U našoj historiografiji prevladava mišljenje da je atentat u Narodnoj skupštini 20. lipnja 1928. bio izvršen iz nacionalnog razloga, tj. zahtjeva poslanika iz Hrvatske da Hrvatska bude tretirana kao posebna jedinica, odnosno da joj se poštuju njena stečena prava za autonomijom. O smrti Stjepana Radića i događajima koji su posljedica atentata u Narodnoj skupštini pisali su mnogi - i političari i povjesničari - i gotovo su svi apostrofirali nacionalni karakter tog sukoba, ali analiza zbivanja pokazuje da je sukobljavanje srpskih radikala i Kluba Seljačko-demokratske koalicije imalo više uzroka među kojima gospodarski razlozi zauzimaju značajno mjesto. ; The widespread view in Croatian historiography is that the assassination in the National Assembly that took place on 20 June 2018 was motivated by nationalism, i.e. that it came about due to the request of the Croatian deputies for Croatia to be treated as a single unit, that is to respect the vested right of Croatia to autonomy. Many politicians and historians wrote about the death of Stjepan Radić and the events that unfolded as a consequence of the assassination in the National Assembly, most of which emphasized the ethnic character of that conflict, but an analysis of events shows that the cause of the conflict between Serbian nationals and the Peasant-Democratic Coalition deputies was multifaceted, with economic grounds having a prominent place. It is worth noting that the harshest conflict in the Assembly was over Glavnjača and economic/financial issues. The Radicals wanted to reap the benefits of sending food into impoverished parts of the country because they already owned large swaths of land, but Radić believed Croatian regions should also take part in that state-funded operation. His idea was supported by Svetozar Pribićević, while the text of the Nettuno Conventions further exacerbated the conflicts in the Assembly. His efforts in the field of nutrition did not begin just before he passed away. He was supposed to become the Commissioner for Economic Affairs, which included food-related issues, as early as November 1918, but his appointment fell through due to him promoting republicanism and the opposition of Pribićević. Radić and Pribićević operated in unison during 1928, which represented a massive improvement. It is a shame that the assassination severed this connection and worsened the relations between Croatians and Serbs. Stjepan Radić died on 8 August 1928, which was a consequence of the gunshot wound inflicted during the session of the National Assembly held in Belgrade on 20 June. Dr Đuro Basariček died in the Assembly, Pavao Radić was mortally wounded and died shortly after being hospitalized, while three CPP deputies suffered gunshot wounds (Ivan Granđa and Ivan Pernar, as well as S. Radić).
Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading political officials and representatives of the highest bodies of state power. Certainly the most sensitive moment in the overall process of violence is the arrival of the perpetrator in a concrete opportunity to commit an attack from close range with a suitable weapon. When their security is compromised, the question arises as to the effectiveness of the security system as a whole. Assassinations have the same effect as terrorism, which means that the end goal of the assassination is compatible with the end goal and effects. The primary effect is caused by the feeling of fear, panic and insecurity of a large number of people, which significantly influences the work of the authorities, which is the ultimate goal of political violence. When it comes to statesmen, assassinations are sensitive events that can have catastrophic consequences. That is why the case study of the assassination of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic was chosen as the topic of this paper. Djindjic tried to reform and modernize Serbia, which led him to clash with radical nationalist circles.
