with seeing is involved in the act of reading is to embrace the idea of reading as an audiovisual 30 Review for Religious experience. Consequently, those who listen to and look at a hyper-text version of the Major Life of Saint Francis on a monitor are as much involved in the task of reading as those who, book in hand, follow the written text. The Nature and Challenge of Infomania The challenge of virtual reality is not the only potential obsta-cle to the formation of members in a tradition exemplified by Franciscans. Infomania is another. The term infomania is used by Michael Heim to describe the ever growing hunger for informa-tion at the expense of wisdom. The roots of infomania are dis-cernible in the rapid and nearly universal acceptance of word processing as the standard form of writing technology within United States culture (pp. 41-42). The introduction of the com-puter and word processing capabilities has not only dramatically increased the flow of written material, but it has also altered the very experience of writing. The majority of writers in the United States, as recently as a decade ago, were compelled to formulate their thoughts carefully before typing them. The penalty for hasty composition was the inevitable task of retyping or, at the very least, the necessity of fumbling around with erasing tapes or bot-tles of correcting fluid. The logical sequence of thought, which demanded a beginning, middle, and end to every proposed sen-tence, paragraph, and chapter before it appeared in print, is no longer required with word processing. Words are now electronic data bits which are easily manipulated and transferred. Authors can create their texts free style, thinking, so to speak, on the screen in front of them. One consequence of writing with word processing technology is that language can become merely a surrogate for information transfer. Helm points out that when words are reduced to autonomous data bits they are easily removed from their original context and their significance obscured or lost: Information is a unit of knowledge that by itself has only a trace of significance. Information presupposes a significant context but does not deliver or guarantee one. Because con-text does not come built in, information can be handled and manipulated, stored and transmitted, at computer speeds. Word processing makes us information virtuosos, as the computer transforms all we write into information code. But human we remain. For us, significant language January-February 199 ~ 31 Johnson ¯ Back to the Future always depends on the felt context of our own limited expe-rience. We are biologically finite in what we can attend to meaningfully. When we pay attention to the significance of something, we cannot proceed at the computer's breakneck pace. We have to ponder, reflect, contemplate. Infolnania erodes our capacity for significance. With a mind-set fixed on information, our attention span short-ens. We collect fragments. We become mentally poorer in overall ~neaning. We get into the habit of clinging to knowl-edge bits and lose our feel for the wisdom behind the knowl-edge. In the information age, some people even believe that literacy or culture is a matter of having the right facts at our fingertips (p. 10). The challenge of infomania which Heim outlines is much more pressing for us as Franciscans than that of virtual reality, because infomania threatens to erode our capacity to appreciate the wisdom found within our own literary tradition. To encounter such wisdom requires contemplative reading antithetical to the rapid assimilation of information proper to the world of infoma-nia. While the reality of infomania does not appear to offer a res-olution of the problems it engenders, the seeds of a solution to the possible threat of virtual reality technology are contained within the technology itself. In fact, it could be argued that the growing emphasis on visual imagery in United States culture may lead to a deeper appreciation of the very literary texts we fear may be neglected. Electronic literature, augmented by hypertext soft-ware, holds out the promise of a richer understanding of classical spiritual texts like Bonaventure's Major Life of Saint Francis. It would be difficult to take the same optimistic position about info-mania. The widespread growth of infomania as a cultural phe-nomenon within the United States heralds a staggering shift in the relationship between reader and text. The implications for Franciscans and other religious communities are evident. When words are viewed as vehicles for bits of information to be trans-ferred and absorbed, as opposed to meaningful ideas to be com-municated and contemplated, the retrieval of traditions within a religious community by means of literary texts becomes prob-lematic. Both the initial appreciation and later appropriation of clas-sical spiritual literature presupposes a shared belief in the possi-ble significance or meaning of the texts; those who read the 32 Review for Religious definitive texts of a community do so with the notion that the lit-erature has meaning for the members of the community that pro-duced it, and by implication, significance for those who are considering entrance into the community. That literature in gen-eral, and religious texts in particular, has any lasting significance for individuals or communities is no longer a presupposition in the present era of infomania. Already, the appreciation of books and the sense of meaning proper to literature is disappearing in cer-tain sectors of our culture in the wake of an ever growing desire for information. Heim's observations here are trenchant: Today libraries are becoming information centers rather than places for musing. The Los Angeles County Public Library, the world's largest circulating library, receives more requests for information than requests for books. In 1989, one university in California opened the first library without books, a building for searching electronic texts. Books still remain a primary source, but they are rapidly becoming mere sources of information . Searching through books was always more romance than busyness, more rumination than information. Information is by nature time bound. Supported by tech-nological systems, information depends on revision and updating. When books become mere sources of informa-tion, they lose the atmosphere of contemplative leisure and timeless enjoyment. Old books then seem irrelevant, as they no longer pertain to current needs. One of the new breed of information publishers epitomizes this attitude in a pithy warning: 'Any book more than two years old is of ques-tionable value. Books more than four or five years are a menace. Out of date = dangerous (pp. 24-26). Infomania and the Franciscan Theological Tradition How are religious communities like the Franciscans to respond to the challenge posed by infomania? The answer may be found in our taking a hands-on, direct approach to the reading and interpreting of the spiritual classics of our tradition which accen-tuates their sapiential character. In a fashion somewhat reminis-cent of the futuristic literary community of Fahrenheit 4~I, Franciscans, especially those in formation and education ministry, bear the task of keeping their literary heritage alive. They can accomplish this by assisting potential candidates and present com-munity members in the art of textual interpretation. Their efforts would serve as a practical way in which the wisdom of definitive January-February 1995 33 Johnson ¯ Back to the Future texts can be preserved and handed on to subsequent generations. This hands-on approach necessitates the active involvement of the formation directors and educators in the reading and inter-pretation of these spiritual sources. The proper interpretation of spiritual texts in formation and educational spheres encourages a dynamic of contemplative appre-ciation; it also opens the door to the discussion of a wide range of issues relevant to the living out of the wisdom embedded in the texts. To simply throw supposedly "important books" at others, and especially at candidates for religious life without assisting them in the appropriation of their significance is a disturbing rep-etition of the same attitudes fostered by the culture of infoma-nia. Literary texts once again become nothing other than data bits to be processed and absorbed. The wisdom of our literary tradi-tion is acquired only when we, as Heim would urge us, go beyond the mere collection and assimilation of information to "ponder, reflect, contemplate" the meaning of what we read. Religious for-mators and educators can encourage such a contemplative stance toward 6ur literary tradition by entering into the process proper to the interpretation of spiritual classics, regardless of whether they are written in a mechanical or electronic format. When we speak of fostering a contemplative attitude toward the spiritual classics of the Franciscan tradi'tion, we do so in light of the invitation of the Second Vatican Council to religious to rediscover and interpret their charism in contemporary society. One dimension of renewal concerns the interpretation of defini-tive literary texts of the religious communities, since it is hard to imagine how they could rediscover their charism if daey.neglected the classics Of their traditions. There are any number of wisdom texts which religious communities consider as classic expressions of their community traditions. Many Franciscans, for example, would place works like Bonaventure's Major Life of Saint Francis into the category of spiritual classics alongside those of Francis and Clare. As the Directives on Formation in Religiolts lnstitute? recom-mend, texts like these are to be introduced early in the forma-tion process so they might foster in novices, "a relish for the great authors of the Church's spiritual tradition, without being limited to spiritual reading of a modern cast.''6 Unfortunately the practice of reading spiritual classics is often neglected in formation and educational programs. This situation is understandable, given that those responsible for the develop- 34 Review for Religious ment of these programs often lack the skills necessary to grapple with important, but obtuse wisdom texts from the past. Given the crucial role of spiritual classics for the renewal of religious life and the cultural obstacles to their appropriation occasioned by infomania, a major task facing formators and educators is that of acquiring a modicum of competence in this area so they can help those in their care to know and value their spiritual tradition. The discipline of spiritual reading will become a reality in the context of formation and education programs when, and only when, the forma-tors and educators themselves are willing to enter into an interpre-tative conversation with the clas-sical literature of their traditions. What does it mean to speak of textual interpretation as a conver-sation, and how is the conversa-tion conducted? When we use a term like conversation we are not referring to an idle debate, gossip, or nonnegotiable confrontation. The model of conversation here is that found in David Tracy's The Analogical Imagination: Christian Theology and the Cult~tre of Pluralism. Authentic conversation takes place when the participants are able to go beyond self-consciousness and self-seeking and enter into a joint reflection upon the subject matter of the conversation. The pattern of their conversation is back and forth; it includes the capacity and willingness to listen, reflect, correct, and to speak to the point. In the conversation, the questions raised in the exchange take over--not the individual agendas of those involved--as the sub-ject matter assumes primacy. The conversation model, as paradig-matic for the dynamic of interpretative understanding, is applicable in the reading of those literary texts that religious com-munities consider definitive or classic. This model can also be The discipline of spiritual reading will become a reality in the context of formation and education programs when, and only when, the formators and educators themselves are willing to enter into an interpretative conversation with the classical literature of their traditions. January-February 1995 35 Johnson ¯ Back to the Future employed in reflections on images and symbols of art, music, architecture, since all these areas are potential "texts" offering subject matter for religious conversation and interpretation. This proposed interpretative stance toward the wisdom texts of the Franciscan tradition, which reflects a contemplative approach to literary classics, is a direct challenge to infomania. It is grounded in the methodology of Franciscan theology. From the beginning, Franciscan theologians have been concerned with the pursuit of sapiential knowledge as opposed to the mere accumu-lation of information or growth in conceptual knowledge. According to Alexander of Hales, theology as a science has more to do with the experience of wisdom than the conceptual knowl-edge proper to science in the strict Aristotelian sense of the word. While Alexander distinguishes between the science of created real-ities and the science of original causes, he goes beyond Aristotle's definition of wisdom as the science of original causes to include affective knowledge of God. This manner of knowing is an expe-riential "tasting" of divine goodness because the term sapientia, according to medieval etymology, is related to the term sapor denoting "taste." For Alexander, such affective wisdom, which moves people to live better lives, is identified with theology: Furthermore, it must be noted that there is a science which perfects knowledge according to truth and a science which moves the affections toward the good. The first is knowl-edge according to sight and, therefore, must be spoken of as an absolute science.The second is knowledge according to taste and, therefore, wisdom must be spoken of as com-ing from affective taste according to what is said in Ecclesiastes 6:23: It is wisdom according to its name. Theology, therefore, which perfects the soul accord-ing to affection, moving [the soul] toward the good by the principles of fear and love, is properly and principally, wis-dom. The First Philosophy, which is the theology of philosophers, concerns first things and perfects under-standing by way of the arts and reasoning; however, it is not properly spoken of as wisdom. Indeed certain sciences, which treat consequent causes and those things which are caused, are said to concern science and not wisdom.7 Alexander of Hales's description of theology as sapiential knowledge is reflected in the writings of his most famous stu-dent, Bonaventure, who held that both Franciscan and Dominican theologians are called to the "tasting" of divine goodness. In their dedication to theological studies, the friars distinguish themselves 36 Review for Religious from other communities such as the Cistercians, Carthusians, and Canons Regular, whose attention was directed primarily towards prayer, devotion, and the celebration of the liturgy. For their part, the lives of the Preachers and Minors are called to theological reflection; there is a distinct difference in emphasis. The Preachers focus primarily on study itself and then on the affective enjoy-ment of God afforded by study, while the Minors emphasize the "tasting" of divine goodness followed by study. The view of the Franciscans was based on Francis of Assisi's conviction that it was pointless to acquire information about God without enjoying the experience of God. Bonaventure quotes Francis in this regard in the Collations on the Six Days, "What good is it to know many things and taste nothing." The savoring of "the goodness of the Lord" in the course of theological reflection was a significant, but certainly not the exclu-sive purpose of theology, according to the early Franciscan mas-ters. While they responded to the Aristotelian challenge by indicating that theology was indeed a speculative or contempla-tive science, the friars stressed that the discipline of theology was ultimately oriented toward praxis. Oddo of Rigauld writes "As to its end, theology does not rest in pure knowledge, but is moreover ordered to works; therefore, one must say that it is a practical science." Bonaventure notes that while theology does have a con-templative dimension to it, it is concerned most of all with the sapiential knowledge which moves the affections and leads to moral goodness. Following the teachings of Francis, the theolo-gians of the Franciscan community taught that accumulation of information or knowledge for the sake of knowledge was useless, if not dangerous. Knowledge of God was to be translated into daily life. Oddo makes this point when delineating the relation-ship between theological knowl.edge, pastoral skills, and action: And to that objection, 'that science has little or nothing to do with virtue' one can say that this statement concerns those sciences which are purely speculative; however, the-ology is not purely speculative, but practical. Or one can say that the Philosopher is referring to a certain knowledge provided that it does not lead to action. This is not the case with theology because even though someone may be a good theologian and preacher, if he does not wish to use what he knows, it is of little or no use to him.s The Franciscan understanding of knowledge as wisd6m, as sought in theological study and expressed in the context of daily .~anuao,-February 199Y 37 Johnson ¯ Back to tbe Future life, is diametrically opposed to the view of knowledge as insignif-icant, autonomous bits of information or data. Classical texts such as the Scriptures are of perennial value because they continually reveal the depths of divine wisdom and offer insights capable of molding the lives of those who read. The book of the Scriptures, together with all creatures who are divine words in the world, speak of the wisdom of God with words in need of interpretation and appropriation. The same point can be made about the literary classics of the Franciscan tradition. Franciscans, therefore, are to grow in knowl-edge by reading and appropriating the divine words uttered throughout creation. Listening and responding to their spiritual classics, Franciscans engage in a lectio divina marked by an expe-rience of divine wisdom which changes their lives for the better. In the present age of infomania, where growth in knowledge can be mistakenly equated with the accumulation of information, the Franciscan hermeneutic underlines the inseparable link between words, be they written or electronic, discursive or graphic, and meaning. Words are rooted in a context of ~neaning which is to be respected. In the transfer of information, there is the peril that the significance of the words used will be altered or disappear all together. Whatever their form, words cannot be reduced to incon-sequential data bits because they are ultimately an expression of the word of God.9 In a culture marked by infomania, a contem-plative stance toward the words found in the classical texts of the Franciscan tradition will go a long way in preserving these works as wisdom texts for generations to come. Conclusion The twin challenges of virtual reality and infomania call for the sober realization, first of all, that there is no going back to a supposed earlier, precomputer age of innocence. Those who used to do battle with typewriters and now play with word processors will testify to this. Would-be Cassandras warning of nightmare cybernetic futures will never succeed in turning away the crowds pushing through the doors of America's myriad video arcades. The fact is that the very people huddling around video terminals are future candidates for religious communities. The era of vi~tual .reality.and infomania has already arrived in the experience of these young people regardless Of what 6ur feelings about the.real 38 Review for Religious or perceived, negative or positive aspects of these cultural phe-nomena may be. In response to this challenge, a reasoned, pro-gressive approach is imperative that capitalizes on the potential of new technologies such as hypertext, while safeguarding the sig-nificance of our literary heritage. We need not fear the growing diffusion of a virtual reality mentality, if we are willing to utilize the new technologies in a manner suitable to the texts we wish to preserve and hand on to future generations. These efforts will be wasted, however, if there is not a concomitant attempt to appreciate and retrieve these spir-itual classics. The appropriation of these texts, be they written or electron]i:, is uli:imat~ly dependent on an interpretative dialogue within communities, such as the Franciscans, that produced and enfleshed them in the praxis of a shared life. In the future, candi-dates may read the classics of spir-ituality in hypertext with the assistance of images and sound. And just as Augustine was struck by Ambrose's .silent reading of the Scriptures in a Milanese garden, a formation director may marvel at a candidate reading the writ-ings of Francis on a glowing mon-itor in a Minneapolis home. Whatever our future real or vir-tual reality scenarios may look like, one thing is certain: We will always need men and women capable of interpreting and living out the perennial wisdom embedded in our spiritual classics. Their efforts in the formation and education spheres are essential if the abiding significance of our religious traditions is to be appreciated and appropriated anew in a culture formed in the matrix of info-mania. The Franciscan understanding of knowledge as wisdom, as sought in theological study and expressed in the context of daily life, is diametrically opposed to the view of knowledge as insignificant, autonomous bits of information or data. Notes ~Ray Bradbury, Fahrenheit 4Yl (New York: Ballantine Books, 1991). January-February 199Y 39 Johnson ¯ Back to the Future 2 Michael Heim, The Metaphysics of Virtual Reality (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993) p. 160. 3 John Cumming, "The Frankfurt Bookshelf," The Tablet, 30 October 1993, 1434. 4 Giles Constable, Letters and Letter Collections: Typologie dedsources du moyen age, 17 (Turnhout: ]~ditions Brepols, 1976) 54. s Quote from Jos~ Antonio Merino, Visionefrancescana della vita quo-tidiana (Assisi: Cittadella Editrice, 1993) 92. 6 Potissimum lnstitutioni, Directives on Formation in Religious Institutes (Rome: Vatican Press, 1990) 38, n. 47. 7 Alexander of Hales, Summa tbeologica, trac, intro., q. 1, c. 1, Solutio, 2b (Quaracchi: Collegio San Bonaventura, 1924-1928). s Quote from Leonardo Sileo, Teoria della scienza teologica, 18. 