Suchergebnisse

Autor analizira promjene izborne participacije i izbornog ponašanja u parlamentarnim izborima 2015. i 2016. u Hrvatskoj, kada su podrška novim strankama i izborna apstinencija dosegnuli najvišu razinu od 1990. Polazi od pretpostavke da birači novih stranaka i izborni apstinenti imaju sličan odnos prema političkom sustavu i elitama, ali da ih razlikuje percepcija vlastite mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku. Istodobno, birači novih i starih stranka slični su prema percepciji vlastitih mogućnosti utjecaja na politiku, ali se razlikuju odnosom prema prevladavajućima političkim rascjepima, političkom sustavu i političkim elitama. Autor testira te pretpostavke koristeći rezultate anketnih istraživanja koja su provedena neposredno nakon izbora 2015. i 2016. Rezultati analize potvrđuju očekivanja o razlikama među biračima starih i novih stranaka te izbornih apstinenata. ; The author analyses changes in electoral behaviour and electoral participation which took place in the 2015. and 2016. parliamentary elections in Croatia. In these elections both support for new parties and electoral abstention simultaneously reached their highest level so far. The author starts from the assumption that electorates of new parties and abstainers are very similar in their evaluations of political system and political elites' performance, but that they differ in perception of their ability to influence politics through electoral participation. At the same time, voters of old and new parties are similar with respect to perception of their ability to influence politics, but they differ in their identification with predominant ideological cleavages, and their attitudes toward political system and political elites. The author tests these propositions using data from electoral surveys conducted after the 2015. and 2016. elections. Results of the analysis support principal expectations of the paper about differences between voters of old and new parties and electoral abstainers.

Tijekom druge polovice dvadesetog stoljeća, a posebice tijekom posljednjih nekoliko desetljeća, naša iskustva i razumijevanje obitelji i rodnih uloga znatno su se izmijenili. Pojave nezamislive našim djedovima i bakama danas su znatno vidljivije i društveno prihvatljive: razvod, ponovno sklapanje braka nakon razvoda, izvanbračna zajednica, eksperimentalni odnosi, homoseksualni brakovi ili partnerstva sa ili bez djece, jednoroditeljske obitelji, demokratskiji odnosi između roditelja i djece, zaposlenost žena, očev dopust itd. Osim povećane varijacije u obiteljskim oblicima i promijenjenih odnosa unutar obitelji, znanstvenike u području društvenih znanosti zanimaju i druga pitanja koja utječu na svako društvo na makro-razini, kao što su na primjer broj djece u obitelji ili pitanje stopa fertiliteta i starenja društva. Dok su prije dvadeset ili trideset godina važna pitanja povezana s obiteljskim životom uključivala zaposlenost žena i posljedice zaposlenosti žena za obitelj, danas je žarište premješteno na ravnotežu između posla i privatnog života i usklađivanje posla i obiteljskog života, zajedno s rodnim ulogama u obiteljima i kućanstvima. Još uvijek važno pitanje za obitelji i istraživanja unutar društvenih znanosti, pitanje plaćenog posla žena produbljeno je pitanjima o rodnim ulogama, raspodjeli moći unutar kućanstava u odnosu na plaćeni posao, o neplaćenom kućanskom radu, odgovornosti za skrb i dodatnoj rodnoj jednakosti u obje sfere rada. Složenija analiza ovih promjena, osim što koristi opće procese modernizacije kao okvirni kontekst, trebala bi isto tako uzeti u obzir mjere socijalne politike, politiku zapošljavanja i promjenjive uvjete na tržištu rada. Znanstvenici u području društvenih znanosti posebno su zainteresirani za međukulturalne varijacije kako bi razumjeli i objasnili međusobne poveznice i promjene. Iz tog razloga tema obitelji i izmijenjenih rodnih uloga istraživana je u četiri kruga unutar Međunarodnog programa društvenih istraživanja (International Social Survey Programme - ISSP). Prvi modul pokrenut je 1988. godine, drugi 1994. i treći 2002. godine. Odabrani podatci iz posljednjeg ISSP modula (provedenog u Hrvatskoj 2013. godine) temelj su za analize u radovima koji su uključeni u ovaj tematski broj Revije. International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) International Social Survey Programme - ISSP (Međunarodni program društvenih istraživanja) najstarije je kontinuirano godišnje međunarodno istraživanje u području društvenih znanosti. Članovi istraživačkog programa su istraživačke organizacije diljem svijeta, od kojih svaka predstavlja jednu zemlju. Od 2005. godine Institut za društvena istraživanja predstavlja Republiku Hrvatsku u ovom projektu. ISSP obuhvaća niz tema koje su važne za društvene znanosti (uloga vlade, društvene nejednakosti, nacionalni identiteti, vjera, zdravstvo, radne orijentacije, državljanstvo, okoliš, društvene mreže, slobodno vrijeme i sport) i nameće stroge standarde anketnog istraživanja kako bi se riješile poteškoće koje su svojstvene međunarodnom anketnom istraživanju. Od skromnih početaka 1984. godine, ISSP se razvio te danas uključuje 48 zemalja članica, koje su odgovorne za provođenje ISSP istraživanja na svom području svake godine. Godišnje teme ISSP istraživanja razvijaju se tijekom nekoliko godina, pod nadzorom izabranog pododbora, te se unaprijed testiraju u različitim zemljama članicama. Na godišnjem plenarnom sastanku raspravlja se o upitniku koji se koristi u svim zemljama te se finalizira isti. ISSP istraživanje posebno je usmjereno na razvojna pitanja koja su: 1) smislena i relevantna za sve zemlje i 2) koja se mogu izraziti na ekvivalentan način na svim relevantnim jezicima. ISSP baza podataka, smještena u bazi podataka za društvena istraživanja GESIS Leibniz Institut u Kölnu, priprema paket podataka koji je slobodno dostupan. Mnoge navedene teme ponavljaju se u redovitim razmacima (neke od njih tri ili četiri puta), što omogućuje istraživačima proučavanje međunacionalnih