Education for democratic citizenship (EDC) encompasses all educational practices aimed at preparing young people and adults for life in a democratic society and helping them become active, informed and responsible citizens. The changes that have taken place over the past 18 years in Poland have not bypassed the school evaluation system. The country has slowly passed from a system of "hard control" to one of "soft supervision," and its control functions have been strongly limited to make way for consultancy and support.Obviously it is now impossible to foresee the future of school evaluation – many educators agree that the 2006 law meant less bureaucracy, but some add that it might also mean more control and less school autonomy. Whether and when we will see new regulations in this field remains unclear now. It can only be hoped that bodies running the school (both local governments and other "owners" of the schools), independent of the Ministry, will in some places (if not everywhere) support an initiative for real quality assurance. Incentives, such as diplomas or quality badges, might also help teachers and schools take part in a "pilot" or "large -scale" programme of introducing quality assurance in Education for Democratic Citizenship.
Education for democratic citizenship (EDC) encompasses all educational practices aimed at preparing young people and adults for life in a democratic society and helping them become active, informed and responsible citizens. The changes that have taken place over the past 18 years in Poland have not bypassed the school evaluation system. The country has slowly passed from a system of "hard control" to one of "soft supervision," and its control functions have been strongly limited to make way for consultancy and support.Obviously it is now impossible to foresee the future of school evaluation – many educators agree that the 2006 law meant less bureaucracy, but some add that it might also mean more control and less school autonomy. Whether and when we will see new regulations in this field remains unclear now. It can only be hoped that bodies running the school (both local governments and other "owners" of the schools), independent of the Ministry, will in some places (if not everywhere) support an initiative for real quality assurance. Incentives, such as diplomas or quality badges, might also help teachers and schools take part in a "pilot" or "large -scale" programme of introducing quality assurance in Education for Democratic Citizenship.
The main objective of this paper is to initiate a discussion on the system of quality evaluation of HEIs (Higher Education Institutions) in Poland. The author of this article points out that the current solutions applied within the field of Polish higher education concerning the assessment of the quality of HEIs are built without a reference to a strategic (long-term) vision. So it seems necessary to answer the following questions: 1) What is the profile of PKA (Polish Accreditation Committee)? Should it be the office controlling the HEIs? Or an expert unit enhancing the process of teaching at universities? 2) If PKA would became an expert unit, would it become a dangerous gap in the control system of HEIs that will increase the number of "diploma mills"? 3) Who within the Polish higher education system should take care for the control and quality assessment? The author presents the idea of creation of an unit that would deal professionally with the quality control in higher education - similar to the Financial Supervision Commission or the Office of Competition and Consumer Protection. The article uses ethnographic research conducted by the author. This article has been written with reference to the legal status of November 1st, 2016. ; Głównym celem tego opracowania jest zainicjowanie dyskusji nad kształtem systemu oceny jakości w Polsce. Obecne rozwiązania w obszarze szkolnictwa wyższego dotyczące oceny jakości kształcenia budowane są bowiem bez strategicznej, tzn. długookresowej wizji. Konieczne tym samym staje się udzielenie odpowiedzi na nastepujące pytania: 1) Jaki ma być profil działalności PKA? Czy ma to być urząd kontrolujący uczelnie, czy też ekspercka jednostka doskonaląca procesy kształcenia na uczelniach? 2) Czy w momencie przejścia PKA na poziom jednostki eksperckiej nie powstanie niebezpieczna luka w systemie kontroli uczelni, co spowoduje zwiększenie liczby uczelni "sprzedających dyplomy"? 3) Kto w naszym systemie szkolnictwa wyższego powinien zająć się kontrolą, a kto zarządzaniem jakością? Warto także rozważyć pomysł stworzenia jednostki, która profesjonalnie zajmowałaby się kontrolą w szkolnictwie wyższym – analogicznej do Komisji Nadzoru Finansowego czy Urzędu Ochrony Konkurencji i Konsumentów. W artykule zostały wykorzystane etnograficzne badania własne. Uwzględniono w nim stan prawny z dnia 1 listopada 2016 r.
Polish society gathers features specific to "late modernity" period. In this period grows up the meaning of organizational forms, flow of information, trust to other people and complicated technical systems, uncertainty, taking a risk as well as progressive economic, political and cultural globalization. One of threats and challenges is the process of population ageing. The article attempt to recognition of specific safety problems of old men's in Białystok. Safety is treated as necessary condition for far more researches on practical solutions connected with the professional activity of seniors and growth of their social participation. Assurance of seniors safety can lead to lowering costs of their maintenance as well as the formation of positive attitudes towards old age and cultural openness. The work brings closer connections between safety and social capital topics as well as chosen empirical analyses.