9 Orlando Todisco, Le creature e le parole, p. 127. A Commuter's Winter Reflection Dawnlit silhouettes of leafless trees crisply etched against a glowing sky simple and spare: long lacy limbs, primly elegant, tangent tapered trunks, trimly debonair for all their rootedness. Wind-whipped or rain-soaked, ice-tipped or snow-cloaked, steadfast they stand as wif~ter witnesses: daily summoning not to vivacious hope (the grace of evergreens) but to a feisty faith in future blossoming. Mary Karen Kelly GNSH 40 Review for Religious RUTH FOX Beyond Ecumenism: Religious as Pioneers Everyone today is aware of the need for ecumenism, with the call for dialogue and mutual respect among the various religions of the world. Because of their grounding in theology and in a life of prayer, men and women reli-gious are in an especially advantageous position not only to be involved in ecumenical affairs, but to move beyond the ordinary boundaries of ecumenism. What does it mean to go beyond ecumenism? It means going beyond dialogue, coffee, exchange of homilists, prayer for unity, interfaith choirs, joint Thanksgiving Day services, and ecumenical conferences. Each of these typical ecumenical events is limited in scope and intention. The participants come together for an hour or so for a specific task, are nice to one another, learn about a new book to read, and then go home feeling good about their open-mindedness. But because these are only events, the results probably go little further than the boundaries of the event. Sister Ruth Fox OSB is the president of the Federation of St. Gertrude, a union of eighteen monasteries of women in the United States and Canada. She is the current representative of the Leadership Conference of Women Religious to the National Ecumenical Consultation. This article was originally presented at the annual meeting of the National Ecumenical Consultation 8-10 August 1994, at Narragansett, Rhode Island. The NEC is an organization for religious interested in ecumenism and inter-religious dialogue. Sister Ruth's address is Sacred Heart Monastery; Box 354; Richardson, North Dakota 58652. aTanuary-February 199 ~ 41 Fox ¯ Beyond Ecumenism How, then, can religious go deeper than these ecumenical exercises? To put it simply, there is a need to move beyond events to processes. Some valuable insights into this shift of focus can be gained from a recent book on business management: Leadership and the New Science: Learning about Organization from an Orderly Universe by Margaret Wheatley (San Francisco: Berrett-Koehler Publishers, 1992). The author has used the findings of new science to take a look at organizational management. She says that we have lived and worked from a Newtonian point of view--everything has its parts which function in a predictable, hierarchical order. All we need to do is figure out the structure of the universe, apply it to our human systems, and all will function in an orderly manner. Most organizations have tried to operate this way, even the church. If we just get this program, these people, the right plans, com-petent hierarchy find obedient subjects--especially obedient sub-jects-- then the church will be a perfect organization. If we get a good ecumenical program, get the right parts and right people, organize them carefully, direct from an efficient main office, unity will result. But that is not the way the universe works, and it is not the way ecumenism will work. Wheatley says that the new science has revealed a different kind of universe: "The quantum mechan-ical view of reality strikes against most of our notions of reality. Even to scientists, it is admittedly bizarre. But it is a world where relationship is the key determiner of what is observed and of how particles manifest themselves. Particles come into being and are observed only in relationship to something else" (p. 10). The world is made up of events that are held together in rela-tionship by unseen connections. "These unseen connections between What were previously thought to be separate entities are the fun-damental elements of all creation" (p. 10). Relationships define structure, not the other way around. Living structures are con-stantly changing as the inner relationships change. They are a "continuous dance of energy" (Fritjof Capra quoted in Wheatley, p. 32). Particles come and go, in time too brief to imagine, into a state of being through relationships with energy sources. Matter is manifested now as particles, now as waves of energy, always in relationship. "Nothing exists independent of its relationship with something else" (p. 34). Even our observation of matter brings us into the relationship, into the dance, by which we are changed 42 Review for Religious and matter is changed. Everything in nature is a web of connec-tions, of potential relationships. For organizations in this age of quantum mechanics, the rel-evant question is not what structure will give control, but what structure will enhance the current channels of relationships? What structure will encourage more channels of relationships? Channels of nourishment are needed also. Wheatley says that healthy structures are nourished by information because infor-mation gives energy. "We need to have information coursing through our systems, disturbing the peace, imbuing everything it touches with new life" (p. 105). Energy, new life, relationships extend far beyond their point of origin. It is now believed that space is filled with so-called "fields" of connections. We have long been familiar with the all-pervasive fields of gravity and magnetism. "The invisible world is filled with mediums of connec-tions" (p. 49) that exert influence on mat-ter far and wide. In human relationships also, there are comparable fields of energy. One can actu-ally feel different kinds of fields when walk-ing into a home or church or community. Because of attitudes and behaviors of individuals in the community, a person can almost tangibly touch an invisible field of energy: hospitality, openness, peace, friendliness, or tension, suspicion, coldness, rigidity. Wheatley says, "We need all of us out there, stating, clar-ifying, discussing, modeling, filling all of space with the messages we care about. If we do that, fields develop--and with them, their wondrous capacity to bring energy into form" (p. 56). I am reminded of the Buddhist prayer flags that I saw waving in the wind around the Tibetan Buddhist temples in India. Words from the Buddhist scriptures are printed on these flags, with the idea of sending the message of peace and love throughout the universe. Without knowing about scientific "fields" the Buddhists have been, in a sense, attempting to create invisible fields of tran-quillity for ages. How does this new science speak to religious who are chal-lenged to move beyond ecumenism, to be pioneers for interreli- The world is made up of events that are held together in relationship by unseen connections. January-February 199Y 43 Fox ¯ Beyond Ecumenism gious activities? The insights from science imply that we do not need to focus our main energies on constructing programs or structures that will create unity. The unity we desire is already a reality in the existing web of connections. Faulty information and attitudes have divided us in the past. Now we need more infor-mation to overwhelm us with the realization that God created us one, that we are already bonded together by existing relation-ships that come from the creative hand of God. We have allowed patterns of self-interest to blind us to this web of connectedness. Where the web has been broken or cam-ouflaged by centuries of debris, religious have the vision and ded-ication to reveal the truth of our connections once again. Where fields of suspicion, self-righteousness, arrogance, and misunder-standings abound, religious can replace these invisible energies with new fields of trust, openness, charity, humility--first in our own houses, then in our local church, then our civic communities. Each single word we speak, each simple act of unity we perform, goes forth from us on an endless journey of connections. An image came to my attention as I was reflecting on this topic. My daily meditation location is in my bedroom where I can look out over the North Dakota prairie from my window. My attention fell on a barbed wire fence that separates our property from a cattle pasture. Fences. Humans build them to mark bound-aries, to keep something out and something in--to protect, define, possess, claim, imprison, differentiate. Yet this past winter, a herd of deer who could find no food in the snow-covered pasture dis-regarded the fence and leaped right over it to enjoy the needles of the evergreen trees on our property. The fence did not mark any boundary for them. At best, it was just a minor barrier. Then I thought of birds who fly over all human fences, and of crawling creatures who would barely notice the wires stretched above them. For these creatures, all the earth is one. For us also, in God's eyes, there are no fences between us; we are already one. We are united in our humanity, in our crea-tureliness, in our being images of God. But we have created fences to mark boundaries between us. With the ecumenical movement, we have decided sometimes to hold hands through the fence, or, while staying on our own side, to walk together along the fence line for a short distance. Religious authorities have decided at times to build gates at certain specified points in the fence and to allow their subjects to go in and out with supervision. More and 44 Review for Religious more of these gates are being built for interchange. Decrees are occasionally issued which declare some portions of certain fences outdated. Recently I read that Catholic and Lutheran leaders around the world are moving their respective churches toward lifting the 16th-century mutual condemnations on the doctrine of justification. The target date is set for 1997. Why does it take so long? These breakthroughs, it seems, are slow and labori-ous, and meanwhile the fences are still there to divide us. Using a rural prairie image, I see religious called to be the fence-crossers, like the deer, the birds, the squirrels, the crawlers, who know the oneness of the ground beneath them and the heavens above them. They qui-etly fly over, jump over, crawl through, or slide under the fence, perhaps even without noticing it, building networks and relationships with one another, the earth, and all crea-tures. I myself have crawled through the barbed wire fence many times. Sometimes I have lost my balance and fallen on the ground, gotten little tears in my clothing and scratches on my legs. Fence crossing can leave us with scars, but scars are at least signs of something tried. Only a few of us may be called to the level of making ecu-menical documents and decrees, or founding interfaith commu-nities. But I think our pioneering as religious can be just as valuable in discovering and developing ways for us and for the friends of our communities to build local networks, one-on-one relationships beneath and over the fences. In my own limited experience, I am aware of four such con-temporary ongoing processes involving religious that have been moving the participants beyond ecumenism. 1. Monastic Interreligious Dialogue: After Vatican Council II, the Vatican asked the Benedictine Order to initiate dialogue with Our pioneering as religious can be valuable in discovering and developing ways for us and for the friends of our communities to build local networks, one-on-one relationships beneath and over the fences. January-February 199Y 45 Fox ¯ Beyond Ecumenism the non-Christian Eastern religions. Because of the commonality of monasticism, there was already a basis or groundwork for the beginning of dialogue. The American Benedictines began their dialogue with the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Buddhist monks and nuns in exile in India. Since 1978, several exchanges have occurred, with Buddhists monks and nuns visiting Benedictine monasteries of men and women in the U.S., and American monks and nuns spending time in India. I was one of the fortunate ones to spend ten weeks in India in the fall of 1986. Because of my monastic formation, I felt quite at home in a Buddhist monastery, where the daily horarium, the chanting of scriptures in the tem-ple, and the lifestyle of simplicity, poverty, celibacy, and obedience was similar to my own. We joined the Buddhists in their temples for their hours of prayer and talked about our common concerns for world peace, justice, a recognition of dignity for all persons, self-support, and care of our elderly. Although dialogue took place, there was much more than dialogue--there was a connec-tion of the heart, an ongoing process of communion that is con-tinuing to change the hearts and attitudes of all the participants and their respective communities. As I reflected on this exchange, I began wondering if such an exchange has been happening among Christian religious. I suspect that most Catholic religious are only vaguely knowledgeable of other Christian religious in the United States. I am not aware that there has been any exchange of Catholic women religious with Anglican, Lutheran, or Orthodox communities of women. (I would not know about the men, but I have not heard of any exchanges.) Are we even on each other's mailing lists for our newsletters? Do we have any members interested in such exchange? 2. Great Plains Institute of Theology: Several years ago the west-ern North Dakota Synod of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America initiated an ongoing education program in theology for pastors and lay people. Clergy with theological expertise were invited to share their studies with others in small group classes. One of the first faculty members was a Benedictine monk, and one of the ongoing board members has been a Benedictine abbot, with many of the sessions being held at the Benedictine abbey. I was invited to be a member of the board seven years ago, even serving a term as president. Although several Benedictine monks and nuns often participated in the classes and seminars, very few 46 Review for Religious Catholic priests or lay persons did. There was somehow a con-nection between Benedictines and the Lutheran clergy and laity. Perhaps studying theology together is not beyond ecumenism-- but the resulting ongoing relationships, trust, and openness are. 3. Monastery of St. Benedict Center: We have within the Federation of St. Gertrude eighteen monasteries of Benedictine women in the U.S. and Canada. Most of our communities are facing diminishment of members, energy, and sponsored institu-tions. As Jude Weisenbeck SDS wrote in an article in Review for Religious (November-December, 1993), most religious commu-nities are struggling for survival and renewal, perhaps even refounding. One small monastery of seven members in our Federation, in Madison, Wisconsin, has in a particular way met this challenge head-on. They initiated several consultations with their ecumenical friends, and, as a result, have made a commit-ment to refocus their identity as an ecumenical Benedictine monastery. There are several canonical as well as lifestyle ques-tions yet to be answered. But I believe we do not even know what the questions will be until it is tried. I am pleased that this monastery is willing to begin this journey beyond ecumenism. 4. United Methodist Church: Some years ago (1984) the United Methodist Church approved a resolution to explore the possibil-ity of establishing an ecumenical monastic community. Since then some attempts have been made to establish various types of com-munities with the mentoring of Benedictine monasteries of men and women. Will these small efforts make any difference in promoting unity? The herd of twenty deer criss-crossing our lawn almost daily for a couple months this past winter will affect our lawn this summer. Their consumption of the lower branches of our ever-greens will affect the birds who nest there, which, if it does not affect the insect population, will affect the beauty of our grounds. I am reminded of Wheatley's quotation of Edward Lorenz regard-ing the butterfly effect. "Does the flap of a butterfly wing in Tokyo, Lorenz queried, affect a tornado in Texas (or a thunder-storm in New York)? Though unfortunate for the future of accu-rate weather prediction, his answer was yes" (p. 126). As men and women of the Scriptures and imbued with the Holy Spirit, we know that we stand on common Holy Ground and that we worship the same God. We are one; let us do what we can to move beyond ecumenism and live as one. .~anuary-Febr~ary 1995 47 SHAUN MCCARTY Dynamic Memory's Role in Reimaging the Future d s we approach the third millennium, there has been much talk concerning the quest for new visions and the need for new paradigms that will express old values in ways suited for the future. We face complex and confusing social contexts affected by such influences as scientific and technological advances, the movement towards a global economy, the realignment of national boundaries, and the growth of multicultural societies. These pose formidable challenges for people of faith. In religious cirFles, too, many perceive what they consider to be major paradigm shifts in progress. There has been considerable interest in developing new models of church, of consecrated life, of various ministries, of spiritualities that will incarnate peren-nial values in ways more suited to the accelerating changes the future will bring. As We attempt to accept coresponsibility for fashioning the future in these transitional times, there is obvi-ously a need for the exercise of creative imagination as well as for careful, prayerful, and corporate discernment of the signs of the times. My purpose here is not to offer predictions or prophecies for the next millennium. Rather, it is to provide some framework and stimulus for pursuing new visions and new paradigms in these transitional times. My focus will be on the role of dynamic mem-ory as it relates to the process of reimaging the future. To move Shaun McCarty ST has taught in the Washington Theological Union and in the Shalem Institute. Currently he is director at the Trinity Ministries Center. His address is 1292 Long Hill Road; Sterling, New Jersey 07980. 48 Review for Religious forward responsibly, we need to go back faithfully. My basic premises are these: (1) Shaping new paradigms calls for the exer-cise of creative imagination. (2) Key to the development of creative imagination for the future are dyna~nic memories of the past. (3) Personal and corporate memories will be more dynamic to the extent that we bring them to prayerful reflection and discern-ment of the signs of the times. Creative Imagination As understood here, creative imagination is the power to cre-ate new images or ideas by combining past experiences. As I use the term, I mean the graced capacity that allows us to project ourselves into the future; it involvds the creative ability to con-struct a dream and the human imperative to conceive an individ-ual and corporate vision. Without a vision for the future, both groups and individuals become moribund. Every lasting society, culture, tradition needs its utopia, its dream. No civilization has survived without its cor-porate dream. For example, the American Dream is articulated, though far from realized, in documents such as the Bill of Rights which stress equality for all . . . life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Nowhere was it more prominently symbolized to our immigrant forebears than in the Statue of Liberty nor more lyricized than in the verses of Emma Lazarus inscribed at its base: Keep ancient lands, your storied pomp! cries she With silent lips. 'Give me your tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free, The wretched refuse of your teeming shore. Send these, the homeless, the tempest-tost, to me I lift my lamp beside the golden door.' Every faith tradition has its vision for the future. As Christians, our corporate dream for the future is for the reign of God; our individual piece of that dream is for resurrection. Faith communities within the church have visions that are, as it were, refractions of the larger Christian vision of the reign of God. These dreams need ongoing reinterpretation suited to given times and culture. For example, the corporate dream of my own faith tradition as expressed by our founder (Thomas Augustine Judge, CM) was that "every Catholic be an apostle." January-February 199Y 49 McCarty ¯ Dynamic Memory's Role This might be better fornmlated today in terms of the universal baptismal call to mission as well as to holiness of life. Visions like this, I would suggest, are capable of containing the commitment of a person's entire life. Hence, relevance of a dream for the present summons us back to the past so we can move ahead to the future. Our collective and individual memories of God's actions in the past are touch-stones for discernment in fashioning new paradigms for the future. Indeed, as discerning communities of faith, we are bonded by shared memories of the past and shared hopes for the future. Each of us needs a dream to lure us forward unless, of course, we are content to live by convention. We are energized by our dreams, enervated without them. It involves the choice, either to dream or to die. Individuals need a sense of vision in discerning their call and their gifts in bringing those dreams to fruition. When people will not dare to dream or when they lose the dream, a sense of meaning in life can fade or si~nply vanish. Dynamic Memory In exploring the notion of dynamic memory, I ask the reader's indulgence as I begin by paraphrasing a favorite story of mine written for children of all ages entitled Wilf!'id Gordon McDonald Partridge.t Wilfrid Gordon was a small boy whom, we are told, "was not very old either." He lived next door to an old folks' home, and he got to know them all. He liked, listened to, played with, ran errands for and admired different residents. But his favorite per-son of all was Miss Nancy Mison Delacourt Cooper because she had four names just as he. He called her Miss Nancy and told her all his secrets. One day he overhears his mother and father calling Miss Nancy a "poor old thing." "Why is she a poor old thing?" asks Wilfrid Gordon. His father replies, "Because she's lost her memory." "What's a memory?" Wilfrid Gordon asks. He was always asking questions. "It's something you remember," said his father. But Wilfrid Gordon wanted to know more, so he visits his favorite old folks asking each in the turn, "What's a memory?" They respond variously that memory is something warm . . . 