varijacija i promjena tijekom vremena. ISSP označava nekoliko novosti u području međunacionalnog istraživanja. Prvo, suradnja između organizacija je rutinska i kontinuirana. Drugo, trajna suradnja istih institucija čini međunacionalno istraživanje temeljnim dijelom agende nacionalnih istraživanja svake zemlje sudionice. Treće, ISSP načela zahtijevaju da se sve institucije članice uključe u razne faze planiranja i kreiranja modula istraživanja i svaki član ima pravo glasa u odlučivanju. Četvrto, kombinirajući metodologiju ponavljanja u vremenskim razmacima i međunacionalnu perspektivu, koriste se dva moćna istraživačka alata za proučavanje društvenih procesa. Teme modula iz 2012. godine Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge uključuje: rodnu ideologiju; stavove prema ženskoj zaposlenosti tijekom životnog ciklusa; stavove prema braku; organizaciju dohotka u partnerskoj zajednici; rodnu podjelu kućanskih poslova; podjelu kućanskih poslova – pravičnost i sukob; moć i odlučivanje u partnerskoj vezi; sukob posao-obitelj; rod, skrb i socijalna politika; stavove prema djeci; model obitelji u vezi s favoriziranom i stvarnom podjelom plaćenog i neplaćenog rada uključujući upravljanje vremenom u kućanstvu; alternativne oblike obitelji. Pregled članaka Odabrani podatci u tri rada u ovom broju (djelomično ili isključivo) bave se četvrtim krugom ISSP istraživanja Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge iz 2012. godine. Iako se ne temelji na ISSP podatcima, četvrti rad s jedne strane uklapa se u temu modula i temu ovoga broja, a s druge strane nudi i međugeneracijsku usporedbu i psihosocijalnu perspektivu. Dok tri rada obrađuju nacionalnu (hrvatsku) razinu analize, Ivana Dobrotić i Tanja Vučković Juroš nude međunacionalnu (europsku) perspektivu u radu naslovljenom Tko bi trebao financirati rani predškolski odgoj i obrazovanje? Višerazinska analiza 24 zemlje. Autorice istražuju učinak čimbenika na individualnoj i državnoj razini na stavove o financiranju ranog predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja, a posebno istražuju utječe li socijalizacija u određenom režimu socijalne države na stavove o odgovornosti države u pogledu predškolskog odgoja i obrazovanja. Autorice isto tako istražuju objašnjava li bolje tipologija socijalnih režima koja je više usmjerena na obiteljsku politiku varijacije u stavovima prema ranom predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama. Njihovo najvažnije otkriće je da alternativna Leitnerova tipologija "vrsta familijalizma" bolje objašnjava varijacije u stavovima o predškolskom odgoju i obrazovanju u različitim državama nego što to čini klasična Esping-Andersenova tipologija. Stoga naglašavaju važnost programatskog pristupa u analizama stavova socijalne države koji povezuju javnu podršku specifičnim socijalnim programima s njihovim jedinstvenim značajkama. U svojem radu Uvjerenja o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskih dopusta i značajke povezane s njima Ivana Jugović istražuje stavove o roditeljskom/porodiljnom dopustu i čimbenike koji objašnjavaju takve stavove u hrvatskom kontekstu. Kao prediktore tih stavova istražuje rodne razlike, uvjerenja o rodnim ulogama, socio-demografske podatke, pohađanje vjerskih obreda, vrstu radne organizacije i nejednakosti u dohocima partnera. Rezultati pokazuju da su stavovi o rodnim ulogama jedini statistički značajan prediktor. Što manje ispitanici vjeruju da bi rodna podjela poslova trebala biti podijeljena na tradicionalan način, to je veća vjerojatnost da će podržavati ravnomjernu podjelu dopusta između roditelja. Autorica smatra da je teorija rodne ideologije prikladnija za objašnjavanje stavova o rodnoj podjeli roditeljskog dopusta u usporedbi s teorijom vremenske alokacije. Zaključuje da do pomaka prema podržavanju korištenja dopusta na rodno ravnopravniji način vjerojatno neće doći sve dok stavovi o rodnim ulogama općenito ne postanu ravnopravniji. Napisan iz perspektive filozofije roda, treći rad U ime oca: rasprava o (novom) očinstvu, njegovim pretpostavkama i preprekama, autorice Ane Maskalan, spada u pionirske radove o očinstvu u hrvatskom kontekstu. Autorica započinje od temeljnih pojmova otac i očinstvo i njihovih doslovnih i simboličkih značenja, te daje kratki povijesni pregled kombiniran s odabranim teorijama o očinstvu. Autorica pronalazi prikladni kontekst za istraživanje modernog očinstva u povijesnoj povezanosti između očinstva, muškog identiteta i političke moći gdje tradicionalne odrednice muškosti, kao što su agresivnost i emocionalna distanciranost predstavljaju glavne prepreke ispunjavajućem i pozitivnom odnosu otac-dijete. O tom se odnosu djelomično raspravlja u okviru koncepta jednako roditeljsko partnerstvo, što ne ukazuje samo na nove oblike očinstva, nego isto tako i na nove oblike muškog identiteta. Analizirajući podatke o vrijednostima i praksama hrvatskih muškaraca i žena u pogledu skrbi o djeci iz istraživanja ISSP 2012 o obitelji i promjenjivim rodnim ulogama, autorica zaključuje da iako je došlo do brojnih pozitivnih promjena, pred hrvatskim društvom još je dugačak put do ravnopravnog roditeljstva i rodne jednakosti. Isto tako smatra da je važno uočiti da se očinstvo, kao predmet političke i pravne kontroverzije, ne može i ne smije razmatrati neovisno od širih rodnih pitanja povezanih s majčinstvom, socijalnim položajem muškaraca i žena, kao i socio-ekonomskim pretpostavkama očinstva i majčinstva. U svome radu Realizacija participatornih prava djece i psihosocijalna prilagodba djeteta: stavovi djece i roditelja Nina Pećnik, Jelena Matić i Ana Tokić Milaković nude zanimljivu međugeneracijsku perspektivu koristeći reprezentativne uzorke učenika sedmih razreda (trinaestogodišnjaka) i njihovih roditelja. Analizirale su percipiranu realizaciju prava djeteta na skrb, zaštitu i participaciju unutar modernih hrvatskih obitelji, veze između realizacije participatornih prava i dječje percepcije demokratske klime u njihovim obiteljima, kao i neke pokazatelje psihosocijalne prilagodbe