O srebrnjaku od 5 kuna iz godine kovanja 1934. pisalo se u više navrata te je o njemu donijeto nekoliko, katkad oprečnih, zaključaka. Izvorni dokumenti iz Beograda, dostupni u obliku mikrofilmova u Hrvatskom državnom arhivu, rasvjetljavaju mnoge pojedinosti o djelovanju Ustaškoga pokreta u Italiji kojemu je bio cilj uvođenje novčane jedinice "kune" (koja se trebala dijeliti na 100 banica). Odredbe Glavnoga ustaškoga stana objavljene 1934. godine govore o razlozima uvođenja navedenih naziva, opisuju kovanice od 5 kuna, donose tečajnu listu u odnosu na glavne svjetske valute onoga doba, ali i točno određuju koliku plaću u kunama trebaju dobiti dužnosnici, dušobrižnici te vojni i upravni časnici. Zaključuje se da su kovanice doista izdane 1934. godine, ali ne kao uspomena na atentat na kralja Aleksandra, nego kao prvi korak k uvođenju nove valute, najprije u redove Ustaškoga pokreta, a zatim, u tada još nedefiniranoj budućnosti, u Hrvatsku. Dokumenti, s druge strane, potvrđuju da se s tim novcem, bez obzira na detaljne upute, nije provodila nikakva kupoprodaja i nisu se uistinu isplaćivale plaće u kunama, nego su kovanice kupovali članovi Ustaškoga pokreta kao uspomenu. Daljnju izradu kuna i banica spriječila je reakcija Italije koja je nakon atentata na kralja Aleksandra internirala Antu Pavelića, a kasnije i onemogućila rad cjelokupne ustaške organizacije. ; Writers about the 5 kuna silver coin, minted in 1934, drew different conclusions, some of them contradictory. The original documents kept in Belgrade, accessible on microfilm in the Croatian State Archives, shed light on many details of the activities of the Ustasha Movement in Italy aimed at actually introducing the "kuna" monetary unit (which was to be divided in 100 "banicas"). The Ustasha Headquarters published provisions in 1934 about the reasons for introducing the above names. These provisions also described the 5 kuna coin, brought a list of exchange rates with the main world currencies of the time, and laid down the exact pay in kunas for officials, priests and military and administrative officers. The conclusion is that the coins really had been minted in 1934, not to commemorate the assassination of King Aleksandar but as the first step towards introducing the new currency, first among members of the Ustasha Movement and then, in the as yet undefined future, in Croatia itself. On the other hand, documents confirm that no purchases or sales were made using this money and, despite the detailed instructions, salaries were not in fact paid in kunas, but members of the Ustasha Movement bought the coins as souvenirs. The further production of kunas and banicas was prevented by Italy's reaction to the assassination of King Aleksandar, when Ante Pavelić was interned and later the activities of the whole Ustasha organisation banned.
Štićene su osobe fizičke osobe zaštićene tjelesnom i tehničkom zaštitom, a osobita se briga pridaje štićenju vodećih političkih dužnosnika, kao i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti. Poslovi tjelohranitelja moraju biti regulirani zakonom gdje će biti izričito navedeno ono bitno za uspješnu provedbu zahtjevnih poslova, a samo iznimni pojedinci mogu zadovoljiti potrebne uvjete posla. Društvo je u današnje vrijeme osobito izloženo političkom sukobljavanju i nasilju, te je potrebno posebnu brigu dati zaštiti vodećih političkih dužnosnika i predstavnika najviših tijela vlasti države. Svakako je najosjetljiviji trenutak u sveukupnom procesu nasilja dolazak počinitelja u konkretnu priliku da počini napad iz neposredne udaljenosti pogodnim oružjem. Kada dođe do ugrožavanja njihove sigurnosti postavlja se pitanje o učinkovitosti sustava sigurnosti u cijelosti. Atentati imaju isti učinak kao terorizam, a to znači da je krajnji cilj atentata kompatibilan s krajnjim ciljem i efektima. Primarni učinak izazivaju osjećaj straha, panike i nesigurnosti većeg broja ljudi što snažno utječe na djelovanje vlasti, a što je krajnji cilj političkog nasilja. Kad je riječ o državnicima, atentati su osjetljivi događaji koji mogu imati katastrofalne posljedice. Upravo je stoga kao tema ovog rada odabrana studija slučaja atentata na srbijanskog premijera Zorana Đinđića. Đinđić je pokušao reformirati i modernizirati Srbiju zbog čega je došao u sukob s radikalnim nacionalističkim krugovima. ; Protected persons are natural persons protected by physical and technical protection, and particular care is given to the protection of leading political officials as well as representatives of the highest authorities. Bodyguard jobs must be regulated by law, which will explicitly state what is essential for the successful execution of demanding jobs, and only exceptional individuals can meet the required job requirements. Today, the society is particularly exposed to political conflict and violence, and special care must be taken to protect leading ...