50 Review for Religqous something from long ago., something that makes you cry. something that makes you laugh . . . something as precious as gold . So Wilfrid Gordon goes home to look for memories for Miss Nancy because she had lost her own. Into a basket go his shoe box of shells . . . a puppet . . . a medal his grandfather had given him., his football . . . and, last of all, a fresh warm egg from under a hen. Then he calls on Miss Nancy and gives her each thing one by one. Then she starts to remember. The warm egg reminds her of tiny bird eggs she had once found in her aunt's garden. When she puts a shell to her ear, she remembers going to the beach long ago by tram in her button-up shoes. The touch of the medal leads her to talk sadly of her big brother who had gone to war and never returned. The puppet brings a smile to her face as she remembers a puppet that used to make her sister laugh. She bounces the football to Wilfrid Gordon and remembers the day she had met him and the secrets they had told. The story ends, "And the two of them smiled and smiled because Miss Nancy's memory had been found again by a small boy, who wasn't very old either." Using this story as a point of departure, permit me to make a few preliminary observations about dynamic memory. In his quest for the meaning of memory, Wilfrid Gordon finds it has various facets. He hears respectively that it is something you remember, that it is warm, that it is from long ago, that it carries feeling as well as thought (it can make you cry or laugh!) and that it is as precious as gold. As with Miss Nancy, there is in all of us a human tendency to forget. Most are prone especially to spiritual amnesia. Dynamic memo~Ty is the opposite of amnesia. It is the kind of memory that has life and power in the present. Wilfrid Gordon understood that Miss Nancy needed to find her lost memories. We all need to find lost or half-forgotten mem-ories and to be reminded of old ones, lest they fade from con-sciousness. Indeed, it is the function of the Holy Spirit, as Jesus said, to "instruct you in everything, and to remind you of all that I told you On 14:26). It is the work of the Spirit to unfold an ever new understanding, interpretation, and application of the once-and- for-all dream of Jesus. January-February 199Y 51 McCarty * Dynamic Memory's Role There is much locked-up power in the past to affect the pres-ent and the future. Wilfrid Gordon was able to unlock some of that power in Miss Nancy with his little treasures. Each became a reminder for her--the egg, the shells, the medal, the puppet, the football. Often help is needed to reawaken memories so as to activate their power. Little people like Wilfrid Gordon sometimes make better helpers. Sharing faith experiences can trigger forgotten ones in others. There need not be words. Silences can speak. Symbols and rituals reach a deeper level of remembrance. Memory is a gift or grace that enables both personal inte-gration and community. As with Miss Nancy, its loss tends to dis-connect one from previous life experiences and to dismember one from effective community and communication with others. The act of remembering has the power to "remember" what has been dismembered, scattered, disconnected. Wilfrid Gordon enabled Miss Nancy to connect with her past and, in the process, to deepen a bond with him in the present. Obviously, dynamic memory is more than mere mental recall. As with both Wilfrid and Miss Nancy, some memories are happy and some sad. This .kind of rmnembrance affects the whole per-son-- mind, body, and spirit. It is recall that summons feelings as well as facts. As with Miss Nancy, some are happy and need cel-ebration; some are sad and perhaps need healing and integration. Dynamic Memory within a Faith Context By dyna~nic me~nory I mean remembrance that has life and power now. It is the opposite of static memory, that is, memory without life, unable to influence the present or future. It is not rote 2nemory, that is, the ability to commit mere facts to the store-house of memory with or without accompanying meaning. Dynamic memory is more than nostalgia, that is, a fond recollection of and longing for ari idealized something or someone in the past. Often this kind of r~membering can be an escape from the pres-ent. Similar to nostalgia is reminiscence that can range from mere sentimental longing to dwelling in the past to the neglect of the present. Reminiscence is often a recall of something no longer present, a past that is over and done with. Rather, dynamic memory is an active, grace-empowered, lib-erating remembrance that brings the past into the present so as to 52 Review for Religious influence and empower it and to provide hope for the future. For Jews and Christians alike, it is sinful to have a "bad mem-ory," that is to say, to forget God's saving actions in the past. Thus the Passover story is told over and over again. Our Eucharist is celebrated unceasingly. In the Old Testament, remembering is one of the chief vehi-cles of God's dream. Memories are handed down largely through stories. We need to know and to own our own personal and cor-porate stories. Our personal sto-ries take on new and deeper meaning as part of the larger and longer stories of our faith tradi-tion which are really memories of God's graciousness. In the Book of Deuteronomy particularly, the Israelites are summoned to remember God's past mercies as the basis for their present fidelity to the covenant. The role of memory and tradi-tion is often stressed in Deuteronomy with reference to Yahweh's appearance at Mount Horeb where God says: ". Take care and be earnestly on your guard not to forget the things which your eyes have seen, nor let thegn slip from your memory as long as you live, but teach them to your children and to your children's chil-dren" (Dr 4:9). The Hebrew verb to remember means to act on behalf of. It implies bringing what one remembers to life in the present. In so doing, the continuing efficacy of saving events is tapped. If remembering calls for action in the present, memories can be dangerous, something to which martyrs are witness. The Greek word for remembrance is anamnesis. It is used in reference to memories of God's saving intervention in history. In the Eucharistic assembly we hear Jesus' words, "Do this in remem-brance of me." They are an invitation for the worshipping com-munity to appropriate the salvation Christ accomplished once and for all. Story-telling can enrich memory and stimulate imagination. Each little reminder Wilfrid Gordon brought to Miss Nancy evoked its own story. In addition to our corporate stories of God's The act of remembering has the power to "remember" what has been dismembered, scattered, disconnected. January-February 199Y 53 McCarty ¯ Dynamic Memory's Role past mercies, each of us has personal remembrances of God's felt presence and power in our lives and ministries. Importance of Dynamic Memory for Corporate Identity Dynamic memory bonds believers in faith community. Together in faith we are communities of memory and hope. Our worship is grounded in memory. Remembering is an essential dimension of worship. Symbolic action or ritual is a fundamental way of remembering. Through rituals, memories are recalled and connections are made. As a matter of fact, rituals can touch into deeper levels of the psyche than can mere words. This became evident to me on visits with my dad in the clos-ing years of his life when he was afflicted with Alzheimer's disease. For me, it was watching a loved one die in slow motion as the human faculties only gradually shut down. Long after we were able to carry on a coherent conversation, indeed, until the very end, before leaving him I would ask if he wanted me to bless him. Immediately, he'd bow his head and make the sign of the cross as I raised my hand in blessing. It confirmed my belief that religious symbols and rituals, better than words, can evoke response from deeply imbedded values. For Christians, in liturgical acts of remembrance (for exam-ple, sacraments), Christ is truly present. This is especially true for Eucharist in which our memories are taken up into the paschal mystery. It is in memory of Jesus that the church assembles. Importance of Dynamic Memory for Individual Identity Memory is fundamental to personal as well as to corporate identity. It not only enables each of us to hold fast to an identity, but it can also help us to shape it in new ways. As we grow older, we try to piece together a unified self from the fragments of our lives. It is a process that can result in greater openness, inner peace, and wisdom. Dynamic memory is certainly central to personal religious iden-tity. Faith adds an essential dimension to remembrance. Our per-sonal stories take on new meaning as part of a longer and larger story which embraces our stories, deepening and broadening them, giving them context and continuity. It has been said that Jesus came to know himself Out of the religious memory of Israel. 54 Review for Religious In retrospect, dynamic memory reveals God's presence and power in our lives as a kind of personal anamnesis. Retrieving memories of our God experiences helps us find the design of God's particular providence for each of us. It enables us to string the beads of past epiphanies. This heightened sense of previous religious experiences (or better, religious dimensions of human experiences) provides us with a touchstone for testing the authen-ticity of movements within in the process of discernment. Such memories of the past are the basis for confidence in the present and hope for the future. Memories, Imagination, and the Future What of the relationship of memory and imagination in dis-cerning the future and for being coresponsible for shaping it? Concisely put, memories are the stuff of which dreams are made. Creative imagination does not involve creatio ex nihilo (cre-ation from nothing). Only God can do that. Creative imagi.na-tion produces new configurations from the stuff of dynamic memories. We see this, for example, in the ways in which New Testament writers draw from the images, stories, and rituals of the Old Testament. We note it particularly in the way Jesus defines his own identity and mission in the language and personages of the Old Testament, especially of Isaiah. For example, at the begin-ning of his preaching in the synagogue at Nazareth, he read from the Book of Isaiah to claim his own mission: The Spirit of the Lord is upon me; therefore he has anointed me. He has sent me to bring glad tidings to the poor, to proclaim liberty to captives, recovery of sight to the blind and release to prisoners, to announce a year of favor from the Lord . Then he began by saying to them, "Today this Scripture is fulfilled in your hearing" (Lk 4:18, 20. As discerning communities of faith we are bonded by mem-ories and hopes. Our collective and individual memories of God's actions in the past are touchstones in discerning for the future. Processes or Prayerful Reflection/Discernment The need for ongoing prayerful reflection/discernment of past and present becomes all the more important for seeking new January-February 199Y 55 McCarty ¯ Dynamic Memory's Role We are called by virtue of baptism not just to holiness of life, but also to proclaim the Good News in word and deed, to be "walking beatitudes." visions and paradigms. I am referring to intentional efforts to dis-cern the signs of the times. In pursuing the tasks of renewal, much progress has been made by religious groups in discerning and applying two of the criteria for genuine renewal, namely, Gospel values and fo.unding charisms. I am not sure we have become as adept at discerning corporately on the basis of a third criterion frequently men-tioned in renewal documents, namely, the signs of the times. We would do well to collaborate in developing and implementing models of group reflection and discernment so we can responsibly and in ongoing fashion continue to read the signs of the times. By processes of prayerful reflection and discernment, I mean that intentionally and consistently we come together as groups of Christian people to be led by the Spirit in prayerful silence and dia-logue con.cerning our experiences of life and ministry so as to allow these experi-ences to become dynamic memories and occasions of disclosure of God's inten-tions/ desires for us and the people we serve in carrying forward Jesus' redemptive mission. This com-pressed definition bears some unpacking. I am speaking of processes that are dynamic, ongoing, varied, and done together. They are communal ventures, collaborative action in the present, stemming from and productive of genuine spiritual community. This calls for a coming together as Christian people. I see this as an ecumenical project with people bonded by a common bap-tism into Christ's Body to continue his mission of proclaiming the reig

Issue 50.6 of the Review for Religious, November/December 1991. ; Volume 50 Number 6 November/December 1991 Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister Song of the Groom The Erosion of Faith The Prayer of Stupidity R~vtEw FOR Rt~l.~C~OUs (ISSN 0034-639X) is published bi-monthly at St. Louis University by the Missouri Province Educational Institute of the Society of Jesus; Editorial Office: 3601 Lindcll Boulevard, Room 428: St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Telephone: 314-535-3048. Second-class postage paid at St. Louis MO and additional offices. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to REVIEW ~'Oa RELIGIOUS; P.O. BOX 6070; Duluth, MN 55806. Subscription rates: Single copy $3.50 plus mailing costs. One-year subscription $15.00 plus mailing costs; two-year subscription $28.00 plus mailing costs. See inside back cover for subscription informa-tion and mailing costs. © 1991 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. David L. Fleming, S.J. Philip C. Fischer, S.J. Michael G. Harter, S.J. Elizabeth McDonough, O.P. Jean Read Mary Ann Foppe Editor Associate Editors Canonical Counsel Editor Assistant Editors David J. Hassel, S.J. Iris Ann Ledden, S.S.N.D. Wendy Wright, Ph.D. Advisory Board Mary Margaret Johanning, S.S.N.D. Sean Sammon, F.M.S. Suzanne Zuercher, O.S.B. November/December 1991 Volume 50 Number 6 Manuscripts, books for review, and correspondence with the editor should be sent to REvtEw FOR RELtGtO~JS; 3601 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, MO 63108-3393. Correspondence about the department "Canonical Counsel" should be addressed to Elizabeth McDonough, O.P.; 5001 Eastern Avenue; P.O. Box 29260; Washington, D.C. 20017. Back issues should be ordered from REVIEW ~'oa REL~GIOOS; 3601 Lindell Boulevard; St. Louis, MO 63108-3393 . "Out of Print" issues are available from University Microfilms International; 300 N. Zeeb Road; Ann Arbor, MI 48106. A major portion of each issue is available on cassette recordings as a service for the visually impaired. 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This order is for [] a new subscription [] a renewal [] a restart of a lapsed subscription MAIL TO: REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS o 3601 LINDELL BOULEVARD ".ST.LOUIS, MO 63108 1.91 PRISMS . For those who take their Christian calendar for granted, the celebration of Christmas day seems more an ordinary part of the secular year than the extraordinary event it is. in the case of the business retailer the days leading up to Christmas become the watershed for a profitable sales year. For those in school the Christmas season marks ihe end of a semester, perhaps a gradu-ation, or at least a holiday time. There are large parts of Muslim, Jewish, Buddhist, and Hindu worlds where Christmas remains a Western cultural "playtime" invention. And what is Christmas really for us? Christmas celebrates an almost unbelievable reality: God being born as a human being, as a rather ordinary helpless baby. As usual with the arrival of a baby, Christmas represents jby, and with the magical ingredients of angels singing, shepherds watching, and Magi adoring we seem to hold Life with a gentle and light touch. Yet we cannot ignore the dark side of Christmas and the various struggles present within its story, such as the massacre of the innocent babies and the refugee reality of this young family in Egypt. One continuing struggle we all enter into as Christians is in believing that God loves this tangled human world so much. Another cont(mpo~:ary area of con-flict for us lies in the chosen limitations which God takes on in being human, for example, in being male, not female, in being Jewish, not Irish, Polish, or Japanese, in being an uneducated, itinerant preacher, not a priest, a lawyer, or a successful financier. Certain things will be remembered about Jesus-- this God-man--ways of speaking, the kinds of stories he told, his program for what it means to be blessed. All of this sets up the potential for more conflict and misunderstanding from this Middle Eastern way of approaching life so different from our own. Perhaps in our time we need to enter into Christmas more from God's point of view of our human world rather than fixating on our own conflictual struggles. Today it seems that causes and movements, allegiances and preju-dices, tend to make us small, mean, and even vindictive. Christmas take on new importance for Us Christians when the reality we celebrate allows us to identify with God in smallness and in the mean things of this world. We enter a little more lightly and gently into the conflict of limitations which God so eagerly took on in Jesus--the one we call our Vindicator. God desires to minister to a world out of love even though some forms and 801 [109 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 expressions of love always seem to be the source of so much misunderstand-ing and conflict. As a tribute to John of the Cross as we close the four hun-dredth anniversary celebration, Kevin Culligan focuses upon John's : m~mstry--like God's-~coming from an ardent lover. Always the energy of love which seeks union and draws forth imitation enhances at the same time the differentiation of the ones in love. Teilhard de Chardin's evolution axiom, "union differentiates," restates more secularly the Pauline concept of the glory of differences in hands and feet and eye within the Body of Christ--all united in the love of Christ in God. Our contemporary struggle with our own human sexuality in relating to our Christian God needs to find softer focus within the light of Christmas. Maybe there is a kind of divine humor in speaking and relating to God in masculine and feminine imagery. After all, if sexuality makes no sense in referring to our trinitarian God's life, at least the origins of our own human sexuality--limiting as it is in its male and female forms--stem from our cre-ator God of love. And so in accentuating our masculine and feminine reali-ties we reflect back some kind of reality within God's life. Jesus only makes concrete in his very person the struggle of our human love of God--both towards himself and to the God he calls abba, Father. The paradoxes involved in language about God and in responding to a God so intimately involved with us human beings--"male and female God created them"-~are touched upon by two authors in this issue, Robert Annechino and Nancy Cross, as they consider the experience of our loving God and God's loving us. Hennessy's expansion of the Marian mysteries in the public ministry of Jesus adds balance and fullness to our entering into salvation events. Limits in our loving in the form of narcissism is touched upon by Markham and Sofield. O'Hea looks to its roots in the erosion of faith. Darkness even in our loving response in prayer is considered by Dent and Ostini. Ottensmeyer, with a certain lightness of touch, has us take hold of what we might call our perversity principles. The poem, "Monastic Ruminations," by Auer and the article "Messiaenic Epiphany: '. amidst animals, Love is born'" by Schloesser are intended as two special, and different, love-gifts to our readers. May the God enfleshed for us, celebrated anew this Christmas season, help us touch issues and challenges of our times lightly, gently, and with grace. David L. Fleming, S.J. Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister: John of the Cross's Lived Example Kevin Culligan, O.C.D. This article is an edited version of a talk Father Kevin gave in December 1990 at the beginning of the fourth-centenary commemoration of St. John of the Cross's death in 1591. Father Kevin was his province's provincial and is now its director of continu-ing education and ongoing formation. His address is Discalced Carmelites; P.O. Box 429; Hinton, West Virginia 25951-0429. A number of years ago, at a seminar on St. John of the Cross and Spiritual Direction for directors of formation in religious communities, one of the par-ticipants told the group that he had come to our seminar in secret: "If my community knew I was participating in a seminar on St. John of the Cross, they would think I had gone off the deep end and would probably remove me from office to protect our novices." For me that remark sadly illustrates the poor image St. John of the Cross has for many clergy, religious, and laity in the United States. In 1926 Pius XI proclaimed him a doctor of the Church precisely because his writings were judged, after three and half centuries of thorough examination, to have universal value for the spiritual formation of Christians. Yet, for most American Catholics today, John is little known and his writings are a closed book. Many think of him primarily a's a mystic and poet, and so have difficulty identifying with him or believing that his teachings have much value for ordinary practical Christian living. Others, like the great American psycholo-gist and philosopher William James, have read his writings but consider him a negative ascetic, admirable in his personal austerities, perhaps, but whose teaching--"to come to possess all, desire the possession of nothing" (Ascent 1.13.11)--is psychologically dangerous. Even the images of John in reli-gious art, where he is usually portrayed embracing a cross, scare people. In Carmel we think of St. John of the Cross differently. He is our spiritu- 803 ~104 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 al father. We have experienced that his teaching, while challenging, is filled with practical wisdom. We regret that he is so little known and so negatively perceived in the United States because we believe he offers adult Christians a "spirituality with substance," as John Welch, O.Carm., states in his recent book, When Gods Die: An Introduction to John of the Cross. Thus, during the celebration of the fourth centenary of his holy death on December 14, 1591, we challenge ourselves to make his life and writings more accessible to our brothers and sisters in the United States. We hope many will discover him and find in this sixteenth-century Spanish friar a sure guide for our com-mon journey toward union with God. This article, then, considers John less as poet and mystic than as pastoral minister. As an ordained priest he made ministry to others the primary activi-ty and absorbing concern of his adult life. Even as a youngster he cared for others. Years later, his greatest writings on the spiritual life emerged from his ministry of spiritual direction. He wrote his famous diptych, The Ascent of Mount Carmel and The Dark Night, for other Carmelites, both friars and nuns, "since they were the ones who asked me to write this work" (Ascent, prologue, 9). His other two masterpieces in spirituality, The Spiritual Canticle and The Living Flame of Love, were written for two women he served as spiritual director, one a Carmelite nun, the other a widow. By looking at John as priest, as pastoral minister, we may get insights that further the most exciting development in the post-Vatican II Church, the opening of pastoral ministry to all. People have been newly reminded that pastoral ministry is not solely an obligation assumed at ordination or religious profession, but a responsibility that flows from our baptism and confirmation. Specifically, John contributes a fresh way of conceiving a pastoral min-ister, not only a "wounded healer" as Henri Nouwen has suggested,I or a "skilled helper" in the phrase of Gerard Egan,2 but also as an "ardent lover," a phrase which I believe aptly captures John's practice of pastoral ministry. John's Preparation for Ministry In 1567 Juan de Yepes--known then in the Carmelite order as Juan de Santo Matfa or John of St. Matthias--was ordained to the priesthood in the university city of Salamanca. Shortly after, in his home town of Medina del Campo, he met for the first time Teresa of Avila, who persuaded him to forgo his plans to join the stricter Carthusian order in order to assist her in reforming their own Carmelites. John had already been involved in ministry before 1567. From 1556 to 1562, as an adolescent between the ages of fourteen and twenty, he lived in a hospital, where he served the sick as an orderly and begged alms for them in Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister / 805 the streets. He would continue to serve the sick faithfully throughout his life. But the two major events of 1567--his priestly ordination and his first meet-ing with Teresa~determined the character of his pastoral ministry until his death twenty-four years later, in 1591 at the age of forty-nine. Everything that took place in his life before 1567 was but a preparation for the variety of pastoral services he would perform as a priest and a close associate of Teresa of Jesus. John's remote preparation for ministry began early. He was raised in a single-parent home. His father, Gonzalo de Yepes, died from the effects of poverty and famine shortly after John's birth in 1542 in the small Castilian farming village of Fontiveros, twenty-five miles northwest of Avila. John's father had belonged to a noble Toledo family with a prosperous silk business. He left a promising career in the family business to marry John's mother, Catalina Alvarez, a "poor but beautiful" weaving girl originally from Toledo whom Gonzalo had met on one of his business trips. Because his family dis-owned him for marrying beneath his position in life, Gonzalo joined his wife as a weaver in order to make a living. Into these poor circumstances he and Catalina brought three sons in twelve years, John being the youngest. Undoubtedly, in the years following the death of her husband and also her second son, Luis, who died of malnutrition not long after his father, Catalina repeated again and again the lesson and example of her husband's life to her two surviving sons: "Love," she probably said to them, "demands giving everything, just as your father gave up everything for me." Because of their poverty, Catalina turned to the Church for help in rais-ing her youngest son. She placed John in a residential school for orphans and children of the poor.in Medina del Campo, where she moved her little family in 1551. There John would be fed, clothed, and taught the fundamentals of his religion, and would learn a trade. At fourteen he was placed in a hospital, where he came under the formative influence of its chaplain and administra-tor, Don Alonso Alvarez de Toledo. Don Alonso carefully guided the young John and made it possible for him to study the humanities in the Jesuit col-lege in Medina, where he graduated at the age of twenty-one. Shortly afterwards John entered the Carmelites in Medina. Although formed by the role modeling of a diocesan priest and formally educated by the Jesuits, John apparently chose to enter the Carmelites, a Marian and con-templative order, because of his devotion to the Virgin and to prayer. The University of Salamanca After his year's novitiate, the Carmelites sent him to the University of Salamanca for a four-year course in the arts and theology. In the mid-six- 1~06 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 teenth century, Salamanca was a leading center of ecclesiastical learning and at the height of a neo-Scholastic revival. Its faculty included great scholars such as Fray Luis de Le6n, the Augustinian poet and translator of Sacred Scripture, and learned Dominican commentators on the writings of St. Thomas Aquinas. There John became proficient in Sacred Scripture, theolo-gy, and Thomistic psychology, three fields of study that would be essential for the years of ministry ahead of him. These three disciplines, together with his own personal experience, pro-vided the solid bases for the treatises on mystical theology he would later write. Almost every page of these writings contains quotations from the Bible. "Taking Scripture as our guide," he writes in the opening of The Ascent of Mount Carmel, "we do not err, since the Holy Spirit speaks to us through it" (Ascent, prologue, 2). His theology training reveals itself in his continual reminders that God is both transcendent and immanent, demanding that our relationship with God be based on faith and unceasing prayer. And in Thomistic psychology he found a conceptual tool to explain God's work in the human soul. For example, he used the Thomistic concept of active and passive intel-lect to explain this mysterious paradox: although we are limited in our intel-lectual ability to actively form adequate ideas of God, we are virtually unlimited in our capacity to passively receive God's own loving knowledge. Therefore, John taught that one of the major challenges of the spiritual jour-ney to union with God is to not allow our finite understanding of God to become an obstacle to receiving God's own infinite loving knowledge which he communicates to us in contemplation. John considered the knowledge of psychology to be of crucial impor-tance for the ministry of spiritual direction. Writing some twenty years later in his Living Flame of Love, he severely criticizes incompetent spiritual directors, not because their knowledge of theology and Scripture is inade-quate, but for their deficient knowledge of the human person. Because they fail to understand the full depths of the human "spirit" and its laws of opera-tion, incompetent spiritual directors hold persons in the stage of beginners in the spiritual life and never permit them to pass into the interior depths of the soul where God is leading them so that he may communicate with them and unite them totally with himself (Flame, 3.30ff, esp. 44 and 54). Preaching Following John's ordination to the priesthood and his commitment, approved by his religious superiors, to assist Teresa in her reform of Carmel, he was assigned by his provincial to the first reformed community of friars. Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister it was located at Duruelo, a small crossroads in the Castilian plains west of Avila. There the friars lived an austere community life, joined with the min-istries of hearing confessions, preaching, and celebrating liturgies in neigh-boring villages. John was not kriown as a great preacher, although we may assume he preached regularly throughout his years of priestly ministry. None of his ser-mons has come down to us, but he does share his theological reflection on this ministry in The Ascent of Mount Carmel, written some fifteen years later. He says: The preacher., should., keep in mind that preaching is more a spiri-tual practice than a vocal one. For although it is practiced through exteri-or words, it has no force or efficacy save from the interior spirit. No matter how lofty the doctrine preached, or polished the rhetoric, or sub-lime the style in which the preaching is clothed, the profit does not ordi-narily increase because of these means in themselves; it comes from the spirit of the preacher. The profit is usually commensurate with the [preacher's] interior preparedness. It is commonly said that as the master, so usually is the disciple . We frequently see, insofar as it is possible to judge here below, that the better the life of the preacher the more abundant the fruit, no matter how lowly his style, poor his rhetoric, and plain the doctrine. For the living spirit enkindles fire. But when this spirit is wanting, the gain is small, however sublime the style and doctrine. Although it is true that good style, gestures, sublime doctrine, and well-chosen words are more moving and productive of effect when accompanied by this good spirit, yet, with-out it, even though delightful and pleasing to the senses and the intellect, the sermon imparts little or no devotion to the will (Ascent 3.45.1-4). Confessor and Spiritual Guide At Duruelo he also began what was eventually to become his primary ministry, forming souls as their confessor and spiritual guide, a ministry he carried on almost uninterruptedly for the next twenty-four years. He was appointed master of novices for the men who joined the reform. In the years that followed, he was successively master of Carmelite students at Alcal~i de Henares, spiritual director of St.Teresa for five years, regular weekly con-fessor to her 130 nuns in the monastery of the Incarnation in Avila, master of students at the Carmelite college in Baeza in Andalusia, and regular confes-sor to the Carmelite nuns in the convents at Beas, Granada, and Segovia. In addition to these assigned positions within the Carmelite order, he carried on an extensive ministry of spiritual direction with persons outside it. He served large numbers of men and women from every phase of the Christian life, from its earliest stage of conversion to the heights of mysti-cism. These persons included: young people seeking guidance and support in I~0~1 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 determining their vocation in life; men and women troubled by scrupulosity, excessive guilt, psychosomatic anxiety; profoundly disturbed hysterical and paranoid personalities manifesting bizarre forms of religious behavior; and those with the normal problems in the spiritual life such as temptations against God,s law, difficulties in prayer, and feelings of dryness, desolation, and emptiness. The biographical data indicate that John rendered his spiritual service "without distinction of persons." He welcomed all who came to him for help; both inside and outside the confessional--religious, clergy, laity, young and old, rich and poor. His ministry extended to the entire Christian commu-nity, not simply to an elite few who held positions of privilege in society or who enjoyed a reputation for exalted spirituality. From these historical records, I estimate that during one eighteen-month period in 1587-1588 in Andalusia his ministry as spiritual guide and confessor included nearly a thousand .persons in and outside the Carmelite order. With all he fostered the same goals: union with God; imitation of Jesus Christ; deeper faith, hope, and love; continu~il prayer and mortification 6f every desire not ordered to the love and service of God; transformation of the personality through contemplation. Administration As Teresa's reform progressed, her friars eventually became, in 1580, a separate province within the friars of the Ancient Observance a, nd, in 1588, a separate congregation with their own vicar-general. As these developments occurred, John's fellow friars called upon him to fulfill various administra-tive offices within the reform. In 1578 he was appointed local superior of the community at El Calvario in the Sierra de Cazorla mountains in Andalusia. The following year he o~ened the Carmelite seminary in the Andalusian city of Baeza and served as rector there until i582. In 1582 he began six years as prior of the friars' community in Granada, the last two years of which he also served as vicar-provincial for Andalusia. In 1588 he was appointed to a threeryear term on the order's general council, during which time he was also local superior of the friars' community in Segovia. For fourteen straight years he was deeply involved in the administration of a new and growing order, establishing new communities, building new monasteries, providing for the formation and education of new members, and making canonical visitations of communities of both friars and nuns. His most intense period of administrative activity was the two years from 1585 to 1587, when he was prior of the monastery in Granada and Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister vicar-provincial of Andalusia. He was thus responsible, not only for his own local community in Granada, but also for seven other monasteries of friars and five convents of nuns scattered over thirty thousand Andalusian square miles, from Caravaca in the east to Seville in the west, and from C6rdoba in the north to M~ilaga in the south. To visit each community at least once a year as his office required meant almost continual travel, by foot or by donkey, frequently under a blazing sun, over dusty, rugged, winding, and at times mountainous roads, spending nights sleeping in open fields or in boisterous roadside inns. Five years later, in June 1591, at the friars' general chapter in Madrid, the burdens of office--both of formation and administration--were lifted from John's shoulders for the first time in thirteen years. He was to prepare for the Mexican missions, a directive that was later rescinded. In September 1591, his leg became seriously infected, leading to the illness which brought his death on December 14, 1591. During the last five months of his life, he had the physica! solitude he craved since his ordination to the priesthood twenty-four years earlier. These few months were the first time since he was ordained, save for nearly a year when he was imprisoned in Toledo on a charge of disobedience to his Carmelite superiors, that~he was without active pastoral care of souls. He wrote to Sister Anne of Jesus Jimena in July 1591: "Being freed and relieved from the care of souls, I can, if I want, and with God's help, enjoy peace, solitude, and the delightful fruit of forgetfulness of self and of all things. It is also good for others that ! be separated from them, for thus they will be freed of the faults they would have committed on account of my misery." Writing John was now no longer in direct service to others, but indirectly he con-tinued his ministry through writing. Living in a small hermitage in the Sierra Morena mountains in Andalusia, he continued to provide spiritual direction through personal letters and worked on revisions of his two spiritual master-pieces, The Spiritual Canticle and The Living Flame of Love. Both of these treatises were written for his directees, the former for the Carmelite nun Anne of Jesus Lobera and the latter for the lay woman Dofia Ana Pefialosa. Writing became for John, not a hobby, but an essential part of his pas-toral ministry. When a Carmelite nun once asked him if his poetic inspira-tions were from God, he replied, "Sometimes they came to me from God and at other times I sought them." John undoubtedly wrote during his early years in college and as a Carmelite. However, the writings we have today begin with his period of 810 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 imprisonment in Toledo and continue through the last thirteen years of his life, when he was between the ages of thirty-six and forty-nine. The nine-month imprisonment was the tragic result of conflicting jur!sdictions direct-ing the early days of Teresa's reform. This placed John in the. awkward position where fidelity to Teresa's reform, supported by the Holy See through the king of Spain, Philip II, appeared as di'sobedience to his Carmelite superiors, punishable by confinement in the monastery prison. In his prison cell in the Carmelite monastery at Toledo, John began his poem The Spiritual Canticle. Its opening lines sugges.t that poetry provided him a way of coping with the feelings of abandonment by God and spiritual desolation brought on by his imprisonment. He writes: Where have you hidden, Beloved, and left me moaning? You fled like the stag After wounding me; I went out calling You, and You were gone. However, in the years following his dramatic escape from Toledo, John continued to write poetry to express the deepest longings of his heart for God and to capture as best he could in human language his ineffable experi-ences of divine union. More than merely self-expression, John's poetry became pan of his ministry. His pedagogy involved sharing his poems with his Carmelite brothers and sisters and his directees to teach them about the human person's union with God. They, in turn, requested a fuller explanation of these teachings in prose. He responded with three major treatises in spiri-tuality- the prose commentaries on his poems The Dark Night, The Spiritual Canticle, and The Living Flame of Love. Had John not been involved in the ministry of spiritual direction, it is likely that we would still have his poetry, but not the prose commentaries which today, four centuries later, continue to provide reliable spiritual guidance to millions of readers of all faiths for the journey to union with God. A Man on the Move This overview of John of the Cross's ministry hardly leaves us with the image most have of him--a mystic on the mountaintop, with abundant soli-tude to explore his relationship with God and the leisure to write lyric poet-ry. Rather, we see a man on the move--preaching, hearing, confessions, providing spiritual guidance, studying the architectural plans and financial figures of new monasteries, at his desk writing for others; in short, a man deeply committed to pastoral ministry. Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister / I~'1"1 True, by nature he was deeply introverted. His heart's desire was for solitude. He longed to be a solitary Carthusian before he met Teresa of Jesus, and when finally, after twenty-four years of pastoral ministry, he was free to be in a mountain hermitage, he wrote to Dofia Ana Pefialosa: "I am indeed very happy in this holy solitude." Nonetheless, his first commitment was to God, who called him out of himself to share his many gifts with others in pastoral ministry; in responding to this call, he discovered for himself the power and beauty of his own gifts. And these same gifts continue to be an enrichment for us all today. Jesus Christ, the Motive for John's Ministry John's ministry was not an outlet for an active temperament or a restless personality. It was, rather, his loving response to Jesus Christ, who was his Everything--"a brother, companion, master, ransom, and reward" (Ascent 2.22.5). John's ministry was his response to Jesus' love for him. In ministry he attempted to awaken others to Jesus' love for them. "Now we are telling you," John writes in his commentary on The Spiritual Canticle, "that you yourself are His dwelling and His secret chamber and hiding place . Since you know now that your desired Beloved lives hidden within your heart, strive to be really hidden with Him, and you will embrace Him within you and experience Him with loving affection" (Canticle 1.7 and 10). Jesus, too, was John's exemplar for ministry, especially in his kenosis, his self-emptying on the cross. From this John concluded that effective min-istry arises, not from a multiplicity of activity, but from union with Jesus' life-giving death. When he joined Teresa's reform, this insight prompted him to change his name from John of St. Matthias to John of the Cross. Later it led him to remind "true spiritual persons". "that their union with God and the greatness of the work they accomplish will be measured by their annihi-lation for God in the sensory and spiritual parts of their soul. [For] the jour-ney [to union with God] does not consist in recreations, experiences, and spiritual feelings, but in the living, sensory and spiritual, exterior and interi-or, death of the cross (Ascent 2.7.11). Mary, Model of Transformation John's experience of God's love in Jesus also determined his goal in ministry: to help persons let go of their inordinate attachments to creatures so that they might be free to receive the Creator's love into their lives, the divine love which both heals the effects of original sin and transforms human life into God's life. In this transformation, persons are united with the ~112 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 mind and heart of God. They respond to events in their lives with the mind and heart of Jesus. They are moved in everything by the Holy Spirit. In John's mind, the person who best embodies this transformation is the Blessed Virgin Mary. She is the "true daughter of God" in the passage quot-ed above. Furthermore, in The Ascent of Mount Carmel, describing the trans-formed Christian, John writes: "Such was the prayer and work of our Lady, the most glorious Virgin. Raised from the very beginning to this high state [of divine union and transformation in God], she never had the form of any creature impressed in her soul, nor was she moved by any, for she was always moved by the Holy Spirit" (Ascent 3.2.10). John's image of transformation was Mary, the Mother of Jesus. In his pastoral ministry he invited persons to imitate her simple faith in God so that they too might be transformed by the Holy Spirit. With this in mind he com-posed the following lyric that summarizes his entire spiritual doctrine: Del Verbo divino The Virgin, pregnant La Virgen prefiada With the Word of God, Viene de camino: Comes down the road: Si le dais posada. If only you'll shelter her. When we, like Mary, let go of everything that prevents us from being totally open to God's word, the Holy Spirit transforms us into her Son, the Word, Jesus. Two Difficulties Modem readers often have difficulty with John of the Cross's emphasis on purification through suffering. "Too negative," they say when they read a passage like this one from his Sayings of Light and Love: "God values in you an inclination to aridity and suffering for love of Him more than all possible consolations, spiritual visions, and meditations" (SLL 14). Yet anyone who has experienced the healing that comes from intense psychotherapy will, I think, appreciate the wisdom of this recommendation. For John, contempla-tion is, literally, psychotherapy--healing the soul. He is not teaching us how to arrive at ecstatic altered states of consciousness; rather, he is telling us how to heal the effects of original sin in our life. Effective psychotherapy demands a willingness to endure the pain that comes from an expanding awareness of our own ego-defense mechanisms and the consequent change of behavior necessary to break the compulsive repetition of self-defeating behavior. Similarly, John of the Cross explains that contemplation requires a readiness to accept the interior pain that accompanies a clearer insight into the disorder of our soul and our natural distance from the incomprehensible goodness of God. Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister The healing of our souls begins when we open our lives to receive God's loving knowledge. We experience loving knowledge as a light, at times painful, which allows us to observe clearly the disorder that continues to operate in our daily lives. At the same time, this light lets us see as never before God's inexhaustible love for us. In this light we quite naturally let go of disordered attachments to our own self-interest (a letting go that brings the temporary pain of 1 oss and sadness) and become more attached to God's will, which ultimately brings peace to our inner lives, even as we deal with each day's problems. But even granting John's hypothesis that purification is a prerequisite for healing and transformation, many today still believe that his spiritual doctrine is too individualistic and exclusive, meant only for the few who choose an avowedly contemplative way of life. They see little relationship between his spirituality and the pressing social issues of our day, such as those addressed by the American bishops in their recent pastoral letters on peace and economic justice. Obviously, the issues John addressed four hundred years ago are not the same issues we face today, although sixteenth-century Spain was not without its wars and economic injustice. Nonetheless, Richard Hardy, one of John's modem biographers, has suggested new ways of interpreting his counsels on personal mortification that bring out their social significance. Addressing the Institute of Carmelite Studies in Boston a few years ago, Hardy pointed out this country's inordinate appetite for national security and an improved stan-dard of living, even while millions of our people live in poverty. In the face of this poverty, he suggested that John's counsels on the mortification of the emotions in order to dispose one's sensory life for union with God are also a prophetic social challenge to the American Church. Thus, St. John writes in The Ascent of Mount Carmel: Endeavor to be inclined always: not to the easiest, but to the most difficult; not to the most delightful, but to the harshest; not to the most gratifying, but to the less pleasant; not to what means rest for you, but to hard work;' not to the consoling, but to the unconsoling; not to the most, but to the least; not to the highest and most precious, but to the lowest and most despised; not to wanting something, but to wanting nothing; do not go about looking for the best of temporal things, but for the worst, and desire to enter into complete nudity, emptiness, and poverty in everything in the world (Ascent 1.13.6). 1~14 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 These shocking words, directed to Carmelite religious in the sixteenth century committed by public vows to live in poverty, admittedly demand interpretation for Christians in twentieth-century America. Nevertheless, they challenge us, an affluent Christian community in a world where mil-lions are dying of starvation, to seek, not always the best and the most, but only the necessary, so that others in our world may also participate in their just share of the earth's goods, which God intends for all his children. Moreover, John teaches that when persons are deeply touched by God's love, their entire outlook on life is radically changed. Seeing now with God's eyes and feeling with Jesus' heart, they can no longer maintain racial preju-dices, exaggerated nationalism, or hearts closed to the world's suffering. The fruits of contemplation which John describes in his writings are precisely those which our bishops identify in their peace pastoral when they write: "The practice of contemplative prayer is especially valuable for advancing harmony and peace in the world. For this prayer rises, by divine grace, where there is total disarmament of the heart and unfolds in an experience of love which is the moving force of peace. Contemplation fosters a vision of the human family as united and interdependent in the mystery of God's love for all people" (The Challenge of Peace, no. 294). Conclusions What conclusions might we draw for pastoral ministry today from this review of John of the Cross's life and work? I suggest the following: 1. Preparation for ministry begins early in life, hopefully with baptism. Ministers for the Church will come forward from Christian families, parish-es, and schools where there is deep love, where serving others is a communi-cated value, and where role models and positive mentoring for ministry are present. 2. More immediate preparation for specialized ministries in the Church requires a solid grounding not only in Sacred Scripture and theology but especially in Christian anthropology, that is, a constant study, aided by human sciences, of the mystery of the human person in contemporary soci-ety. 3. Effective pastoral ministry, lay and ordained, depends first upon acquiring the skills necessary for a particular ministry and, second but more important, living daily Jesus' Paschal Mystery, the main source of effective ministry. 4. Christian ministers need clear images of Christian transformation to guide their activity, such as Mary, Mother of God and of the Church, Spouse of the Holy Spirit, Faithful Disciple of Jesus, and Queen of Apostles. Ardent Lover as Pastoral Minister 5. The spirituality that empowers Christian ministry realistically appre-ciates both the effects of original sin in our lives and the presence of God's never failing love to heal us. This spirituality seeks to overcome artificial dichotomies that undermine ministry, such as opposing social action and contemplative prayer, pastoral activity and artistic creativity. It encourages persons to bring forward under the guidance of the Holy Spirit their unique gifts for the building of Christ's Body, confident that such sharing of gifts leads to the discovery and realization of one's total person. Pastoral Minister as Ardent Lover Earlier I suggested that John inspires an image of the pastoral minister as an ardent lover. The Holy Spirit set him on fire with love for God, other persons, and all creation. Fire was John's most comprehensive symbol, as Professor Keith Egan demonstrated in his address to Carmel 200, the sym-posium in Baltimore in August 1990 honoring two hundred years of Carmelites in the United States.3 As a metaphor, fire suggests the purifica-tion of soul symbolized by "the dark night"; it also captures the mutual pas-sionate love of God and the human person conveyed through the erotic images of spiritual betrothal and marriage in the Spiritual Canticle. As a consuming fire slowly transforms a log into itself, so the Holy Spirit, the Living Flame of Love (Flame 1.3), transforms us into God, leaving us on fire with divine love for his people. The Church always needs pastoral ministers on fire with the love of the Holy Spirit, but never more than today in the United States. Archbishop Rembert Weakland of Milwaukee recently underscored the enervating polar-ization in the American Catholic community which hardens us into opposing ecclesiologies, unwilling to dialogue with one another, unable to tolerate dif-ferences, afraid to compromise in order to find a common way together.4 Pastoral ministry obviously must try to resolve our present polarities, not reinforce them. We are not likely to do this without the fire of God's love burning in our hearts, a love that results from a contemplative openness to God. In the Carmel 200 celebration mentioned above, Father Joseph Chinnici, O.EM., historian of American spirituality and currently provincial of the California Franciscans, offered the opinion that the failure since 1700 to cul-tivate the contemplative dimension of Christian life accounts in large mea-sure, not only for "our contemporary groping for a stable spiritual center," but also "for the stridency in today's Catholic community.''5 For years Thomas Merton alerted us to the dangers of this neglect, but only now are we seeing clearly our spiritual impoverishment as a Church and our need I~16 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 each day for God's wisdom and love, which, as St. John of the Cross teach-es, is contemplation's gift. In 1591, following the general chapter of the Teresian friars at Madrid, a Carmelite nunin Segovia, Maria of the Incarnation, wrote to John deploring the shabby treatment he received from his brothers in the reform who deprived him of all offic~ and planned to mission him to Mexico in return for his outspoken opposition to the policies of Father Nicholas Doria, the vicar-general, regarding Jerome Graci~in and the government of the Carmelite nuns. John wrote back on July 6, 1591: ". do not let what is happening to me, daughter, cause you any g.rief, for it does not cause me any. ¯. Men do not do these things, but God, who knows what is suitable for us and arranges things for our good. Think nothing else but that God ordains all, and where there is no love, put love, and you will draw out love . " Considering the circumstances in which they were written, these words bespeak the effects of contemplation in John of the Cross--a transformed consciousness and a nonviolent heart. They, perhaps more than anything else he wrote, cha.llenge the Catholic Church in the United States today. NOTES I Henri J.M. Nouwen, The Wounded Healer: Ministry in Contemporary Society (Garden City, N.Y.: Imag~ Books, 1979). 2 Gerard Egan, The Skilled Helper: Models, Skills, and Methods for Effective Helping, 2nd edition (Monterey, Calif.: Brooks/Cole Publishing Co., 1982). 3 Keith Egan, "The Fire of Love: John of the Cross' Central Symbol of Contemplative Identity." Lecture given at Carmel 200: Contemp.lation and the Rediscovery of the American Soul, sponsored by the Carmelite nuns of Baltimore, held at Loyola College, Baltimore, August 12-18, 1990. 4 Rembert G. Weakland, O.S.B., "From Dream to Reality to Vision." Address given to the Future of the American Church conference, sponsored by Time Consultants, Washington D.C., Sept. 28, 1990. Printed in Origins 20, no. 18 (October 11, 1990): 289-293 5 Joseph P. Chinnici, O.EM., "The Politics of Mysticism: Church, State, and the Carmelite Tradition." Lecture at Carmel 200, Baltimore, August 12-18, 1990~ Messiaenic Epiphany: . amidst animals, Love is born Stephen Schloesser, S.J. Mr. Schloesser is a transitional deacon studying theology at Weston Co!lege. He resides at 15 Avon Street; Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138. The nineteenth and twentieth centuries, in their most profound manifestations, are centuries which have tried to live without tran-scendence. How to live without grace--that is the question that dominates the nineteenth century. The question of the twentieth cen-tury., has gradually been specified: how to live without grace and without justice? --Albert Camus, The Rebel (1951) I would like to stress the need for the Church today to be aware of its duty to bring to the world a sense of the sacred and the transcendent., i. In this way we can show to the world that we are a sign of something which is more meaning,ful and more complete than just the daily tragedies that all of us must face. --Rembert Weakland, "25 Years after the Council" (1990) A friend stopped me after class the other day and said, "You like twentieth-century organ music, don't you?" Grateful at last that life had sent a soul partner to accompany me on my solitary journey, I eagerly replied, "Yes! Do you? . No," she answered, "but a friend gave me a CD of Christmas music for the organ. I can't stand it. If you want it you can l~ave it." I took the disc gratefully and set out again on my journey, solitary still, but with a mission-ary's fervor. Twentieth-century music in general tends to distend: for lush romantic strings it seemingly substitutes barbed wire; for pastoral horns the intermit-tent siren. It attempts to speak in language too deep for words those feelings we prefer left unsaid: confusion in the face of chaos; despair over life's daily 817 I~1t~ / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 deaths; horror in the face of human atrocity. Twentieth-century music in gen-eral tends to express our culture's deepest pulses: a world seemingly devoid of grace and justice. And what about twentieth-century church music? The church music composer-historian Erik Routley once wrote that all authentically twentieth-century church music contains within its score a certain measure of "skepti-cism." I think he is right here, but in this Christmastide I suggest a more seasonal term: a certain measure of "scandal"; the "stumbling block" of the manger. For what faced the European church musicians after the Great War was nothing less than the scandal of Christianity: incarnation, cross, grace-- the works. How do church musicians remain faithful both to their experience of violence--this race, this culture, this epoch--and, at the same time, to their vision of confidence in Love's promise to triumph? Many--perhaps most--solve this dilemma (as so many of us do) by simply choosing one or the other, confidence or despair. We--players and listeners alike--are numbed by the banality or bludgeoned by the bombast. Yet, as Archbishop Rembert Weakland said once in an Advent homily, Christian liturgy (and the vision it ritualizes) insists that we always keep in mind both terms of the dialectic. At Christmas, we remember the price in Gethsemane of becoming human; on Good Friday, we remember the promise proclaimed at Easter. When our liturgy expresses joy unbridled by the mem-ory of death-~or grief unbalanced by the hope of resurrection--we have for-gotten the paradox: ¯. amidst animals, Love is born. Whereas the French composer Claude Debussy had painted impression-istic passage.s, conveying the evanescence of time lost with large lush ensembles, the young Parisian Olivier Messiaen turned his attention to the other pole: he attempted time out of time. Messiaen discovered the genius unique to the organ: it can convey the illusion of eternity. The bang of a drum punctuates; the vibration of a piano wire inevitably dies; the singer must come up for air. But the organ, as Igor Stravinsky complained, is "the monster that does not breathe." In the organ, Messiaen and many after him found a new way of inviting the listener to experience the transcendent. On the other hand, these musicians were twentieth-century citizens, very much situated in history. The organ lost a genius when the young Jehan Alain was killed in the defense of France. The German Paul Hindemith fled to the United States under Nazi persecution while choral composer Hugo Distler took his own life under the same. Olivier Messiaen wrote and pre-miered his "Quartet for the End of Time"--beginning with "the harmonious silence of heaven"---while imprisoned in a German POW camp. They knew Messiaenic Epiphany / 8~9 firsthand the human potential for savagery, a fragile culture's collapse, the seeming triumph of death. Thus, they also employed the musical language of our time: barbed wire, screaming sirens, carefully constructed cacophony. Writing church music, they attempted to convey in their medium the experience of Christmas: that, in the midst of life's bleak midwinter, there lives "the dearest freshness deep down things." Their fusion of the languages of transcendence and of skepticism resulted in a radically new musical lan-guage, a nearly hypostatic union. In the midst of scandal (which their music never sidesteps), they stood apart from the aleatoric vogue, firm in hopeful trust, rooted in their vision of the immanent transcendent: ¯. amidst animals, Love is born. I am glad for the gift of the CD, and I plan on listening to it this season. Not, of course, over Christmas dinner or while opening gifts under the tree or while rocking my niece to sleep in front of the crackling fire. For that I will listen to "The Messiah" or to the kids from King's College, or my moth-er will put on Nat King Cole or my father Johnny Cash . And not, of course, when the snow silently piles outside my Cambridge window, weigh-ing down the boughs as books weigh down me, streetlights highlighting Victorian crannies on neighboring homes. For that kind of delicious melan-choly only George Winston's "December" will do. I mean rather when I turn off the lights and light a candle, wrap a blan-ket round and stare into nothing: that is when I will play my new CD. Time and timelessness, scandal and hopeful trust, death and Love. I will think about them--Nazis and world war and concentration camps; and I will think about us---death squads and desert storms and Mount Pinatubo; and I will think about home--grandfather's Alzheimer's and grandmother's grief, a cousin's suicide, a friend's AIDS: "the daily tragedies that all of us must face." And then, I hope, as for magi on a journey to a manger, scanning the midwinter sky, it will light up the night, the sudden onslaught of insight-- the Epiphany--those artists attempted to convey: ¯. amidst animals, Love is born. 820 Monastic Ruminations I. Spring." The Russian Olive Tree in Meditation Park "The affection of love is a delicate plant. " --Gilbert of Hoyland Silver smells whiff past me, into me, Byzantine incense, perfume from a bazaar, a solitary pearled tree in the park odors the mind with deja vued dusty dreams shelved from disuse. Sable Lent fades into resurrected dappled blooms, the Russian Olive shimmers in newborn light, morning dew kisses its hoary-haired branches, while it speaks in hushed tones of hidden presence. II. Summer: Locust Trees along the Academy Entrance "Unity consists in singleness of love." --Bernard of Clairvaux Standing at attention, locust trees reach skyward, stretching limbs into lowlying clouds, each arm delicate, broken by storms, battered by winter's ice, survivors sentineled. Breezes sway the foliage to an unheard melody, rhythmically touching the tips of treed tendons, digits gnarled by seasonal change, each tree soloed, a monk reaching for God, separate, yet partnered, facing each day together yet aloned. 821 IlI. Autumn: The Monastic Cemetery "The treasure of our love is hidden in the field of our heart and lies buried in its very depth." --John of Ford The colors are deep across the valley-- red, burnt orange, yellow. Each vibrant tree grasping my throat and choking my breath away, death is viewed, keeping itself daily before our eyes. Fallen leafs encircle my feet, drawing my eyes to the stones neatly rowed, each with a face, a person I knew, a laugh recalling the past, now silent, earthbound, yet rejoicing beyond the eye. IV. Winter: Leafs Trapped in Collins Court "Love is solid. It may be fretted by annoyance, but it simply cannot be worn away." --John of Ford Leafs trapped within the courtyard beat bird-like against the mirrored windows, trying to escape the battering wind, fluttering desperately, vortexing, rising and falling, yet free. Columns rise, Stonehenge revisited, standing guard over the spectacle, silent seers, mutely observing the abused leafs, hostaged too, but immobile, the stationary monoliths envy the leafs bound nowhere yet unfettered. Benedict Auer, O.S.B. Saint Martin's College Lacey, Washington 98503 Song of the Groom: Spiritual Marriage and Masculinity Robert Annechino Robert Annechino has completed the graduate program in spiritual direction at the Shalem Institute for Spiritual Formation, Washington, D.C. This article is taken from a paper written for the program. He is married and the father of three children, and is writing a book on masculine romantic spirituality. Correspondence would be wel-come at P.O. Box 14039; Rochester, New York 14614. All Christians have heard God addressed as "Father." Today we sometimes also hear God called upon as "Mother." In our mystical literature there is a long tradition that speaks of God or Christ as the "Bridegroom" of the soul. This article considers something we have heard next to nothing about: a Christian mystical experience that celebrates God as "Bride." Admittedly, such an idea seems peculiar at first, but perhaps its very anomaly is even more peculiar. Why has not Christianity admitted such a tradition when, as we shall see, many world religions have? How might an appreciation of the Divine Bride expand our understanding of God, of religious experience, and of ourselves as spiritual, social, and sexual beings, male and female? The awareness of God as Mother has been a gift and challenge of femi-nist spirituality. This alternate feminine image of God as the Divine Bride derives from the quest for an authentic contemporary masculine spirituality. Reflection by men on our experience as men will free us from the myopic assumption that male experience is normative of all human experience, and will bring the unique features of masculinity into sharp focus. To understand and revitalize the spiritual life of contemporary men, it is important to con-sider how we customarily recognize both maleness and holiness and how these conceptions connect and conflict. Richard Rohr, James Nelson, and John Carmody are some of the teachers who have explored male experiences of Christian faith and values. 