djece. Autorice su koristile podatke o mjerenju realizacije prava djeteta unutar obitelji, upravljačkom stilu u obitelji, samopoštovanju, samokontroli, problematičnom ponašanju i djelotvornosti otpora. Oko polovice djece izvješćuje o potpunom poštivanju njihovih prava da slobodno izraze svoja mišljenja i ideje, kao i pravo da utječu na donošenje odluka koje utječu na njih. Procjene »upravljačkog stila« u njihovima obiteljima pokazuju da više od četvrtine djece doživljavaju svoje obitelji kao diktature, anarhije ili post-revolucionarne države. Autorice su povezale veću realizaciju participatornih prava s doživljavanjem vlastite obitelji kao demokracije, s višim samopoštovanjem djeteta i manje problematičnih ponašanja, sa češćim odupiranjem vršnjačkom pritisku da konzumiraju sredstva ovisnosti (cigarete, alkohol), kao i s roditeljskim opažanjem o većoj samokontroli djeteta. Roditelji, u usporedbi sa svojom djecom, pokazuju tendenciju precjenjivanja razine ispunjenja dječjih prava na zaštitu fizičkog integriteta, dostojanstva, sudjelovanja u odlučivanju i primanju brižne skrbi. Naposljetku, željela bih zahvaliti svim autoricama koje su doprinijele ovom tematskom broju i tako proširile naše znanje o promjenama u obitelji i rodnim ulogama u Hrvatskoj, ali i općenito. Isto tako, ovom bih prilikom željela potaknuti istraživače u Hrvatskoj da češće koriste ne samo modul Obitelj i promjenjive rodne uloge, nego i druge ISSP module u svojim analizama. Baza podataka ISSP nudi komparativne datoteke koje uključuju 33 modula za nacionalnu i međunacionalnu analizu, kao i analizu u vremenskoj perspektivi, a poveznica se može pronaći pod nazivom Archive and Data na www.issp.org. Gošća urednica tematskoga broja: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov ; During the second half of the twentieth century and especially over the past few decades our experience and understanding of family and gender roles has changed remarkably. Phenomena unthinkable to our grandparents nowadays are much more evident and socially acceptable: divorce, remarriage after divorce, cohabitation, experimental relationships, homosexual marriages or partnerships with or without children, single parent families, more democratic relations between parents and children, women's employment, paternity leave etc. Besides the increased variation in family forms and changed relationships inside the families, social scientist are interested in other issues that affect every society at the macro-level such as for instance the number of children in families or the issue of fertility rates and greying societies. While twenty or thirty years ago the important question concerning family life included women's employment and its consequences for the family, today the focus is more on work-life balance and how to reconcile the work and family life, together with gender roles in families and households. Still relevant both for the families and social science research, the question of women's paid job is widened with the gender roles, power distribution within the households with respect to paid work, unpaid household work, care responsibilities and furthermore, gender equality in both spheres of work. More complex analysis of these changes, besides using a general modernization processes as the framing context, should take into account social policies, employment policies and changing labour-market conditions as well. Social scientists are particularly interested in cross-cultural variations in order to understand and explain these interconnectedness and changes. That is the reason why the theme on family and changing gender roles has been researched in four waves within the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP). The first module was run in 1988, the second in 1994 and the third in 2002. Selected data from the last 2012 ISSP module (fielded in Croatia in 2013) are basis for analysis in articles included in this thematic issue of the journal. About the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) The International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) is the oldest continuing annual cross-national research within the social sciences. Its members are survey organizations from around the world, each representing one nation. Since 2005 the Institute for Social Research in Zagreb has been represented Republic of Croatia in the project. The ISSP covers a range of topics important within the social sciences (the role of government, social inequality, national identities, religion, health, work orientations, citizenship, environment, social networks, leisure time and sports) and implements rigorous standards of survey research in order to address the difficulties inherent in multinational survey research. Since its modest beginning in 1984 ISSP has grown to include 48 members, each of whom are responsible for the ISSP surveys being implemented in their country each year. The annual topics for ISSP surveys are developed over several years, led by an elected sub-committee (drafting group) and pre-tested in various member countries. The annual plenary meeting then discusses and finalize the questionnaire which is fielded in all countries. The ISSP research concentrates especially on developing questions that are: 1) meaningful and relevant to all countries, and 2) can be expressed in an equivalent manner in all relevant languages. The ISSP data archive situated in GESIS Data Archive for the Social Sciences at Leibnitz Institute in Köln prepares a combined dataset that is freely available. Many listed topics are repeated at regular intervals (some of them even three or four times), allowing researchers to examine cross-national variations and changes over time. ISSP marks several new departures in the area of cross-national research. First, the collaboration between organizations is routine and continual. Second, the on-going collaboration of the same institutions makes cross-national research a basic part of the national research agenda of each participating