Rad "Društveno-političke prilike u ivanićkom kraju između dva svjetska rata" u prvom redu nastojat će prikazati događaje koji su obilježili međuratno razdoblje u tri općine ivanićkog kraja (Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić, Križ). Uz demografski, društveni i gospodarski razvoj, posebna će se pažnja posvetiti okolnostima dinamičnih političkih zbivanja u tom kraju, koja su obilježila razdoblje od 1918. do 1941. godine. ; The area of municipalities Ivanić-Grad, Kloštar Ivanić and Križ in the times of monarchist Yugoslavia (from 1918 to 1941), went through a period of transformation. This territory had a fairly diverse social and economic structure, in which there was industry, commerce and trade, along with agriculture and livestock farming. The entire area had a centuries-long tradition of education, for which there was relatively little illiterates. Moreover, the idea of linking citizens to achieve common economic and social interests was very strong among the population. After 1918 all adult male citizens of Yugoslavia got universal suffrage. Therefore the Croatian people hoped that their rights would expand even further, while the new state government wanted to build a unitary and centralized state. Citizens of Ivanić area started the struggle for the preservation of their democratic and national rights. One of the biggest and earliest armed resistances to the regime's ideas, known as the Kriæ Republic, proved in 1920 that people were not happy with the situation in their environment. Despite of proclamation of Yugoslav dictatorship, with time the authorities would find that the thoughts and actions of citizens are very difficult to control. The citizens themselves in almost absolute numbers sided with the ideas of Croatian Peasant Party and the concept of political struggle for democratic, social and economic rights of Croatian people in the monarchist Yugoslavia. Therefore, the attacks against ideas and symbols of the regime became an everyday reality. In the years following the assassination of King Alexander there was a limited democratization of the state. They were also marked by an increasing activity of the HSS. This all led to the creation of the Banovina of Croatia in 1939. However, only a year and a half later, Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Croatian Banovina will disappear in a whirlwind of World War Two.
Using primary sources, the author has described Maček's meeting with Prince Paul and the Prime Minister Stojadinović. The meeting with the Prince was held on November 8, 1936. This meeting paved the way for Maček's later meeting with Stojadinović on Januar 16, 1937 in Brežice (Slovenia). At the meetings various question of external and internal policy were discussed. The Croatian question was the Central problem. The Prince and Stojadinović were of the opinion that it was impossible to change the September 3, 1931 Constitution, and that any agreement about the Croatian question could only be arrived at within the frame of that Constitution. This, in fact, meant retaining the unsatisfactory unitary establishment. Maček's opinion was that the solution of the Croatian question was possible only if the Constitution was abrogated and there was a new constitutional situation, based on a federal state. He proposed a procedure for attaining this new constitution. Although the views of the government and the Croatian opposition for the solution of the Croatian question were different, both sides were interested in maintaining contact, making concessions and pursuing a policy of compromise. Stojadinović's government had enemies on several sides. In such a situation it did not want to make relations with the Croatian opposition worse. That is why this opposition's activity was to a certain extent tolerated. These tactics were a result of the Prince's and Stojadinović's wishes for the government to show itself as following a new political course after the assassination of King Alexander. Maček, on the other hand, wished Stojadinović's government to remain in power because there was a danger of it being pushed aside by forces which upheld the earlier absolutist policy of King Alexander. The relatively tolerant policy of the government made the process of the renewal of the Croatian Peasant Party, and organizations under its influence, easier. Among the Contributiones is the report of the Ban of the Sava banovina on reactions to Maček's meeting with Stojadinović, and also two reports from which are seen Maček's secret contacts (through the Chief of Stojadinović's Cabinet) after the meeting in Brežice. In these reports their mutual wish to continue the policy of reciprocal concessions and compromise is affirmed.