822 Song of the Groom / 823 As evident in the work of Robert Bly and Robert Moore, an essential element of the men's movement is the recovery of the archetypes or models of male experience, which typify distinctive themes of male identity. Through the exploration of such heroic figures as the Wild Man, the King, the Warrior, the Trickster, the Lover, the Grief Man, and the Quester (which Robert Bly has aptly called the "Great Joys of Men"), contemporary men are gaining new understanding of their maleness and of the social expectations and personal conflicts which shape them. In Toward a Male Spirituality, John Carmody encourages men to come to God in and through the kinds of relationships that reflect the best of male experience, finding God as buddy, father, brother. He also seeks to open men to the possib!lity of finding God the Holy Spirit as the divine lover, in a spirituality of romancing,l But here, in the attempt to engage male romantic love as a spiritual symbol, we run into a barrier that challenges traditional Christian notions. This barrier has also been noted by Robert Moore and Douglas Gillette in their book on the four major male archetypes, King, Warrior, Magician, Lover. Of these, they feel that the Lover has been the most repressed within Western religion. They describe the giftedness of the Lover so: For the man accessing the Lover, all things are bound to each other in mysterious ways. He sees, as we say, "the world in a grain of sand." This is the consciousness that knew long before the invention of holography that we live, in fact, in a "holographic" universe---one in which every pa~t, reflects every other in immediate and sympathetic union. It isn't just that the Lover energy sees the world in a grain of sand. He feels that this is so.2 The mature energy of the Lover is not exclusively nor even primarily expressed through sexual activity, but as a royal dignity which suffuses the entire person with gladness of heart and warm richness of being. While the Lover has never been articulated well for Christian women or men, I believe that histor!cally there has been a particular reluctanc~ to incorporate male erotic energy into religious expression, and this history needs to be under-stood and redressed. In a recent book on the feminist rhetoric of St. Teresa of Avila, Alison Weber maintains that medieval spirituality systematized two major images of the mystical journey.3 The first was .the sponsa Christi, the bride of Chris.t, an image drawn from the conventional feminine experience of romantic love and marriage. The second image was the miles Christi, the soldier of Christ, derived from the conventional male experience of war. In the sponsa Christi or bridal mysticism, we find that from the time of Origen the Song of Songs was lavishly allegorized as the mystical union of the soul, personified by the 1~24 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 Shulammite damsel, with the Lord as the shepherd/king. This imagery evolved into the classical descriptions of spiritual betrothals and spiritual marriage. It is certainly true that throughout the history of Christian spiritu-ality such imagery has been evoked by men as well as by women. In fact, most of its known expositors were male (since literature was a male domain). Yet today, when feminist theologians have tightly insisted that we consider the limitations levied by exclusive masculine language in relation to God, we might also ponder what diminishment lurks in the imagery of bridal mysticism. Why have men relied upon the erotic imagery of women to describe their love for God? Why is there no "bridegroom mysticism" call-ing up.on the natural erotic imagery of men? What would it take, and what would it mean, for Christian men to become free to pursue God as their Divine Bride? Bridegroom Mysticism: The Male Mysteries of God and Men At this point it is important to ask: Does it really matter whether we con-ceive of God as Father, Mother, Bridegroom, Bride, or in any of the person-al, transpersonal, or nonpersonal figures that have dawned in human consciousness as we encounter the great Mystery? If we give too much attention to the name, will God cease to be Mystery? I believe that the name only enhances the Mystery. If God is God, then the God of the naming is not different from the God of experiencing. Feminist theologians have wisely recognized that naming God is an act of self-revelation as well as God's rev-elation to us. With this in mind, let us consider what it means for men to name God as Father, Mother, and Bridegroom and then consider the alterna-tives of knowing God as the Divine Bride. Mary and Leon J. Podles, in an interesting article denouncing the "emas-culation of God," protest that the male image of God cannot be dispensed with arbitrarily. God the Father, they say, is a God of transcendence, stand-ing distinct from his creation, having created it in a male act of separation from himself: Why is God the Father a Father and not a mother? Maleness is a symbol of transcendence because the fundamental male experience, thal~ of fatherhood, of reproduction through ejaculation, is one of separation, while the fundamental female experience is one of prolonged and inti-mate union with the offspring through the long months of gestation and nursing. The male experience of the world is one of "either/or," "this, and not that," one of separation.4 The male image of God engages essential aspects of the male identity, which cannot be denied without denying the life quest of men. As many Song of the Groom / 895 writers have pointed out, male identity is usually first discovered in an act of distinction and separation.5 The little girl experiences continuity with her mother, their femininity uniting them (with both positive and toxic bonds). But the little boy becomes aware of his masculinity as being a difference between him and the close nurturing mother, and thus begins the male quest of distinction and separation. With this comes the need for the boy to affirm his maleness by connecting with his father. From here ensues the whole dynamic of dependence, independence, and eventual interdependence that are typical of healthy male development experiences that perhaps figure in the religious motifs of exile and redemption. And yet, while the maleness of God does engage these crucial aspects of men's experience, there is a subtle but clear possibility that it can also limit a man's sense of masculinity before God. The Podles' article, for example, refers to the Father God as "the Creator, before whom all else is female.''6 The inevitable presumption is that, if God is considered male, then all cre-ation, including humanity, is essentially feminine. Ironically, this might leave men castrated before God, their maleness exiling them from the "femi-nine" creation. As James Nelson has said: When God became male, males were divinized, and patriarchy had cos-mic blessing. At the same time we have resisted that one-sided masculin-ized deity, for a male God suggests to men their feminization. Language referring to the Church has long been feminized: "She is his new creation by water and the word." All of us, men as well as women, are "she's" when it comes to being the Church. That feels uncomfortable. Furthermore, a male God penetrates us. But to be penetrated by anyone or anything, even God, amounts to being womanized. It seems tanta-mount to a man's degradation, literally a loss of grade or status.7 Notions of "female submission" toward God have pervaded all of Christian spirituality, from pious popular devotions to the most rarefied con-templation. Even if he has not been exposed to the literature of bridal mysti-cism, consider what it has meant for ~i man; standing amid generations of male Christian mystics, to sense himself in a feminine role in relation to God. What does this imply about his maleness? The lavish descriptions of bridal mysticism, in which the feminine soul is wooed by the celestial Bridegroom, violate his natural desire as a man. Jungians may discern here the emergence of the inner anima, the feminine side of the male. But even if this were the case, what other problems are invoked in such an approach? Arthur Green has asked some important questions along this line: Is it really only women alone who are in need of feminine imagery? Do images of the divine feminine belong only to women? Might they not 826 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 belong to, and respond to the needs of, men as well as women? Or, as a friend posed the question a long time ago, with reference to Catholic spiritual literature, does Teresa of Avila need to be the bride of God more than John of the Cross? Does John need God the Father more than God the Mother? Indeed, is it Mother whom the passionat~ Teresa seeks so boldly? Might one not argue that men need the feminine, as women need the masculine, if religious life involves something like what the depth psychologists call a search for.polarities? In the course of our intense longing for the divine Other, a longing long depicted as having a strong erotic component, might it not be opposite rather than like that needs first to be sought out?8 And, while feminist theologians have contributed an important under-standing of the Divine Mother, the uncritical acceptance of God as Mother still may not fully open the feminiriity Of God to adult men. Robert Bly affirms that a man's encounter with the holy feminine, the "meeting with the gbd-woman in the garden," is a step beyond the parental drama: W~ can't stop the story here, because the feminine has not yet appeared. His mother, as the maternal form of the feminine, he has of course expe-rienced, but that is all. And now he is about to meet the feminine in a nonmatemal form~ in its powerful, blossoming, savvy, wild, instigating, erotic, playful form.9 In God the Bride, we find a fully femii~ine expression of divinity, one who preserves for men the essential Otherness that is so integral to their psy-che. As Bride, God is even more "Other" than Father, yet it is an otherness which is fantastically attractive, and invites the man to participation and union. The Divine Bride welcomes a mal6 spiritual identity that is fully adult and ~ully masculine. Bridegroom Spirituality and the "Way of the Warrior" Now let us turn briefly to Alison Weber's second image of classical Christian mysticism, the image of the miles Christi, the soldii~r of Christ, a mas~tiline image that has found wide expression historically, from the ladder mysticism of John Climacus, through the service mysticism of Ignatius LoyolL Today one might well ask if this militant motif, in an age of nuclear and chemical weapons, terrorism, and environmental desecration, is at all appropriate. But here the expositors of what has been called "the way of the warrior" must challenge, nuance, and explain such imagery. The passionate denial of ~he flesh in an intent focus upon. a goal is a real and necessary aspect of human life, and it is fitting that it find expression in the mystical "way of the warrior." Many men and women relate vitally to God on this path, at least for a good part of their lives. The "call of the King" in Ignatius Song of the Groom / 827 Loyola's Spiritual Exercises presents a spirituality that springs from this rich sense of participation and mission. Some expositors of male spirituality seem to equate it exclusively with the way of the warrior, but the male "way of the lover" (bridegroom mysti-cism) is both a complement and an alternative to the way of the warrior. While it may be important to question the limitations of the miles Christi, it is emphatically not the role of bridegroom mysticism to neutralize or domes-ticate the way of the warrior, but to enhance, inflame, and fulfill it. The way of the warrior celebrates a clearly focused intent to uphold righteousness regardless of personal cost. This fervent passion unites the way of the war-rior with the way of love. But the miles Christi can become morbid if it arbi-trarily divorces itself from love, in any of its forms, including the erotic. Such denial inflicts a cramped, neurotic quest for control, a pseudospirituali-ty that is myopically fixated and incapable of the panoramic awareness exer-cised by the true warrior. Sadly, such diminishment has all too often been the conventional model of holiness, reflected in a celibacy that is sterile rather than full, in the collapsed mentality described by Alan Watts: The opposition of spirit to both nature and sexuality is the opposition of the conscious will, of the ego, to that which it cannot control. If sexual abstinence is, as in so many spiritual traditions, the condition of enhanced consciousness, it is because consciousness as we know it is an act of restraint . This is clearly the reaction of one for whom the soul, the will, the spiritual part of man, identified with that form of conscious-ness which we have seen to be a partial and exclusive mode of attention. It is the mode of attention which grasps and orders the world by seeing it as one-at-a-time things, excluding and ignoring the rest . Obviously, '~he sexual function is one of the most powerfu| biological manifes'ta'tions of biological spontaneity, and thus more especially difficult for the will to control . But this mode of control is a peculiar example of the proverb that nothing fails like success. For the more consciousness is individualized by the success of the will, the more everything outside the individual seems to be a threat--including not only the external world but also the "external" and uncontrolled spontaneity of one's own body. ¯. Hence there arises the desire to protect the ego from an alien spontane-ity by withdrawal from the natural world into a realm of pure conscious-ness or spirit.~° The Divine Bride brings men the gift of seeing the totality within the par-ticular, and the particular within the totality. She wards off all brittle reduc-tionism. Nor does She allow the will to sink into a quietist slumber. Rather She preserves full intentionality of the will, but in a mode that Gerald May aptly describes as open "willingness" rather than compulsive "willfulness.''11 While the impulse to relate to God as Bride has not been entirely absent t~91~ Review for Religious, November-December 1991 in Christian mysticism, it is certainly not in the mainstream of our tradition. For historical models we must turn to its expressions in other religious tradi-tions, and explore some out-of-the-way territories in our own history. But the love-quest for God the Bride is worthy of our attention. The Divine Bride in Non-Christian Traditions In the Jewish writings we meet the evocative figure of Wisdom, as expressed in the book of Proverbs and throughout the Scriptures. Wisdom emerges not as an abstract attribute of God, but as a mysterious and primor-dial Woman. In Proverbs, she boasts her own preeminence in her dalliance with Yahweh: "When He laid down the foundations of the earth, I was by His side, a master craftsman, delighting Him day after day, ever at play in His presence, at play everywhere in His world, delighting to be with the sons of men" (Pr 8:29-31). In the Wisdom literature we read how those who love the Lord also take Wisdom as their own: "She [Wisdom] it was I loved and searched for from my youth; I resolved to have her as my bride, I fell in love with her beauty" (Ws 8:2). In Western Christian exegesis, Wisdom was identified with the Logos, or as a personification of an attribute of God. But within the Jewish tradition the figure of Wisdom evolved into Shekhinah, the Presence or Dwelling of divinity. Among the Kabbalistic Jews in the thirteenth century, She was esteemed as no less than a divine hypostasis, the feminine consort of the . Lord. The eminent Kabbalistic scholar Gershom Scholem regards this as one of the most powerful and far-reaching insights of Jewish mysticism.12 The recognition of Shekhinah was not only an intellectual triumph, but also ennobled human sexual love as an emanation of and participation in the divine love between the Lord and His consort Shekhinah. The Christian father Clement would idealize the forty days of Moses on Sinai as time of continent chastity and use this example to justify detailed restrictions on sex-ual expression within marriage.13 But, in the Kabbalistic literature, Moses was said to have joined with Shekhinah, the very consort of God, on Sinai. According to Kabbalistic teaching, in the course of creation the Lord became mysteriously and redemptively alienated from Shekhinah, but sexual inter-course within marriage helps to reestablish God's unity, as men and women participate in the divine harmonic interplay of male and female. The Jewish wife and husband were invited to enjoy their Sabbath lovemaking as a con-templative act, their delight ever expanding to embrace them, their progeny, and their ancestors and continuing as blessing to all the Jewish people, to all of humanity throughout creation, ultimately bringing healing into the very Song of the Groom / 829 heart of a wounded, yearning God. Speaking of the Sabbath celebration, a celebration that was climaxed by sexual intercourse between husband and wife, Scholem has said, "A strange twilight atmosphere made possible an almost complete identification of the Shekhinah, not only with the Queen of Sabbath, but also with every Jewish housewife who celebrates the Sabbath.'q4 In the spirituality of Islam, the beauty of Allah has been identified with the charm of women. The Islamic mystics, or Sufis, could be quite ascetic, and sometimes shared with other Muslims a marked suspicion towards women (although at least one contemporary scholar of Islam, Annemarie Schimmel, has stated that such notions never reached the pitch of medieval Christian misogyny~5). But this did not deter the Sufis from also recognizing femininity as a revelation of God. A notable example is the illustrious Sufi master Ibn ai-'Arabi (1165-1240), perhaps the greatest mystical expositor of Islam. As a youth he had two women saints among his teachers. On his pil-grimage to Mecca at the age of thirty-six, he became enamored of an intelli-gent and beautiful Persian maiden. Recognizing the love of God suffused within the thralls of his human passion, he composed The Interpretation of Desire (Tarjuman aI-Ashwaq), an ode addressed to Allah as his beloved Lady. A few lines of one of his love songs to God display this eloquently: O, her beauty--the tender maid! Its brilliance gives light like lamps to one traveling in the dark. She is a pearl hidden in a shell of hair as black as jet, A pearl for which Thought dives and remains unceasingly in the deeps of that ocean. He who looks upon her deems her to be a gazelle of the sand-hills, because of her shapely neck and the loveliness of her gestures.~6 In a later work, The Bezels of Wisdom, Ibn al'Arabi taught that a man sees the divine most perfectly by contemplating the feminine. The man who enters sexual embrace in this knowledge finds much more than the satisfac-tion of a fleeting lust, but enters the play of divine pleasure. "If he knew the truth," Ibn al-'Arabi wrote, "he would know Whom it is he is enjoying and Who it is Who is the enjoyer; then he would be perfected.''17 Notice that here, as in the Kabbalah, erotic experience has been evoked both as a simile of divine love and as a sacrament divinizing the love experienced between a man and a woman. The Tantric schools of Hinduism and Buddhism view the world as a liv-ing matrix of divine energy. "Tantra" literally means continuity or inter-weaving, and the Tantric teachings skillfully reveal the existential and mystical consistencies that pervade the seamless but diverse fabric of life. 8~0 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 Even our neurotic bewilderments and obsessions contain seeds of transform-ing energy.18 Tantric contemplation enrolls all facets of human experience as skillful means to spiritual freedom, and the sexual faculty is not excluded. In the higher Tantras the Buddhas are imaged in intimate sexual embrace with their Prajna or Wisdom consorts, the female Buddha embodying authentic multidimensional vision and the male Buddha incarnating compassionate action. For those with the right preparation, initiation, and guidance of a qualified guru, the energy of sexual union is evoked in an explosive revela-tion of divine creative potential. 19 Those who enter this path encounter the divine feminine principle as the Dakini (Sanskrit--or, in Tibetan, khandro--literally "sky-dancer"). The Dakini is lovely, enticing, and challenging and sometimes comes in a horrif-ic guise, exercising a startling energy that cuts through behavioral obses-sions. The Dakini, who may become manifest as an archetypal figure or an actual woman of wisdom, avails Her fully realized femininity to move the contemplative beyond his exclusionary mode of consciousness toward one that is panoramic and involved in the full potentiality of life. To disengage him from habitual values, She may sabotage the yogi's self-righteousness. In several tales, an abstemious, scholarly monk enters the higher Tantric path when the Dakini approached with wine, meat, or the offer of sexual rela-tions, all of which are of course forbidden in the lesser path of renuncia-tion-- a fascinating rendition of the "female temptress" motif in that the male is tempted toward fuller life. To obtain the blessing of the Dakini, the con-templative needs to revere, court, and withstand Her, in short, to fully romance Her. As a contemporary Tibetan teacher said: The playful maiden is all-present. She loves you. She hates you. Without her your life would be continual boredom. But she continually plays tricks on you. When you want to get rid of her she clings. To get rid of her is to get rid of your own body--she is that close. In Tantric literature she is referred to as the dakini principle. The dakini is playful. She gam-bles with your life.2° In Taoism, also, the universe is seen to function according to the inter-play of male and female energies, the yang and the yin. A loving relationship between a man and woman serves to integrate the body-mind continuum of each with the universal dynamic of life. The Taoist texts give men explicit and detailed instruction on the encounter with the feminine, and a yogic approach to sexual experience that engages these profound energies. Christian Expressions of Bridegroom Spirituality In the gospels Jesus is proclaimed as Bridegroom, and one would hope Song of the Groom / 831 that the apostolic Church would have cultivated a view of marriage as a way of the Spirit, with an appropriate bridegroom spirituality. But a search here is somewhat disappointing. In The Body and Society, Peter Brown surveys the place accorded to marriage in early Christian thought, in context with the developing ideal of virginity.21 Rejecting the Jewish and Roman ideals of marriage, some of the more far-flung Christian bodies in apostolic times expected that all sexual activity, even within marriage, would cease upon baptism. Even the authentic Pauline writings, particularly 1 Corinthians, favor the ideal of celibacy, allowing marriage as a concession to the weak. Perhaps in reaction to the havoc created within families by the more ascetic model, the later Pauline corpus, particularly the pastoral letters, domesticat-ed this view, giving a conventional nod to the probity of marriage. Surpassing all of these is the notable passage in Ephesians 5:25-33, which is remarkable for its strong affirmation of male marital love: in the love of his wife, a man conforms himself to Christ as the Bridegroom of the Church. The marital eml~race is depicted as not only pure but purifying, a self-giving that ennobles both partners. Here was a wonderful foundation for the growth of a future bridegroom mysticism. However, the patristic era did not see the unfolding of marriage as a way of the spirit, but preferred celibacy as the ideal for a perfected life. By the close of the patristic period, the celibate ideal was firmly settled, and an allegorical bridal mysticism began to bloom. Doubtlessly, the sterling figure of Mary often came to stand in for the feminine aspect of the Divine. Her perpetual virginity was a rapt model of chastity, yet occasionally her devotees have found stirrings of a tender, more sensual love toward her. Bernard of Clairvaux, for example, was an eloquent and profound expositor of bridal mysticism, yet he also reported that the Virgin would come and embrace him warmly, as words of love would pour forth to her: "My Love! My Love! Let me ever love thee from the depths of my heart!''22 Later, in the time of Henry Suso (1295-1366), it was the custom of the young men in his native German town to serenade their sweethearts at the New Year. Henry reportedly followed suit by singing stirring love songs to the figure of the Madonna in the town square.23 One thinks, too, of Francis of Assisi in his romance of Lady Poverty. In fact, by adopting the mission of "troubadour of the Lord," Francis drew upon a movement that fostered bridegroom spirituality at a time when the Church would not recognize it: the emergence of courtly love and romance. In Love in the Western World, Denis de Rougemont traced the close development between the emergence of romance and the heterodox spiritual movement known as Albigen-sianism. 