country. Third, ISSP principles require that all member institutions be involved in various phases of planning and designing survey modules, and each member has a say in decision making. Fourth, by combining a cross-time methodology with a cross-national perspective, two powerful research designs are being used to study societal processes. Topics of the 2012 module Family and changing gender roles include: gender ideology; attitudes and behavior on female employment over the life-cycle; attitudes towards marriage; organizing income in a partnership; gendered division of household work; sharing of household work - fairness and conflict; power and decision-making within partnership; work-family conflict; gender, care, and social policy; attitudes towards children; model of families concerning preferred and actual division of paid and unpaid work including time management in household; alternative family forms. Overview of the articles Selected data presented in three articles in this volume (partially or exclusively) deal with the 2012 fourth wave of the ISSP module Family and changing gender roles. Although not based on the ISSP data, the fourth article fits into the theme of the module and the thematic issue as well, offering on the other hand intergenerational comparison and psychosocial perspective. While three articles cover national (Croatian) level of analysis, Ivana Dobrotić and Tanja Vučković Juroš offer the cross-national (European) perspective in their article Who Should Finance Childcare? Multilevel Analysis of 24 Countries. They examine the effect of the individual and country-level factors on the childcare financing attitudes, particularly whether socialization in a particular welfare regime influences attitudes about the state's responsibility related to childcare. The authors also investigate whether a more family-policy-nuanced categorisation of welfare regimes better accounts for the cross-country variations in childcare attitudes. Their most important finding is that the alternative Leitner's "Varieties of Families" typology better accounts for the cross-national variations in childcare attitudes than the classical Esping-Anderson's typology. Therefore they emphasise the importance of a programmatic approach in the welfare state attitudes analysis which links the public support for specific social programs to its unique characteristics. In her article Beliefs about the Gender Division of Parental Leave and Characteristics Associated with Them Ivana Jugović explores attitudes about paternal/maternity leave and factors explaining these attitudes in Croatian context. As predictors of these attitudes she examines gender difference, gender-role beliefs, socio-demographics, church attendance, type of working organization and partners' income disparity. Results show the gender-role attitude as the only statistically significant predictor. The less the respondents believe that the gender division of labour should be traditionally divided, the more likely they are to support equally shared leave between parents. Author finds the gender ideology theory more applicable in the explanation of attitudes about the gender division of parental leave compared to time-allocation theory. She concludes that shifts towards supporting gender egalitarian leave take-up will most likely not occur until attitudes towards gender roles in general become more egalitarian. Written through a philosophy of gender perspective the third article In the Name of the Father: A Discussion on (New)Fatherhood, its Assumptions and Obstacles by Ana Maskalan is among pioneer works on fatherhood in Croatian context. Author starts with the basic concepts of father and fatherhood and their literal and symbolic meanings, together with a short historical overview combined with selected theories of fatherhood. The appropriate context to examine the modern fatherhood author finds in historical interdependence of fatherhood, masculine identity and political power where traditional determinants of masculinity, such as aggressiveness and emotional detachment represent a major obstacle to a fulfilling and positive father-child relationship. That relationship is partially discussed in relation to the concept of equal parental partnership, implying not only the new forms of fatherhood, but the new forms of masculine identity as well. Analysing the data on values and practices of Croatian men and women regarding childcare from ISSP 2012 survey on family and changing gender roles, author concludes that, although many positive changes have been made, Croatian society has got a long way to go to reach both equal parenting and gender equality. Also, she finds important to note that as a subject of political and legal controversy fatherhood cannot and must not be considered independently of the wider gender issues regarding motherhood, social status of men and women, as well as socio-economic assumptions of both fatherhood and motherhood. Ninoslava Pećnik, Jelena Matić and Ana Tokić Milaković in their article Fulfilment of the Child's Participation Rights in the Family and the Child's Psychosocial Adjustment: Children's and Parents' Views offer an interesting intergenerational perspective using the representative samples of seventh grade students (thirteen-year-olds) and their parents. They examined perceived fulfilment of the provision, protection and participation rights of the child within contemporary Croatian families, the links between participation rights fulfilment and children's perception of a democratic climate in their families, as well as some indicators of children's psychosocial adjustment. Authors used data on measures of the child's rights fulfilment in the family, family governing style, self-esteem, self-control, behaviour problem, and resistance efficacy. Approximately half of the children reported full respect of their right to freely express their opinions and ideas, and to influence decision making that affects them. Assessments of the 'governing style' in