The lndependent Democratic Party (Samostalna demokratska stranka) was one of the many political parties of pre-war Yugoslavia. Although it was not a large party as far as number o members was concerned, its role, and especially that of its leader Svetozar Pribićević, in the political life of the Yugoslav stace was very important. ln this paper the author deals with the party's foundation, development and activities, shows the characteristics of its programme, and its social and nacional basis. He restricts his exposition to the period of the Vidovdan Constitution, accunting for this by the fact that ater the institution of the dictatorship the organizational work of the party (and of all other political parties) and its activities in further political development had a special quality. The Independent Democratic Party was formed after a group of 14 delegates, with Svetozar Pribićević at their head had withdrawn from the Democratic Party in March 1924. The leaders of the new party stressed from the beginning that the basis of their policy was unitarism and centralism. Since the ideal of unitarism was expressed most strongly in the Vidovdan Constitution, the Independant Democrats emphasized the importance of the full application of that Constitution. This was the foundacion of their coalition with the Radicals and of the formation of the government of the National Block. When the Radicals saw that their agrement with the Independent Democratic Party and the enforcement of the Obznana against the Croatian Republican Peasant Party (Hrvatska republikanska seljačka stranka) did nat affect Radić's position, they broke off the alliance with Svetozar Pribićević and came to an understanding with Stjepan Radić. The Independent Democratic Party then became part of the opposition. Svetozar Pribićević started forming a large, general Yugoslav party, whose nucleus was to be the Independent Democratic Party. Thes did nat succeed. A struggle for unitarism and centralism remained the basic substance and prime aim of his political activities. Being in the opposition, however, he became more and more aware of manifestations of great-Serbian predominence. Realizing that centralism was not creating Yugoslav unity, but, on the contrary, was strengthening great-Serbian hegernony and bringing the country to a serious crisis, Svetozar Pribićević approached Stjepan Radić. Thus a political alliance between the Independent Democratic Party and the Croacian Peasant Party was formed, named the Peasant-Democratic Coalition (Seljačko-demokratska koalicija). The transformation of the Independent Democratic Party's programme started after the formation of the Peasant-Democratic Coalition. At the beginning a consistent enforcement of the Vidovdan Constitution and a respect for the law were demanded, but soon a demand was made for a revision of the Constitution and even its abolishion. This was expressed in particular after the assassinations in the Nacional Assembly. Before the proclamation of the Dictatorship formulations concerning the reorganization of the state had not been concrete enough, and left possibilities for various different interpretations. But after the manifest of January 6, 1929, the Independent Democratic Party explicitly proclaimed itself for federalism. Svetozar Pribićević himself, after emigrating from the country, even worked for a republican state.
Utemeljen na polazištima kritički orijentiranih sigurnosnih studija i studija terorizma, rad propituje metodološke, epistemološke pa i ontološke aspekte fenomena državnog terorizma. Tvrdi se kako je državni terorizam sustavno zanemareno područje znanja o terorizmu, iako je empirijski vrlo evidentan fenomen. U prvom dijelu rada propituje se klasična i suvremena politološka, sociološka, pravna i filozofska misao važna za razumijevanje države, sigurnosti, terorizma i državnog terorizma. Počevši od Weberove definicije države kao nositeljice monopola na nasilje i njegova koncepta razlikovanja vladavine (Herrschaft) i sile (Macht) tvrdi se da monopol na silu ne podrazumijeva korištenje svakog oblika sile i da država ne može biti ekskulpirana u situacijama kada koristi silu koja ima sva obilježja terorizma. Upravo za ključnim obilježjima terorizma traga se u drugom dijelu rada gdje se analizira postojeće znanje o terorizmu i državnom terorizmu. Na temelju postojećih definicija koje čine bazu od ukupno 373 definicije, sadržajnom i frekvencijskom analizom, dolazi se do operacionalne definicije terorizma i državnog terorizma. Izlučenih šest konstitutivnih elemenata terorizma ukazali su da je državni terorizam organizirana upotreba sile i nasilja ili prijetnja upotrebom nasilja kojom se posredstvom intencionalnog širenja straha odnosno terora, a na temelju anticipiranih reakcija širih psiholoških učinaka, nastoje ostvariti politički