24 The troubadours were evangelists of the movement, and through 1~2 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 their odes of love and honor, human and divine love were integrated, so that spiritual love was given a human face and human love was elevated to a divine dimension. The Provenqal troubadours courted God as the divine fem-inine, dazzled by Her beauty and charm. The movement found expression in chivalry, literature, and the arts, making amorous love a respectable topic for prayer. One thinks, for example, of the tale of Tristan and Iseult and of the ~vorshipful manner~ 6f courtly love. It is curious that during this time, too, interest arose in spiritual friendships between men and women, such .as the chaste love of Francis and Clare or the more ~ultry and tragic affair of Abelard and Hrlolse. In his love of Beatrice, Dante fotind a revelation of divine mystery. Later the heritage would still be alive in Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet: the young lovers meet at the masqu.e and express their love in an extended metaphor of worship, pilgrimage, and liturgy. It was during the medieval period, too, that the art of alchemy was intro-duced from northern Africa and taken up by Christian scholars. As Carl Jung's colleague Marie-Louise von Franz has exhaustively discussed,25 Western alchemy did not emerge as a primitive attempt at chemistry, but as a comprehensive map of inner transformation. Alchemy preserved psychologi-cal symboli.sm that was excluded from mainstream Christian mysticism, ificluding a sophisticated contrasexual integration. By the time of the Renaissance, interest in the Kabbalah was also respectable in learned Christian circles and doubtlessly coritributed its own sexual spirituality.26 For all of this, there was still no contemplative imagery in the mainstream of Christian spirituality that would represent male sexual longing as a paradigm for the love of God until the unique voice of Jacob Boehme broke the silence. Jacob Boehme (1575-1624), the German Lutheran lay mystic and teach-er, was doubtles.sly the boldest expositor of bridegroom imagery to emerge in the history of Christendom. Largely self-educated, Boehme worked as a shoemaker, and lived as a faithful husband and father of six, involved in the affairs of his guild and community. From an early age he had a remarkable series of revelations concerning the nature of God, creation, and the inter-play of good and evil. Iia his time alchemical and Kabbalistic ideas had per-colated well into learned spirituality, alongside the more official theologies of the churches. The Wisdom tradition, which had continued in Eastern Christian thought,27 had long lain dormant within Western Christian spiritu-ality, but in an intricate trinitarian theo.logy Boehme spontaneously and inde-pendently recovered it. Briefly and loosely stated, in Boehme's theogony Wisdom (or Sophia) was regarded as the consciousness of God. Wisdom was spoken of as the body of the Trinity and the bride of Christ. She infused all Song of the Groom the persoias of the Trinity in their knowledge of one another, and thus could draw human corisciousness into God. Accordingly, in the devotional works of Boehme, spiritual marriage was not between the bridal soul (the anima) and the bridegroom Christ, but between the animus and the Lady Wisdom. In The Way to Christ Boehme exhorts the reader to court the noble Virgin Sophia to become Her bridegroom just as Christ is Her bridegroom, and gives a stirring dialog between Sopfiia and the bridegroom soul.28 The Promise of Bridegroom Spirituality Let us return to the questions raised at the beginning of this article: What is th~ importance of male erotic mysticism? What does it contribute to our understanding of God? Does it open any new ways of thinking about who we are, in relation to God and in relation to one another, as men and women? The following common themes certainly are not exclusi~ie to bride-groom mysticism, but suggest themselves with enough ~orce to call for par-ticular notice: The Healing of Male Grief. Robert Bly has said that the male mode of feeling springs from a primal "grief," a grief related to the male experience of sacrifice and self-denial.29 In their conventional roles as providers and protectors, men have experienced a crushing burden of responsibility and "have-to's," wearily measuring up to others' expectations, just as they con-tinually size up other men. From the tenderest age, male ideritity is won in an act of separation and distinctioh from the mother, urilike the female identity that is secured through inclusion and similarity to her. Even the sexual act involves for the male a separation, a sundering and yielding of his very essence. Bridegi'oom mysticism exposes his deep grief to the healing work of the Woman. She, who is desirable pureiy by nature rather than by merit, brings forth what is best in a man. When a man first feels the stirrings of love toward the Divine Bride, the experienc6 is overwhelming, reminiscent of the first time he became attracted to ~ girl. Many men remember their initial sex-ual attractions as fresh and frightening and raw, but at the same time oddly pure. Later on, the sexual lives of men often become just another conquest or achievement, but the love of the Divine Bride never seems to lose its surprise and purity, giving the sacrifice of the man a worthy end and resting place. The Healing of Female Pain. Robert Bly calls the female mode of feel-ing an experience of "pain," the pain of being devalued. If nothing else, an awareness of God as Bride, at this juncture of our history, indicates mutuali-ty between men's and women's spirituality in contemporary faith, an acknowledgment by men that the divine feminine is as important to them as it is to women. One of the precepts of Tantric Buddhism states that "to dis- 834 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 parage women is a mortal offense, for woman is the source of Wisdom." Bridegroom spirituality accords the deepest respect to woman, in an act of affirmation that woman cannot give to herself, any more than man can heal his own grief without the love of the Woman. The Healing of God. In the wholeness of God as Woman, we worship Her as the matrix of mystery, comprehen.ding all within her, evil as well as good. In the year 1600 Jacob Boehme first had i.nsight into the activity of Divine Wisdom, and in this same revelation he said, "I saw, too, the essential nature of evil and good and how the pregnant Mother--the eternal gen-etrix brought them forth.''3° Bridegroom spirituality has much to offer our Understanding of what has been called the redemption of God.31 Warrior spirituality rouses to the Lord's clarion to wage battle against evil, but the human heart also seeks the why and wherefore of suffering, an intimacy in which the pain of God can be disclosed and, if possible~ healed. In Kabbalistic Judaism, humanity's separation from God also entails the sepa-ration of masculine and feminine principles within Godhead, and erotic spir-ituality participates in ttieir reunion. As Gershom Scholem writes: The reunion of God and His Shekhinah constitutes the meaning of redemption. In this staie, again seen in purely mythical terms, the mascu-line and feminine are carried back to their original unity, and in this unin-terrupted union of the two the powers of generation .will once again flow uhinterrupted through the worlds. The Kabbalists held that every reli-gioias act should be accompanied by the formula: this is done "for the sake of the reunion of God and His Shekhinah.''32 The Healing of Creation. This is the necessary and obvious corollary of the healing of God. Bridegroom spirituality implies human participation and co-responsibility for God's creative purpose. We relate to God the Father/Mother as children, but the relationship with God as Bride is an adult relationship, enrolling the man fully into God's ongoing creative actions. Wisdom. Quite consistently--in the Hebrew Scriiatures, in Buddhist Tantra, and in the teaching of Jacob Boehme--the divine feminine is named "Wisdom." Wisdom is the fulfillment of the defiriing male consciousness, not in an ever-escalating acquisition of knowledge, but in "knowingness," with its distinctly feminine quality. It is akin to the Hebrew yada, which is "to know" as well as "to make love to." Robert Bly says that ~i father must impart two gifts to his children: his temperament and his teachings. In con-temporary society, Bly says, childreh may ~till have a brief opportuhity to be exposed to their father's temperament, but they have been almost completely deprived of his teaching, of acquiring practical prowess from him. And (it seems to me) just as children need to receive the father's teaching, s6 the Song of the Groom male psyche needs to give teaching, for its own health. "Even mean men," Bly says, "are often sweet when they're teaching." The Buddhist scriptures describe the interplay of female Wisdom, or Prajna, with the male principle, which is alternately called Compassion (Karuna) or Skillful Means (Upaya), the ability to utilize any situation appropriately for the welfare of others. The implication is that the male capacity for action, know-how, and mastery must be thoroughly suffused with wisdom if it is to find fulfillment. Think of the master workman, mechanic, or cabinetmaker, who after years with his craft does not have to shout or trumpet his ability. His mastery is unarguably evi-dent in his work. He can be patient, gentle, and sure. He has seen it all before. In the same way, for the man to exercise Skillful Means, he must deeply see the potentials for good and evil in each situation. It is only Wisdom which brings this seeing. The Centrality oflntent. When the male spirit encounters God the Bride, She calls forth a unique pledge of fidelity, a resolve that endures beyond all appearances. When words fail, when understanding crumbles, when all our religious ego projects are shown for the games they are, only the kernel of bare intent remains. In such a contemplative vision, we pray not to "get somewhere," but enter prayer as itself an expression of desire or intent, in the faith that just in "being there" we give and receive everything. In the power of this intent we pray not to get close to God, but because we are close, and beloved, to Her. For the man who finds inklings of his own experience here, are they ways to enter more deeply? As masculine spirituality emerges, men will find ways to celebrate God the Bride if they are willing to do so. But here are some preliminary ideas for Christian men: ¯ Simply open the Song of Songs, and pray the words of the groom to God as your Bride. Notice what happens. ¯ Try the same thing with Jacob Boehme's dialog with Sophia, or with Ibn al-'Arabi's poem. ¯ In male gatherings of worship, sing Her praises, just as Jewish men would gather at the edge of town at sunset on Friday, to welcome their Bride as Queen of Shabbat. ¯ We learn about the divine feminine by honoring the femininity of women around us. In Tilden Edwards's book Practicing the Presence, there is a simple, prayerful exercise that a man and woman can enter together.33 The book The Shared Heart by Joyce and Barry Vissell also has some sug-gestions, for committed couples. ¯ Christian celibates who want to bring sexual energy into prayer might wish to consult The Radiant Heart by Linda Sabbath. This does not deal [136 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 specifically with male sexuality, but perhaps the exercises could be adapted toward this direction. In the Song of Songs, the awaiting bride leaps to the door at the approach of her groom, only to find that he has vanished. The bride is ready for love, but it is the groom who is timid and unsure. Is humanity only to be the hearer of the song of the groom? Might not that song also be meant to pour forth from the hearts of men? Might not the Bride be yearning to hear it? NOTES ~ John Carmody, Toward a Male Spirituality (Mystic, Conn.: Twenty-Third Publications, n.d.), pp. 31-32. 2 Robert Moore and Douglas Gillette, King, Warrior, Magician, Lover: Rediscovering the Archetypes of the Mature Masculine (HarperSanFrancisco, 1990), p. 121. 3 Alison Weber, Teresa of Avila and the Rhetoric of Femininity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 109-122. 4 Mary and Leon J. Podl6s, "The Emasculation of God," America, 25 November 1989, p. 373. 5 See, for example, James B. Nelson, The Intimate Connection: Male Sexuality, Male Spirituality (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1988), p. 31. 6 Podles, p. 374. For a thorough treatment of the fatherhood of God, see also John W. Miller, Biblical Faith and Fathering: Why We Call God "Father" (New York: Paulist Press, 1989). 7 Carmody, p. 45. 8 Arthur Green, "Bride, Spouse, Daughter," in Susannah Heschel, ed., On Being a Jewish Feminist (New York: Schocken Books, 1983), pp. 248-249. 9 Robert Bly, Iron John: A Book about Men (Reading, Mass: Addison-Wesley Publishing Co., 1990), p. 123. l0 Alan W. Watts, Nature, Man and Woman (New York: Pantheon Books, 1958), pp. 143-145. ~ Gerald May, Will and Spirit: A Contemplative Psychology (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1982), pp. 5, 6. ~2 Gershom G. Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York: Schocken Books, 1965). ~3 Referenced in Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), pp. 122-138. ~4 Gershom G. Scholem, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism (New York: Schocken Books, 1969), pp. 140-141. ~5 Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions oflslam (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), p. 429. Song of the Groom 16 In Reynold A. Nicholson, The Mystics oflslam (New York: Schocken Books, 1975), p. 102. 17 Ibn al-'Arabi, Bezels of Wisdom, trans. R.W.J. Austin (New York: Paulist Press, 1980), p. 276. 18 Daniel Cozort, Highest Yoga Tantra: An Introduction to the Esoteric Buddhism of Tibet (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion Publications, 1986). 19 See the works of Herbert Guenther: Yuganaddha: The Tantric View of Life (Varanasi: Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series, second edition, 1964) and The Life and Teaching of Naropa (Boston: Shambala, 1986). 20 Chogyam Trungpa Rinpoche, as quoted in Tsultrim Allione's remarkable work Women of Wisdom (Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), p. 38. 21 Brown, The Body and Society. 22 B.Z. Goldberg, The Sacred Fire: The Story of Sex in Religion (New York: University Books, 1958), p. 199. 23 Ibid. 24 Denis de Rougemont, Love in the Western Worm (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1983). This revised edition has valuable appendices. 25 Marie-Louise von Franz, Alchemy: An Introduction to the Symbolism and Psychology (Toronto: Inner City Books, 1980). 26 loan P. Culianu, Eros and Magic in the Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987). Teresa of Avila and John of the Cross are also believed to have been influenced b~, the Kabbalah. See C. Swietlicki, Spanish Christian Cabala: The Works of Luis de Le6n, Santa Teresa de Jesfis, and San Juan de la Cruz (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986). 27 See Sergius Bulgakov's interesting and controversial works, particularly The Wisdom of God: A Brief Summary of Sophiology (New York: Paisley Press, 1937), in which he presents an Eastern Orthodox sophiology quite consistent with Boehme's theogony. 28 Jacob Boehme, The Way to Christ (New York: Paulist Press, 1978), pp. 59-62. 29 These comments from Robert Bly are from a televised interview with Bill Moyers, A Gathering of Men. A videotape and transcript are available from Mystic Fire Videos. 30 Ann Liem, Jacob Boehme: Insights into the Challenge of Evil (Wallingford, Pa.: Pendle Hill Publications, 1977), p. 8. 31 See, in particular, I. Carter Heyward, The Redemption of God: A Theology of Mutual Relation (Washington, D.C.: University Press of America, 1982). 32 Scholem, On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, p. 108. 33 Tilden Edwards, Living in the Presence: Disciplines for the Spiritual Heart (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1987), p. 74. 1~38 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 ADDITIONAL WORKS Bolen, Jean Shinoda. Gods in Everyman: A New Psychology of Men's Lives and Loves. New York: Harper & Row, 1989. Davis, Charles. Body as Spirit: The Nature of Religious Feeling. New York: Seabury, 1976. Donnelly, Dody H. Radical Love: An Approach to Sexual Spirituality. Minneapolis: Winston Press, 1984. Eliade, Mircea. "Masculine Sacrality" (vol. 8, pp. 252-258) and "Feminine Sacrality" (vol. 5, pp. 302-312). In The Encyclopedia of Religion. New York: Macmillan, 1987. Ibn al-'Arabi. Tarjuman al-Ashwaq. Translation and commentary by Reynold A. Nicholson. London, 1911. Johnson, Robert A. He: Understanding Masculine Psychology. San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1977, 1986. Sabbath, Linda. The Radiant Heart. Dimension Books, 1977. Stoudt, John J. Jacob Boehme: His Life and Thought. New York: Seabury Press, 1968. Vissell, Joyce, and Vissell, Barry. The Shared Heart: Relationship, Initiations and Celebrations. Aptos, Calif.: Ramira Publishing, 1984. Incense What sense this incense, Questions common sense? This burning, this waste, Like fragrant perfume, Aromatic nard on the Lord? Like love freely given-- For sheer delight! A gift--this incense-- Sweet savor of benevolence. Walter Bunofsky, S.V.D. 1446 E. Warne Avenue St. Louis, Missouri 63107 The Bible's Use of Sexual Language Nancy M. Cross Mrs. Cross's article on Blessed Edith Stein's feminism appeared in our issue of January/February 1989. The mother of twelve and now the grandmother of twenty-five, she entered the Catholic Church twenty years ago along with her Protestant-minister husband and their entire family. A wideiy published writer, she cofitinues to have this address: Box 55; Tayiors Falls, Minnesota 55084. [~lore and more Christian publications are saying what Arthur Shaw said in the National Catholic Register: that addressing God as male or female is "not only sowing confusion, but teaching heresy.''l Inasmuch as God is pu~e spirit and has no physical body that is male br female, the statement is, of course true. Yet a reply to this assertion about gender language used for God is demanded if some critical truth is not to be totally obscured, because the assertion is simply not clear enough. Addressing God with gender language exclusively of one sex is neither confusing nor heretical, but correct and true, and is first to be found in the Bible. Genesis 1 describes God's creation of man and woman in tiis image: "Let us make man in our image, after our likeness . So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them" (Gn 1:27). About tliis passage Pope John Paul II, in the encyclical Dominum et Vivificantem, asks, ."Can one hold that the plural which the Creator uses here in speaking of himself already in some way sug-gests the Trinitarian mystery, the presence of the Trinity in the work of the creation of man?''2 His logic, which in every particular fits the unfolding story of man and woman in the Bible, brings us to some clarifying insights about the meaning of sexuality. In his pastoral letter "Do This in Memory of Me," Cardinal Carter of Toronto presents the deep covenantal the61ogy based on the Trinity from which we understand relationships on all levels of being: God and 839 840 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 humankind, man and woman, priest and laity. The cardinal archbishop's teaching ranges from deductions based on the nature of the Trinity and the incarnation of Christ to anthropological considerations drawn from the nature of human sexuality. He begins with an analysis of the Trinity, a com-munity of diverse persons which implies neither lordship nor subjugation of one Person to another, yet with distinct roles, irreducibly different in what concerns their being as distinct Persons.3 Triune Relationship Within the relationship of the triune Persons stand revealed an initiator, the Father, and a dependent responder, the Son; unifying these two polar Persons (initiation and response are ob-positioned) is the Holy Spirit, who is, as St. Bernard said, "the kiss between the Father and the Son." Each has all the attributes of the one nature, but some are more to be said of one than the others-~"neither confounding the Persons, nor dividing the substance," as the Athanasian Creed puts it. From the union of Father and Son in the Spirit come creativity and ecstasy. In creating man and woman, God shares that creativity and ecstasy of his own being by enfleshing, materializing these awesome principles of personhood in a male who initiates and a female who is dependent and responds. Cardinal Carter writes: "This qualitative sexual differentiation is rooted not in physiology but in the created human imaging of the Trinity, and is indissociable from the revelation of the Trinity in Christ, as his Incarnation bears witness.''4 In the perfection of the original plan, these two (humankind) are made in this image: two polar persons sharing one nature-~one the initiator, one the responder, both united by a third, the Holy Spirit, who condescends to share himself and unify these opposites with divine love. Therefore, the sexuality that appeared in physical form expresses in a creaturely way something utterly spiritual at the very heart of things. The Trinity Imaged God is saying something about his very self in the creation of man and woman; he is sharing the dynamics of the personhood in the Trinity with the creature he makes in his image. Therefore maleness, though not found in the Trinity, of course, speaks nevertheless of what we would intrepidly say is the masculine principle among the Persons of the Trinity. How do we come to the idea of "masculine"? By observing the action of the male. But the male is picturing for us something far beyond himself. Although it may be anthro-pocentric to describe the First Person as Father, nevertheless, because the The Bible's Use of Sexual Language / 1~41 male generates (in a secondary way) new life and because God has revealed himself as generator of everything that is, it is clear that the very idea has come from God down, not from man up. God has spoken about himself in real terms by creating male and female bodies. Therefore, what has visible form as male imperfectly incarnates a masculine principle in the Trinity. We call the principle "masculine" because of our human experience with male-ness- but it precedes maleness and lies at the heart of things. What has visi-ble form as female imperfectly incarnates a feminine principle in the Trinity. We call the principle "feminine" because of our human experience with femaleness--but it precedes femaleness and lies at the heart of things. Accordingly, the second person in both the Holy Trinity and in humankind is the responder. This role for both the Son and the woman is in response to the First/first person. Do the Son and the woman have the attribute of initiation? Do the Father and the man have the attribute of response? Of course they do, because the polar persons share all attributes of each other; but certain attributes are more to be said of one than the other-- which makes the persons' positions polar and nonexchangeable. As Cardinal Carter says, "the absolute unity of God is not monadic but trinitarian. This eliminates the necessity o.f placing antagonisms between unity and multiplic-ity, because the Triune God, who is Unity itself, is also three Persons, quali-tatively differentiated and irreducible to each other, yet without antagonism." 