their families reveal that, over a quarter of children see their families as dictatorships, anarchies, or post-revolutionary states. Higher participation rights fulfilment Pećnik et al. find linked with perceiving own family as a democracy, child's report of higher self-esteem and fewer behaviour problems, more frequently resisting peer pressure to use substances (cigarettes, alcohol), as well as with parent's report of greater child's self-control. Parents, in comparison to their children, tend to overestimate the level of fulfilment of children's rights to protection of physical integrity, dignity, participation in decision-making and to receiving loving care. Finally, I wish to thank all authors who contributed to this thematic issue and widened our knowledge on changes in family and gender roles in Croatia but in general as well. Also, I encourage social scientist in Croatia to use in their analysis not only the module Family and changing gender roles but other ISSP modules as well more frequently. ISSP data base offers comparative files that include 33 modules for national, cross-national and cross-time analysis link to which can be found under Archive and Data at www.issp.org. Guest editor of the thematic issue: Dinka Marinović Jerolimov

Rad je posvećen analizi suvremenih fenomena pod kojima podrazumijevamo mobilnu telefoniju, društvene mreže, brendiranje mladosti, ljepote, zdravlja i sreće kroz estetizaciju tijela te drugih (anti)vrijednosti globalizacijskog konteksta i njihovih utjecaja na mlade koji značajno redefiniraju savjetodavni rad u školama. Kroz tu prizmu, globalizacija je nametnula potrebu pripremanja savjetnika (pedagoga) za rad s vrlo različitom školskom populacijom te traženje najboljeg pristupa u kompleksnom spoju suodnosa suvremenih zbivanja, mladih, odgojno-obrazovnih institucija i dinamičnog okruženja. Promišljanja novih koncepata savjetodavnog rada zahtjeva holistički pristup, posebno stoga što su pedagozi (i školski savjetnici) jedinstveno pozicionirani s obzirom na to da imaju potpuniju sliku životnih okolnosti učenika te njihovih izazova i potreba. Ovakav pristup pedagozima, odnosno savjetodavnom radu kojeg nazivaju pedagogijom životnog puta, kristalizira stavove o promjeni obrazovnih politika i promjenama u obrazovanju pedagoga kako bi oni savjetodavnim radom mogli odgovoriti na izazove globalizacijskog konteksta. ; This paper is devoted to the analysis of the contemporary phenomena, by which we mean mobile phones, social networks, branding youth, beauty, health and happiness through body aestheticization and other (anti) values in the globalization context. It also aims to analyse the impact the aforementioned phenomena have on young people who are significantly redefining counselling in schools. Through this prism, the globalization imposed the need of preparing counselors (pedagogues) to work with a varying school population and searching for the most efficient approach in the complex combination of correlation between contemporary events, youth, educational institutions and dynamic environment. Considerations of new concepts of counselling require a holistic approach, especially because pedagogues (school counsellors) are uniquely positioned since they have a more complete picture of students' life circumstances as well as the challenges they face and the needs they may have. This approach to pedagogues and counselling, also called the pedagogy of life's journey, crystallizes attitudes regarding the changes in education policies and counselors' (pedagogues') education so that they may be able to meet the challenges of the globalization context.

U radu se raspravlja o operacionalizaciji obrazovnih politika o pravima djece. Prava djece primarno proizlaze iz temeljnih ljudskih prava koja promiču zadovoljavanje bioloških, socijalnih, psiholoških, intelektualnih i duhovnih potreba. Donošenjem Konvencije o pravima djeteta 1989. godine dolazi do promjene u poimanju prava djece te se ističe aktivna uloga djeteta kao nositelja vlastitih prava. Promiče se i filozofija inkluzije kako bi se svoj djeci pružile jednake mogućnosti te osigurao rast i razvoj u skladu s individualnim sposobnostima svakog djeteta. Cilj ovog istraživanja bio je ispitati način na koji se djeca i djetinjstvo prikazuju u dokumentima o pravima djece, s naglaskom na aktivnu ulogu djeteta nasuprot zaštitničkom stavu prema djetetu te u kojoj mjeri i na koji način su u dokumentima o pravima djece zastupljene temeljne inkluzivne odrednice. Rezultati kvalitativne deskriptivne analize ključnih dokumenata ukazuju na to da iako se u literaturi promiče uloga djeteta kao aktivnog sudionika i nositelja vlastitih prava taj je koncept potrebno i dalje razvijati. ; The paper discusses the operationalization of education policies on children's rights. Children's rights primarily derive from fundamental human rights that foster the fulfillment of the biological, social, psychological, intellectual and spiritual needs of all. Adoption of the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child has brought a change in the understanding of the children's rights, whereupon the active role of the child as the holder of her/his own rights has become recognized as well as the philosophy of inclusion, which provides equal opportunities for all children and ensures the growth and development in accordance with the individual abilities of every child. The aim of this paper is to examine how children and childhood are presented in the documents on children's rights, with an emphasis on the active role of the child and protective attitude towards the child. The paper also seeks to examine in what way and to what extent the fundamental inclusive principles are represented in the documents on children's rights. The results of a qualitative descriptive analysis of documents indicate that although relevant literature promotes the role of the child as an active participant and a holder of her/his own rights, the aforementioned concept needs to be further developed.