ciljevi, a kojega provodi i/ili sponzorira država. U fokusiranoj studiji s mnogo slučajeva u trećem dijelu analizira se državni terorizam na empirijskim primjerima dvadeset i jedne države (N=21). Slučajevi su selektirani na stogodišnjem dijakronijskom kontinuumu, počevši od 1914. godine i sarajevskog atentata na austro-ugarskog prijestolonasljednika Franju Ferdinanda pa do recentnih primjera protuterorističkih politika. Kroz povijesnu perspektivu, komparativnom metodom uz primjenu dizajna najrazličitijih slučajeva, potvrđena je polazna pretpostavka: terorizam jest ciljno racionalno sredstvo za postizanje političkih ciljeva država i njegova je pojavnost neovisna o tipu političkog režima. Kvalitativna i kvantitativna obilježja državnog terorizma nerijetko se razlikuju kako između tako i unutar triju poduzoraka (režima), no usprkos kontekstualnim razlikama, može se utvrditi da je u totalitarnim režimima državni terorizmu ekstremnih razmjera i predstavlja važnu polugu vladavine, dok je u autoritarnima, a napose u demokratskima riječ o fokusiranijem državnom nasilju, najčešće sa specifičnim oblicima djelovanja. ; The basis of this doctoral work rests on the fact that the state terrorism is ignored in the context of mainstream security and terrorism knowledge. Security studies as well as rapidly growing terrorism studies are predominantly focused on non-state terrorism. Critical voices which indicating the importance of the state terrorism phenomenon have emerged in the mid-1990s. Based on the starting points of critically oriented security studies and terrorism studies, this work analyzes the methodological, epistemological and even ontological aspects of the phenomenon of state terrorism. It is argued that the state terrorism is systematically neglected area of knowledge, although it is very evident phenomenon. In the first part of this doctoral work the classical and the contemporary political, social, philosophical thought and jurisprudence important for the understanding of the state security, terrorism and state terrorism have been examined. Max Weber's concept of the state and difference between legitimate domination (Herrschaft) and coercive power (Macht) in the exercise of sovereign state functions is at the center of theoretical discussions. We claim that this distinction remained outside of much Western scholarship. Their concepts are based on logic of what the state and its relations to society should be not what it is. In contrast to this mainstream normative oriented model we examine the empirical reality which is laden of state terrorism examples. Therefore, the second part of this work is dedicated to analysis of existing knowledge about terrorism and state terrorism. The emphasis is on the definitions of terrorism, so for this purpose the database of 373 terrorism definitions was constructed. Definitions collected from the scientific and academic sources, the expert sources, the available official sources of various institutions and organizations, news, etc. were subjected to content and frequency analysis. Those analyses indicated six key elements used for defining state terrorism, which is relevant to the selection of empirical cases. It is found that the state terrorism is the use of organized force and violence or threat to use violence as a means of intentional spreading fear and terror based on the anticipated reactions of broader psychological effects which seeks to achieve political objectives and which is conducted and/or sponsored by the state. It is not an ideology, but the strategy and tactic that can be used by all, including the states. Despite the fact that the most of the definitios are actor-neutral and that their contents coincide, there is no unified definition. According to such understanding, the third part is a focused study with a lot of cases (N=21) where the unit of analysis was state terrorism and analytical sub-units were states (cases) selected from the one century time span (1914th-2014th) complemented with the most recent cases (until the end of 2016th). Thus, it is a diachronic analysis (cross-historical analysis). Since the selected cases differ in several relevant independent variables (social, economic, geographic, cultural) the comparative analysis is based on the most different systems research designs. The basic criterion of comparison was the regime (totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic) in accordance with the tipology of Juan Linz. The main aim of such typology and case selection was to test the general thesis: terrorism is an integral instrument of state action that occurs in all types of political regimes and which states used/use as a form of rational choice to achieve their goals. The third part includes political and sociological analysis of primary and secondary sources