Introduction: Over the last decade lifelong guidance has been given increasing attention at both European and national levels. It is recognised as a crucial dimension of lifelong learning, promoting both social and economic goals: in particular, improving the effi ciency and effectiveness of education, training and the labour market through its contribution to reducing drop-out, preventing skill mismatches and boosting productivity. Two EU Resolutions of the Education Council (20041; 20082) have highlighted the need for strong guidance services throughout the lifespan to equip citizens with the skills needed to manage their learning and careers, and the transitions between and within education/training and work. The Resolutions drew attention to four priority areas, i.e. the development of career management skills; accessibility of services; quality assurance; and co-ordination of services; and Member States were invited to take action to modernise and strengthen their guidance policies and systems. [Continues, please see the article.] ; peerReviewed
Following the enlargement of the European Union, Poland was expected to become a significant creator of European policy in the Community, and an equal partner to Germany and France. This was supposed to translate into intensified activity by Poland in the Weimar Triangle. New Weimar projects were expected to provide a new core for the EU, thus sparking a European integration process. However, over the five years of Poland's membership in the EU, the inter-governmental Weimar initiative has diminished in importance, despite diplomats' assurances of its useful character. On the other hand, trilateral ventures in social, cultural and regional areas have blossomed. The paper analyzes external and internal factors affecting the activity of the Weimar Triangle. The unused mechanisms of the Triangle and potential cooperation fields are discussed. This is done against the background of considerations on the change in priorities of Polish foreign policy after 2004, and Berlin and Paris's search for strategic partners in an enlarged EU. The conclusion presents the answer to the question of whether the Weimar Triangle can still be included in the arsenal of instruments of Polish diplomacy, and what prerequisites might herald its revival in the near future.
Following the enlargement of the European Union, Poland was expected to become a significant creator of European policy in the Community, and an equal partner to Germany and France. This was supposed to translate into intensified activity by Poland in the Weimar Triangle. New Weimar projects were expected to provide a new core for the EU, thus sparking a European integration process. However, over the five years of Poland's membership in the EU, the inter-governmental Weimar initiative has diminished in importance, despite diplomats' assurances of its useful character. On the other hand, trilateral ventures in social, cultural and regional areas have blossomed. The paper analyzes external and internal factors affecting the activity of the Weimar Triangle. The unused mechanisms of the Triangle and potential cooperation fields are discussed. This is done against the background of considerations on the change in priorities of Polish foreign policy after 2004, and Berlin and Paris's search for strategic partners in an enlarged EU. The conclusion presents the answer to the question of whether the Weimar Triangle can still be included in the arsenal of instruments of Polish diplomacy, and what prerequisites might herald its revival in the near future.
The reform of the civil service is one of the crucial issues of the political transformation in Poland after 1989. Constructing of the appropriate system of values, principles and procedures aiming to fulfill State's duties through the operating numerous clerks still poses a number of problems for the legislator. Thereby, the authors are also making an attempt to evaluate the regulations concerning the civil service from the perspective of anticipation of new directions of further changes in order to guarantee them compliance with the Polish Constitution from 2 April 1997 and the assurance of the effectiveness of the civil service. ; Reforma służby cywilnej należy do istotnych zagadnień w procesie transformacji ustrojowych w Polsce po 1989 r. Skonstruowanie odpowiedniego systemu wartości, zasad i procedur służących realizacji zadań państwa przez działający w jego strukturach korpus urzędników nastręczało i w dalszym ciągu stwarza ustawodawcy wiele problemów. Dlatego autorzy niniejszego opracowania podjęli próbę oceny regulacji prawnych dotyczących służby cywilnej pod kątem wskazania kierunków dalszych zmian w celu zagwarantowania ich zgodności z Konstytucją RP z dnia 2 kwietnia 1997 r. oraz zapewnienia efektywności działania administracji publicznej.
The paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Stream pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from 2005 to 2009. The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia. From the beginning, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was an advocate of the pipeline construction and a great promoter of German-Russian friendship, an attitude to a somewhat lesser degree also continued by his successor – Angela Merkel. Polish President Lech Kaczynski was consistently against the pipeline, supported by subsequent Prime Ministers of Poland. The Polish side was also against the tightened relations between Germany and the European Union and Russia that were supposed to ensure energy security. German visits and words of assurance, that were so numerous in the period 2004–2009, were intended to appease Warsaw but they did not mark a change of policy. Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was consistent in its refusal to take part in it. Poland's persistent standpoint has not changed the German attitude in this matter, while the extremely different approaches of both governments have adversely affected Polish-German relations. It was only after the Polish side ceased its continuous criticism of the pipeline project in late 2008 that a clear détente was apparent. ; The paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Stream pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from 2005 to 2009. The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia. From the beginning, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was an advocate of the pipeline construction and a great promoter of German-Russian friendship, an attitude to a somewhat lesser degree also continued by his successor – Angela Merkel. Polish President Lech Kaczynski was consistently against the pipeline, supported by subsequent Prime Ministers of Poland. The Polish side was also against the tightened relations between Germany and the European Union and Russia that were supposed to ensure energy security. German visits and words of assurance, that were so numerous in the period 2004–2009, were intended to appease Warsaw but they did not mark a change of policy. Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was consistent in its refusal to take part in it. Poland's persistent standpoint has not changed the German attitude in this matter, while the extremely different approaches of both governments have adversely affected Polish-German relations. It was only after the Polish side ceased its continuous criticism of the pipeline project in late 2008 that a clear détente was apparent.