The recommendation of the Council of European Union of December 2012 introduced the concept of equal value of standards used to obtain qualifications through validation of non-formal and informal learning and standards used in formal education, with recommended implementation of such validation systems in all EU member states by 2018. This triggered policy development in a number of EU member states including Croatia in order to propose new legislation, quality assurance recommendations and support to such provision. This article presents the results of three quantitative research studies in higher education which involved a total of 2027 participants from different stakeholder groups relevant for the recognition of prior learning in higher education. The results reveal general support to the concept with lack of understanding of its full implications and significant differences in approaches and attitudes of higher education institutions and other stakeholders, especially users of validation, towards assessment standards, assessment methods and use of learning outcomes. This implies that changes in assessment concepts and more use of summative methods based on standards linked to national qualifications framework might be slower and harder to implement in Croatia than EU level policy makers might expect. ; Preporuka Vijeća Europske unije iz prosinca 2012. uvela je koncept jednake vrijednosti standarda koji se koriste za stjecanje kvalifikacije putem vrednovanja neformalnog i informalnog učenja i standarda koji se koriste u formalnom obrazovanju, s preporukom da se takvi sustavi vrednovanja implementiraju u svim zemljama članicama EU do 2018. To je potaknulo razvoj politika u više zemalja članica EU, uključujući i Hrvatsku, s ciljem donošenja prijedloga novih zakona, preporuka za osiguravanje kvalitete i pružanja potpore takvim odredbama. Ovaj članak predstavlja rezultate triju kvantitativnih istraživanja u visokom obrazovanju koja su uključivala ukupno 2027 sudionika iz različitih interesnih skupina relevantnih u području priznavanja prethodnog učenja. Rezultati otkrivaju općenito podupiranje koncepta, s nedostatkom razumijevanja njegovih cjelovitih implikacija, kao i značajne različitosti u pristupima i stavovima visokoobrazovnih institucija i drugih dionika, posebno korisnika vrednovanja, prema standardima i metodama provjere znanja i upotrebi ishoda učenja. Sve to implicira da će se promjene vezane uz koncepte provjere znanja i veću upotrebu sumativnih metoda utemeljenih na standardima vezanim uz nacionalni kvalifikacijski okvir potencijalno sporije i teže implementirati u Hrvatskoj nego što to kreatori politika na razini EU očekuju.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAPriprema se novi Zakon o šumama, prema kojemu, nadamo se, neće biti opetovanog smanjivanja postotka naknade za općekorisne funkcije šuma. U vrijeme kada nam priroda daje kataklizmičke odgovore za našu nebrigu o njoj, a najveći svjetski zagađivači ne pristaju na njenu zaštitu, šumarskoj struci se već po običaju "sječe grana" na kojoj, ne samo šumari, nego svi sjedimo. Sve više čuju se i glasovi koji sugeriraju izdvajanje priobalnog područja iz dosadašnjeg načina upravljanja, no bez jasne kompenzacijske financijske podloge. Ne opamećuje nas niti rekordan broj požara i potreba saniranja šteta upravo na tome području.S motrišta Hrvatskoga šumarskog društva koje objedinjuje hrvatsku šumarsku znanost, obrazovanje i praksu, ponajprije sa žaljenjem zaključujemo da resorni ministar do danas nije našao vremena za razgovor s njegovim predstavnicima. Bilo to nekome drago ili ne, moramo reći da je to, uz ostalo, i pokazatelj kakav status ima šumarstvo unutar resornog ministarstva. Željno smo očekivali pozitivne promjene nakon gotovo petogodišnjeg zastranjivanja u vođenju šumarske struke i zanemarivanja pojedinih načela potrajnog gospodarenja šumskim resursima, o čemu smo argumentirano pisali. Svakako, Vlada RH između ostalog, mora odlučiti očekuje li i dalje od šumarstva klasičnu "dobit" za državni proračun, ili gospodarenje šumama po načelu potrajnog gospodarenja, gdje se dobit ne mjeri novčanicama, nego optimalnim pomlađivanjem, maksimalnim prirastom, poželjnom bioraznolikošću, prirodnošću i stabilnošću, što naposljetku osigurava očuvanje, a istovremeno i sve benefite šumskog ekosustava. Nismo primijetili ni promjene glede netržišnog gospodarenja, dapače neki i dalje zahtijevaju osiguranje dobave drvnim sortimentima zajamčenim ugovorima, a ne tržišnim nadmetanjem.Da li se nešto radi na proklamiranom restrukturiranju i decentralizaciji Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o., nije nam poznato. Svakako, vidimo da nema vidljivog utjecaja na tu temu nikakav poziv na raspravu, kao primjerice tekst bivšeg ministra Tarnaja, objavljen u Šumarskome listu 3-4/2017. Svakako promjene i građenje novog ustroja, trebalo bi krenuti od poprilično zanemarenih revira i revirnika, neposrednih i najodgovornijih čimbenika gospodarenja šumama, a ne od vrha, koji neprestano buja. Sve to zahtijeva širu stručnu i društvenu raspravu na državnoj razini, ponajprije neovisnih znalaca/stručnjaka, a ne predstavnika raznih interesnih skupina i nedovoljno educiranih političara. Te rasprave nema, bez obzira na činjenicu da se radi o gotovo polovici kopnene površine Hrvatske i šumi koja je prema Ustavu resurs od posebnog interesa za Republiku Hrvatsku. Problemi svakodnevno niču od stručnih – saniranja šteta od ledoloma u Gorskome kotaru, sušenja jasena, šteta od hrastove stjenice, potkornjaka, pošumljavanja opožarenih površina, privatnih šuma, šteta uzrokovanih klimatskim promjenama, do zapošljavanja mladih, kadroviranja pa i političkog nepotizma. Sve probleme u stanju smo uspješno riješiti, jer imamo stručnog i infrastrukturnog potencijala kao malo koja struka, ali uz eliminiranje kadrova koji su struku doveli u današnju situaciju, a koji su se očito unaprijed ugovorima dobro zaštitili. No, nažalost šumarstvo je struka gdje se pogreške u gospodarenju vide tek nakon više godina, kada je "kasno plakati", pa se mnogima čini da je trenutno sa šumarstvom sve u redu. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALPreparations are under way to formulate the new Forest Law, which will, hopefully, eliminate the continual decrease in the fee for non-market forest functions. At the time at which Nature responds with cataclysmic consequences to our indifference towards it and major global polluters refuse to protect it, the branch on which not only foresters but all of us are sitting is again being cut off. There are increased requests to exclude the coastal region from the current management policy, but at the same time no clear compensational financial bases are provided. Not even the record number of fires and the need to recover the damage in these very areas have brought us to our senses.From the aspect of the Croatian Forestry Association, which unifies the Croatian forestry science, education and practice, we can only ascertain with regret that the relevant minister has not yet found time to discuss these hot issues with its representatives. Whether we like it nor not, it should be said that this is, among other things, one more indicator of the status of forestry within the relevant ministry. We had eagerly awaited positive changes after an almost five-year period of a misguided attitude to the forestry profession and the negligence towards the principles of sustainable management of forest resources, which we have already discussed in our Journal. Definitely, the Croatian government should decide, among other things, whether it expects classical "profit" for the state budget from forestry or whether it supports forest management according to the principles of sustainable management. In the latter, profit is not measured by banknotes but by optimal regeneration, maximal increment, desirable biodiversity, naturalness and stability, all of which ensures the preservation of the forest ecosystem and of its multiple benefits. We have not seen any changes in the attitude towards non-market economy, either; on the contrary, some continue to demand the acquisition of wood assortments through guaranteed contracts rather than through market competition.We do not know if anything is being done regarding the proclaimed restructuring and decentralisation of the company Croatian Forests Ltd. What we do see is that no invitation to a debate on the subject has had any effect, such as the text of the former minister Tarnaj, published in Forestry Journal 1-4/2017. In order to develop a new system it is necessary to start from the relatively neglected forest districts and district rangers, the most direct and responsible factors in forest management, rather than at the top management, which is constantly expanding in numbers. This requires a broader professional and social debate at the state level with the participation of independent experts/professionals and not representatives of different interest groups and insufficiently educated politicians. However, such a debate is missing, even though this issue concerns almost half of the land area of Croatia and the forest which the Constitution describes as a resource of particular interest for the Republic of Croatia. There are problems on a daily basis, including the recovery of the damage from ice break in Gorski Kotar, ash dieback, damage from the oak lace bug, bark beetles, reforestation of burnt areas, private forests, damage caused by climate change, employment of the young, personnel policy and political nepotism. We are capable of solving all these problems successfully because we have professional and infrastructural potential that very few professions can boast, but we should primarily eliminate the cadres who have reduced the profession to a current unenviable situation and who have protected themselves with contracts well in advance. Unfortunately, forestry is a profession in which mistakes in the management come to light only after several years, when it is too late to "cry over spilt milk". This is the reason that many erroneously believe that forestry is currently in a good shape. Editorial Board

Among the many factors that determine the development of a political democracy, political culture should be stressed. Research by Almond and Verba, and later similar research in Yugoslavia, show that there exists a rather strong connection between political culture and the stability of a democratic political system. As large and ever larger groups of people have access to television, this mass medium plays more and more prominent role in shaping political culture. When the population attains (as in many societies now) a certain basic level of education, the majority of programmes can be understood by everybody. With this, there is lessening of the discrimination as to the political information, at least in principle. Television is an especially potent medium for introducing people into subject areas for which they have shown little or no interest previously. In spite of selective processes, a good measure of such material reaches the viewer and causes changes in his mind. People, in short, become conscious of political processes, which means enhancing of political culture. After the advent of TV, the political process has been transformed into real life, that can be seen, heard and almost touched. With this, the politician and politics itself loses their mystique and moves into the area of the secular things. The politician's image on the TV screen in not only physically diminished, but also psychologically deflated: now everybody can measure and criticize him by use of common yardsticks. In that way ordinary citizens gain certain strength, of the psychological nature, that becomes a part of their new political culture. Furthermore, television acts as an integrator and affirmer of small, isolated opposition groups. This is especially important for political systems in which political life has been integrated around two or three great political parties, and everything outside, remains unnoticed and ineffective. When such a small political group gets a portion of TV time (as it must, because it il »news« by definition), it immediately draws the support of all similar element in society and by that the chance to influence the broader political process. Naturally, television does not have only positive effects on political culture and political process. We not forget that television, with rare exceptions, is under direct and strong monopolistic control of varied political and other elites. The television viewer is to a large extent a victim of manipulation. Furthermore, there are some authors that consider television detrimental for political action, because it purportedly passivizes the public. But our conclusion is still on the positive side. The suppression of news and information in general, cannot go too far except in countries that are cut off the rest of the world in a seal-tight fashion. If people get information and that during long periods, (throughout years and decades), they cannot but form their attitudes, and become readier for political action, »spectoritis« or not. The whole problem of television influence on viewer should be always discussed in a broad time perspective, and not, as in some of the current research, in an artificially isolated moment. And so, to conclude, television does build the basic psycho-cultural prerequisites for better political participation, and by that, for a more democratic world.