5 Equality In perfection the Second/second person is completely equal in worth to the First/first person. It is a result of the Fall, the takeover of the scene by an enemy's values, that "response" and "dependent" have become despised concepts. In the perfect plan, re.ceiving and responding are values equal to governance and generating. The Second Person is coequal and coeternal to the First. Man and woman, created to image that relationship in human flesh, \ were created with the same polar roles inherent in their flesh and psyche, yet they stand eye to eye as total equals. As in the Trinity, initiation (or authori-ty) and response (or obedience), indicative of man and woman, are not prin-ciples unequal in their value and worth. They are the stances of wholly equal beings, who enjoy an equality like Father and Son. The very idea of the inequality of the role of response came from an alien consciousness, one who had already envied the role of authority and spread that envy to the perfect creation. When the woman accepted his defi-nition, eventually believing his lies, his value system was established, which is the Fall, a value system that still is modus operandi. It took this alien con- 1~49 / Review for ReligiouJ, November-December 1991 sciousness to cast doubt on that equality and to substitute a value system which contaminates everything since the Fall. The antiword (Pope John Paul's term) corrupts the world with the lie that to initiate and order is power and power is "where it's at." As a corollary, the same antiword insists that to heed and serve, to receive and. respond, is for lackeys and nitwits. Jesus restored the value system of perfection. In bridging this abyss he restored the values of the original plan: to be obedient is not the least important role, to be authority is not the most important role. But almost no one believes it to this day--least of all the one who most purely is created to model obedience and service, the woman. Archbishop John Roach, speaking to the National Council of Catholic W~omen, recently cast light on this as it refers to laity and clergy: The Father, the Son, and the Spirit are one, but very different. The Father does not do what the Son does, the Son does not do what the Father does and neither does what ~he Spirit does. Jesus spoke often of doing the Father's will. He was not obsequious; that was his role and he recognized the Father's role. The Father did things unique to the Father. He initiates, governs, presides, creates in a very distinctive way. The Son's role is to respond, to be the word for the Father, to reflect the Father, to be the splendor and glory of the Father. The Spirit is the bond of love animating the Father and the Son. He is the comforter and consoler and paraclete and inspiration. That may seem to be a kind of lofty ideal for us, but I think it is what we have to aim at. Our roles are different, but that ought to be a source of rejoicing, not resentment. There are things that you do as laity that I should not do. There are things that I do as bishop and priest that you should not do . There is no inferiority or super-superiority in the Trinity. There cannot be any among us. I must exercise a kind of leader-ship and a kind of authority for the good ofth~ Church which is not your responsibility. To do that, however, I must recognize not only th~ dignity of you as persons and children of God, but as people in whom the Spirit speaks . In a collegial gathering all bring gifts. The leader becomes ser-vant and the last rises to full dignity . 6 Revaluing Roles in Tr!nitarian Light In .order for this vision to catch on, it takes the woman first (beginning with the Blessed Virgin Mary, but with us women too) to revalue her role and meaning in light of the Second Person of the Trinity. This is because woman first accepted Satan's false definition and evaluation of her role, that is, as less worthy than the role of authority her husband held in their rela- .tionship by divine command. Edith Stein says, "The nature of the temptation was in itself of more significance to her."7 The woman must begin the unraveling of the knot by not choosi.ng again the values of Satan, not accept- The Bible's Use of Sexual Language ing again the lie that ordering/authority/governance has a higher prestige, is more worthy than service, and is, therefore, an object of envy. She must claim her role and love it; and if she must fight, it is to have that role of obe-dience recognized as fully equal to the opposite role of authority. She is nei-ther a lackey nor a nitwit. Authority will not talk down to her if she talks straight with it, respectfully, but eye to eye. In order for the value system of perfection to be restored, woman must accept obedience as fully worthy, fully equal to the opposite role. The Virgin Mary has done it. Women have rarely done it, and the very idea is being washed away in our day. Not only has obedience (submission) been deval-ued as the feminine role, but authority has been falsely elevated (Satan's val-ues are intact). Therefore, the man considers his role as prestigious and powerful; and this worldly, not to say carnal, evaluation is widely endorsed by women. Authority, which is another word for ultimate initiation and governance, must take its cue from the First Person of the Trinity--that is, it exists to put all at the service of those who are receivers/responders. Pope John Paul's insistence that Ephesians 5 speaks of "mutual submission" of wife to hus-band and husband to wife underlines this.8 But the submission of both, the total giving of self9 that both experience, is done differently. The woman submits to the husband's governance and ordering (the role of headship) of their life together, making one will of two; and the husband submits to the woman's need for protection and provision, and this whether he feels like it or not. In the Christian community, males have authority, and women model obedience. But both live lives of self-giving service in mutual submission. The laity (feminine though consisting of males and females) submits to the clergy's (masculine) governance, the clergy submits to the laity's need for headship, spiritual and material, whether convenient or inconvenient. Further, the Christian community forms the people of God (the bride) whose relationship to God is as feminine to masculine. The model? Again, man and woman in marriage;t just as man and woman in marriage are the image of the Holy Trinity. This imaging of the meaning of sexuality is not deviated from throughout the Bible despite the different pressures of time and culture in the two thousand years of its formation. We see the model for both roles within the Holy Trinity. There is no pres-tige in the role of authority, and no servility in the role of obedience--such is the peculiar Christian ~,ision of relationship. Says Jesus who was sent: "I do nothing but what I see the Father doing"; "I have not come of my own accord"; and so forth. Such statements are the core of the gospel of John. l0 844 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 Anthropomorphic, yet True What does this mean? That maleness and femaleness and the roles inherent in the bodily form speak of ultimate truth about relationship origi-nating in the Holy Trinity. God knows that this creature will develop a lan-guage according to information received through the senses. That language will necessarily be anthropomorphic, but because the sexual body, male and female, is created to image the truth, the words developed can be used to express that truth truly. C.S. Lewis masterfully investigates the meaning of sexuality in his space-fiction trilogy Out of the Silent Planet, Perelandra, and That Hideous Strength. In the latter he writes: "Yes," said the Director. "There is no escape. If it were a virginal rejec-tion of the male, He would allow it. Such souls can bypass the male and go on to meet something far more masculine, higher up, to which they must make a yet deeper surrender. But your trouble has been what old poets called Daungier, we call it Pride . The masculine none of us can escape. What is above and beyond all things is so masculine that we are all feminine in relation to it . ,, I I The inspired writers of Holy Scripture, where Lewis gained his insights, speak truly when they reveal God as forever masculine, and humankind in relation to God as forever feminine. Under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, they never deviate from this form of expression, not once! Examine careful-ly those Scriptures used to present God as mother and you will not find them asserting God's motherhood. The importance of God in his triune Persons always being considered masculine to us human beings is so overwhelming that in every case in Scripture the truth of this is rigorously guarded. For this reason, also, the Second Person of the Trinity came as male--all Persons of the Trinity are to us as masculine to feminine whether we are male or female humans. Isaiah and Hosea Isaiah 66:12-13 is the favorite of the misquoted Scriptures and is always used in this way: "As nurslings, you shall be carried in her arms, and fondled in her lap; as a mother comforts her son, so will I comfort you." This, how-ever, is the fuller text, more closely translated: "Behold, I will extend pros-perity to her like a fiver, and the wealth of the nations like an overflowing stream; and you shall suck, you shall be carried upon her hip, and dandled upon her knees. As one whom his mother comforts, so will I comfort you; you shall be comforted in Jerusalem?' Obviously God does not present himself as the mother in this passage. The Bible's Use of Sexual Language The distinction he places between himself and Jerusalem is very clear. The same holds true for Isaiah 49:15, another favorite to substantiate God's motherhood. "Can a mother forget her infant, be without tenderness for the child of her womb? Even should she forget, I will never forget you." The speaker is Yahweh, the LORD, who in the entire text of Isaiah presents him-self as enduringly masculine though with a depth of compassion that sur-passes all earthly love, even the love of a mother. Mothers may forget, it is possible, but the Lord will not forget. This Lord continues, "Then all flesh shall know that I am the Lord your Savior, and your Redeemer, the Mighty One of Jacob" (Is 49:26). Chapter fifty continues the theme, with God iden-tifying himself as husband and father. Isaiah 46:3-4 is also a standby text for the Mother-God argument, yet there is nothing necessarily maternal in the picture of God carrying the heavy burden which Israel has become. In fact it is explicitly stated in this passage that the one who carries is masculine: "Hearken to me, O house of Jacob, all the remnant of the house of Israel, who have been borne by me from your birth, carried from the womb; even to your old age I am He, and to gray hairs I will carry you. I have made, and I will bear; I will carry and will save." Next to Isaiah, Hosea is most often called on to bolster the femininity-of- God argument. Such a twist of Hosea's intent cannot be supported by the text, in which God speaks throughout as a betrayed husband and deserted father. There is no plausibility for assuming that the speaker in Hosea 11 is maternal. The Father is expressing the warmth and concern we expect from either parent, mother or father. Nothing maternal is stated here. The actual text, with irrelevant passages deleted, reads: When Israel was a child, I loved him, and out of Egypt I called my son. The more I called them, the more they went from me . Yet it was I who taught Ephraim to walk, I took them up in my arms; but they did not know that I healed them . How can I give you up, O Ephraim!. My heart recoils within me, my compassion grows warm and tender. I will not execute my fierce anger; I will not again destroy Ephraim; for I am God and not man, the Holy One in your midst, and I will not come to destroy. Can this be considered to be the Mother-God talking? The context is quite the contrary. Neither does Sirach 4:10, "[God] will love you more than your mother did," say anything tb conclude the femininity of the One who loves more than human mothers. The full wording is: "You will then be like a son of the Most High, and he will love you more than does your mother." The Holy~Trinity, of course, has within itself all the positive expressions 846 / Review for Religious, November-December 1991 of relationship that there are. This means that mother-love has its origin in the Holy Trinity. What from humankind's point of view would be called fem-inine love is present within (intra) the Trinity; it has been enfleshed by the Creator in the woman--the Son is the Person imaged by the woman. Yet, despite the obvious full measure of what we humans call "femininity" inher-ent in the Trinity, God never approaches his people as mother or as feminine. To humankind (ad extra) God is consistently husband, father, lover, and not wife, mother, or beloved, because Godhead is to humankind the initiator, the author, eliciting humankind's response and obedience, and the roles cannot be reversed. Children, Church, Bride His people are polar to himself, and though they are intended to be, in a certain sense, his equals ("bride without spot or wrinkle," Ep 5:27), they can never be God despite Satan's words to the contrary. Yet they are meant to be joined in union with him; the Holy Spirit will condescend to his mysterious work, but only after Jesus has come to forgive otherwise indelible sin. His people cannot initiate anything with God; he is the initiator. They cannot work their way back to union with him; they are wholly dependent on his action. In relationship to him they can only receive and respond, as they were created to do: to think God's thoughts after him and to obey his Holy Will, or if they prefer to exercise their freedom the opposite way, they may think Satan's thoughts after him and do his will. If God can be presented as mother or as feminine, that is, as receiver and accepter in the God/humankind relationship, where does that place his polar people? They are his children, of course, but they are growing into his bride, not his groom. A feminine God would make them the masculine pole-- exactly what Satan tempted them to think in the beginning--that they should envy and seize the authority side of the equation and "be like gods." Already the value of the role of willing obedience has been totally disparaged. In its place is the Satanic concept that Godhead is merely dominating authoritari-anism lording it over lackeys and nitwits. Thus, the significance of masculine and feminine runs very deep indeed. There is no mother in heaven other than the Blessed Mother, and she is given to us as all the mother we need. There is another heavenly mother, the Church, in that mystical dimension of her that is holy. It is her overflowing breasts that feed us (Is 66) and her warm lap that holds us. The only consort of the God who presents himself as masculine to us is ourselves. Another aspect of the gender-of-God question that appears more and more frequently in periodicals is the matter of history--the assumption The Bible's Use of Sexual Language grows that the Hebrews somehow messed up things and imposed upon the world their perverse patriarchy which they expressed in their sacred writ-ings. Their patriarchal prejudices, declare this reasoning, overpowered the more gentle goddess-religions.~2 We need to look again at that claim in light of the above and also in. light of the goddesses themselves, who were not gentle and approachable at all. Tanit, Astarte, or Astaroth demanded child sacrifices; a very bloodthirsty goddess she was, depicted with a lioness's head! The others do not stand any kind of scrutiny either. They are projec-tions from the fallen psyche of humankind and cannot stand comparison with the Holy One of Israel, I AM HE. Language and Reality It is legitimate, therefore, to object to much current writing against tradi-tional God and gender language: 1. It twists Scripture, theology, and history, even when done innocently. 2. Scripture is not just a human book--it is far too profound for that, often speaking more than the human author knew or intended. Dei Verbum says, "Since, therefore, all that the inspired authors, or sacred writers, affirm should be regarded as affirmed by the Holy Sp!rit, we must acknowledge that the books of Scripture, firmly, faithfully, and without error, teach that truth which God, for the sake of our salvation, wished to see confided to the sacred Scriptures" (DV, no. 11). Often those who adhere to this definition are pejoratively called fundamentalists, a word many who are unwilling to take Scripture wholly and seriously use much too freely in order to quiet their questioners. It is necessary to heed literary forms, the times addressed, the exact meaning of words in their contexts, and ways of perception of the times. But none of this negates the truth of the quotation above (which tran-scends all of the human aspects of Scripture), namely, that God has seen to it that this book speaks what he wants us to know: "sacred Scripture must be read and interpreted with its divine authorship in mind" (DV, no. 12). 3. In the matter of sexuality in Scripture, we are not working with mere metaphor; we are working with an analogy. An analogy points up a relation-ship between two things--a real parailelism of character or attributes. Therefore, to say that man and woman and their relationship are an analogy of God's relationship to humankind is to say that there is a real parallel in the comparison that rests in verity--in this case, because God has created the one (humankind) to be a sign of the other (God). A metaphor, on the other hand, merely suggests a likeness in some particular about two very unlike things, for instance, "That dog walks like a turtle." Feminine references to Godhead in Scripture can be seen with little effort to be sheer metaphors. ~i4~1 / Review for Religious, November-December1991 When Jesus said that he was like a hen wanting to gather his chicks, he was speaking !n metaphor he did not resemble a chicken in any regard other than this one particular. But when he said he and the Father are One, he was not speaking metaphor at all--either about Father, which I have explained above, or about their oneness. In this matter of gender language for God and of the meaning of male and female, many people are being swept along by something that they do not understand, and are taking up the mistaken values of feminism about authority/submission. Thus they .are constantly tempted to envy the mascu-line side and thereby cast aside the beauty and wholeness of Jesus' way of abject obedience, saying it does not behoove women to be obedient or to have anything to do with submission. All of this is a serious concern to the Church as we enter the third millennium, for it lies at the center of what it means to be a Catholic Christian. It is sifting those who have the heart for it from those who do not, and will eventually be seen to vindicate the Church's assertion that the Holy Spirit "leads her to perfect union with her Spouse.''~3 NOTES l Arthur Shaw, "Gender Language for God," National Catholic Register, November 12, 1989, p. 4. 2 John Pau! II, Encyclical Dominum et Vivificantem (pentecost 1986), no. 12. Italics mine. 3 Cardinal Gerald Emmett (~arter, "Do This in Memory of Me," 8 December 1983. 4 .Ibid, p. 24. 5 Ibid, p. 11. 6 Archbishop John Roach, Archbishop of Minneapolis/St. Paul, Eucharistic Celebration, November 9, 1987, National Council of Catholic Women. 7 Edith Stein, The Collected Works of Edith Stein, Volume Two, Essays on Woman (Washington, D.C.: ICS Publications, 1987), p. 62. 8 John Paul II, Pastoral Letter Mulieris Dignatatem (1989), pp. 91, 92, 98. 9 Ibid, pp. 67, 78, 84. ~0 See, among many other verses, 5:19, 26, 30, 37, 43; 6:44; 8:28. ~ C.S. Lewis, That Hideous Strength (Macmillan, 1946), p. 315. 12 See Virginia Ann Froehle, R.S.M., "Feminine Images of God Can Enhance Your Prayer and Change Your Life," St. Anthony Messenger, May 1989. This article blatantl