Poland under the Pressure of the Western Powers (January–July 1938)The year 1938 was a forecast of events leading up to the outbreak of the Second World War. From the Polish point of view it was essential that Poland had found herself facing developments decisive for a certain configuration of forces on the international arena. The prime ally – France – wished at all cost to force Poland to consent to a written commitment, namely, that the Polish side would not attack Czechoslovakia once the German threat became a fact. The French and the British were dissatisfied with suitable verbal assurances. Bolesław Wieniawa-Długoszowski, the Polish Ambassador in Italy, aptly expressed the very heart of the matter: "We do not wish to incur harm upon the Czechs, but in the face of their notorious ill will towards us we have neither the duty nor the willingness to help them". The pressure exerted by the Western powers, which did not hasten to assume the sort of obligations that they wished to impose upon Poland, lasted uninterruptedly until July 1938. French diplomacy applied a double standard regarding France and the Polish ally. This did not bid well for future cooperation in the case of an outbreak of a world war.
Poland under the Pressure of the Western Powers (January–July 1938)The year 1938 was a forecast of events leading up to the outbreak of the Second World War. From the Polish point of view it was essential that Poland had found herself facing developments decisive for a certain configuration of forces on the international arena. The prime ally – France – wished at all cost to force Poland to consent to a written commitment, namely, that the Polish side would not attack Czechoslovakia once the German threat became a fact. The French and the British were dissatisfied with suitable verbal assurances. Bolesław Wieniawa-Długoszowski, the Polish Ambassador in Italy, aptly expressed the very heart of the matter: "We do not wish to incur harm upon the Czechs, but in the face of their notorious ill will towards us we have neither the duty nor the willingness to help them". The pressure exerted by the Western powers, which did not hasten to assume the sort of obligations that they wished to impose upon Poland, lasted uninterruptedly until July 1938. French diplomacy applied a double standard regarding France and the Polish ally. This did not bid well for future cooperation in the case of an outbreak of a world war.
Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.
Present article concerns the provisions about the security and order during the election of the king in Both Nations Commonwealth, which were designed to ensure the safe and lawful carrying out election conventions. The purpose of these provisions was guaranteeing: proper organization of the meeting of Legislature (known as The Circle of Knights), correct adoption of foreign envoys and lawful conduct of monarch election. These regulations were prepared to fi ght with the criminal off ences and assurance the legal instruments to cope with problems concerning with functioning security services, building infrastructural facilities and supplying food. The author points at heterogenic nature of provisions of the security and order during the election of the polish kings, which included both procedural as well as substantive rules. Furthermore, substantive rules were related not merely with the criminal provisions, but also the others, similar to present-day regulations, which secure the mass events. The author tries to present the process of preparation and implementation of the provisions about the security and order during the election of the polish kings as one of the main tasks in the process of organization of the election conventions.
The paper analyzes the impact of the Nord Stream pipeline construction on Polish-German relations from 2005 to 2009. The author notes that the difficulties in reaching a consensus were further increased by the different attitudes of both Governments to this investment as well as to the cooperation with Russia. From the beginning, Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was an advocate of the pipeline construction and a great promoter of German-Russian friendship, an attitude to a somewhat lesser degree also continued by his successor – Angela Merkel. Polish President Lech Kaczyński was consistently against the pipeline, supported by subsequent Prime Ministers of Poland. The Polish side was also against the tightened relations between Germany and the European Union and Russia that were supposed to ensure energy security. German visits and words of assurance, that were so numerous in the period 2004–2009, were intended to appease Warsaw but they did not mark a change of policy. Although the German government was trying to persuade Poland to support the project, Poland was consistent in its refusal to take part in it. Poland's persistent standpoint has not changed the German attitude in this matter, while the exteremely different approaches of both governments have adversely affected Polish-German relations. It was only after the Polish side ceased its continuous criticism of the pipeline project in late 2008 that a clear détente was apparent.
The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational. ; The article is based on the premise that a constructive vote of no confidence is an institution of a political system which provides the best assurance for the stability of government and protection from governmental crises. The conditions and formal requirements of the procedure of a constructive vote of no confidence make it possible to protect a government from the consequences of the activity of an accidental negative majority. The paper aims to present and compare this procedure in the Federal Republic of Germany and Poland in terms of three main aspects: the conditions of its establishment, the actual procedure and the political consequences. A vote of constructive no confidence was introduced in Germany as a consequence of the negative experiences of the Weimar Republic, whereas in Poland it was the rational reasoning of the authors of the Constitution that provided for the procedure. The differences between the German and Polish procedures concern, among other things, the structure of the motion, the number of obligatory signatures under the motion, and the period from submission of the motion to the vote. The most fundamental political consequences of a vote of no confidence concern the strengthened position of the government and its leader, stabilization of the political system and enabling minority governments to be established. The paper concludes with the observation that a constructive vote of no confidence influences the political system and all its fundamental elements, protects the government and makes the parliamentary system more rational.