for each case (state). The analysis of state terrorism included Italy during Mussolini, Nazi Germany, Lenin and Stalin Russia/Soviet Union, communist Poland, Mao Zednog's China, North Korea regime and Idi Amin's Uganda as a totalitarian regimes. The second group of states are, according to Linz proposal, authoritarian regimes. Here is a Serbian example of state sponsored terrorism in Sarajevo 1914 and assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Another example is Yugoslavia from the mid of 1960 even if it is not purely clear is it predominantly totalitarian or authoritarian regime. Other examples are the rule of Francisco Franco in Spain, death squad in Argentina, Gaddafi's Libya, the rule of Shah Reza Pahlavi in Iran and Suadi Arabia sponsoring of terrorism. Within a democratic cluster the United States of America, Israel, United Kingdom, France, Russian Federation, modern Turkey and Macedonia were analysed. The main findings in turn suggest that the state terrorism was/is practiced in totalitarian, authoritarian and democratic systems, was/is used in war or peace, was/is used by the rich and the poor countries of different cultural, political, economic, geographic and other features. In other words, terrorism is an universal form of state action, but the specific context of each of the analyzed cases does not provide the right to generalize or compare countries according to the basic independent variables - the type of regime. Divided societies and various social cleavages like political (ideological), ethnic, cultural, language, religious, economic and other are evident in the most of the internal state terrorism cases. Although the contexts of countries are quite heterogeneous, in each case analyzed rationality is a common feature of state terrorism. Statet are trying to achieve political goals in the most effective way, what is decisively for using a specific form of violence or threats of violence that we call terrorism. Although it is one of the most frequently used terms in the social sciences, it is evident that terrorism is not conceptually cleared. It is deeply socially constructed concept which depends on a variety of interests. This also affects the contemporary counterterrorism policy. Within the science and policy, terrorism is predominantly viewed as a war and/or criminal. Terrorism is not treated as a phenomenon that is generated from the political area and counterterrorism policies do not target the real causes of terrorism. The perspective of terrorism as a war and crime which is imposed by politics that cooperates with science, leads to a spiral of violence. Illegal and immoral state counterterrorism actions lead to the even more brutal reactions of non-state groups. This trend is especially noticeable from September 9/11 when the "war on terror" started. From this moment it is especially evident that in the name of national security, the degradation of democratic values and endangering human rights and civil liberties have begun. This is best reflected in the new security policies, counterterrorism laws and the state of emergency institute. Also, the democratic deficits are obvious in the examples of interventions in other countries. Illegal character of the war in Iraq shows that international law is not a guarantee nor law nor justice. Those are some contemporary examples of state illegal actions which could be classified as state terrorism in democratic states, but the history is full of state terrorism evidence. Totalitarian and authoritarian regimes in the 20th century, as well as some actual examples, suggesting that the scientific community is biased and ignores the important historical facts as well as contemporary trends. By securitization of terrorism concept, the state harnessed science to its own interest – first of all creating counterterrorism policies. Instrumented science can act only within the limits defined by the state. The main characteristic of the joint state and scientific activity is hypocrisy where identical phenomena do not have identical names. State and science are taking a morally superior position, so state terrorist actions are called "necessary security measures", and terrorism as a pejorative term is reserved only for non-state actors. Further scientific and political ignoring of state terrorism topic, denying a unique definition of terrorism, refusing the recognition of state crimes that fall into the category of terrorism and insistence on counterterrorism as war strategy only feeds the modern evil of non-state terrorism. As long as there is not a change of paradigm in which the force will be firmly under the auspices of the law and policy of double standards will not exist, it is not realistic to expect that the state will eliminate the problem of contemporary non-state terrorism.