U članku su prezentirani rezultati analize financiranja državnih arhiva proračunskim sredstvima namijenjenim financiranju javnih potreba u kulturi Republike Hrvatske u posljednjem desetogodišnjem razdoblju. Dane su nove spoznaje o financiranju arhivâ, što se uobičajeno navodi među ključnim čimbenicima (uz prostorne i ljudske resurse) koji utječu na stanje arhivske službe u Hrvatskoj. Rezultati analize sistematizirani su u obliku grafikona i tabličnih prikaza. Interpretirani su u širem kontekstu kretanja relativnoga udjela Ministarstva kulture u državnom proračunu Republike Hrvatske te ulaganja u programe drugih kulturnih djelatnosti. Između ostaloga, rezultati pokazuju vrstu, opseg i kontinuitet aktivnosti na koje su arhivi u sustavu javne arhivske službe stavljali naglasak, te njihovu podudarnost s osnovnim zadaćama arhivâ. Zajedno s pregledom kretanja iznosa odobrenih sredstava, takvi su podatci i jedan od pokazatelja odnosa države prema arhivskoj djelatnosti. Mogućnost praktične primjene rezultata istraživanja je u tome što daju podlogu za preispitivanje pristupa državnih arhiva u planiranju arhivskih programa, kao i metodologije financiranja od strane mjerodavnoga ministarstva. ; The article presents the results of state archives financing within programmes of public needs in the cultural portfolio of the Republic of Croatia during the last ten-year period. It is a contribution to the issue of state archives financing in general, which is usually listed among key factors (with spatial and human resources) that determine and condition the position of contemporary archival service in Croatia. The results are systemised in the form of graphs and tables. They are interpreted in the wider context of trends in the change of the Ministry of Culture's proportion in the total state budget and investments in programmes of other cultural services. Inter alia, the results demonstrate which activities, to what extent and in which continuity (short-term, long-term) were in focus of state archives in Croatia, as well as how they corresponded with their core tasks. Together with an analysis of the total amount of appropriations, such data are also one of the indicators of state's attitude towards archival service. The analysis shows that in the period 2010-2018, within public calls for financing programmes of public needs in culture, the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia approved to state archives 1209 programmes in six categories: archives, international cultural cooperation, computerisation, digitisation, investment aid and preservation of immovable cultural goods. The total amount of appropriations for archival programmes was around 87,8 million HRK, which is 5,87% of total amount of appropriations provided for all programmes within those six categories. In the comparison with the average annual appropriations from the Ministry of Culture's budget in all cultural services and their programmes, the average annual appropriations in the programmes of state archives were 3,43%. They depended on the Ministry of Culture's proportion in the total annual state budget in that period. Analysis also demonstrates that three largest users of appropriations were the Croatian State Archives (32,05%), the State Archives in Dubrovnik (18,36%) and the State Archives in Zagreb (6,16%). All other state archives achieved individual shares less than 5 %. Such data illustrates disparities between state archives in the number, but also in the variety of applied programmes. Such disparities are the result of specific possibilities of each state archives (such as spatial and human resources), but also the consequence of the absence of long-term planning and development strategies for the archival service in Croatia in general. Such situation should be improved by the National Archival Service Development Plan, adoption of which by the Government of the Republic of Croatia is intended in the new Law on Archives and Archival Institutions (Official Gazette of the Republic of Croatia 61/2018). Besides appropriations from the national budget within described programmes of public needs in culture, state archives in Croatia are in front of the challenge to improve financing from other sources. The potential for such improvement is a more active approach to the use of the EU funds, i.e. better positioning of the archival and other cultural services in the EU multiannual financial framework (MFF) for the 2021-2027 period. Also, the results and services developed within archival programmes should be usable as new resources, i.e. potential sources of new income.

Obrtnici su znatno doprinosili gospodarskom razvoju Bjelovara i gradova u okviru današnje malene, a nekad velike Bjelovarsko-križevačke županije. Budući da je sjedište Varaždinske vojne krajine, koja je prva započela s razvojačenjem 1871. g., bilo u Bjelovaru, to su Bjelovar i njegovi gradovi Koprivnica i Križevci, a na prijelazu stoljeća i Daruvar imali najveće koristi od privrednog razvoja. Obrtnici su pratili taj privredni razvoj od 1871. do 1941. g. svojom mnogostrukom djelatnošću. Ograničen na proizvodnju obiteljskog karaktera rad obrtnika bio je vrlo nesiguran i kratak i bez udruživanja ne bi se mogao ni održati jer se od doba Khuena Héderváryja obrtu posvećivala malo pažnje u korist industrije i trgovaca. Obrtnici su poslovali po istom – hrvatskim obrtnicima nepodesnom – Obrtnom zakonu od 1884. do 1931. g., a onda su opet po Zakonu o radnjama od 1932. g. morali promijeniti čak i ime svog posla te su se zvali zanatlije i bili udruženi u Zanatskoj komori u Zagrebu i Osijeku, odnosno Zanatskoj komori Jugoslavije. Obrtnici Bjelovara i gradova Daruvar, Grubišno Polje, Garešnica i Čazma imali su sličnu povijest a otvarali su svoje radnje za potrebe lokalnih stanovnika, ali je samo grad Bjelovar imao obrtnike gotovo svih struka već 1891. g. udovoljavajući i potrebama ostalih manjih trgovišta i općina pa i pripadajućih gradova, osim Koprivnice i Križevaca, koji su bili u županiji do 1918. g., ali su se razvijali paralelno s Bjelovarom zbog svojeg položaja na pruzi. Obrtnici su naslijedili u ranom kapitalizmu cehove i preuzeli njihovu ulogu između trgovine i industrije. No u razvijenom monopolističkom kapitalizmu oni su postali višak jer se tipizirana roba proizvedena u tvornicama prodaje u velikim trgovinama te su obrtnici postali višak koji je eventualno školovao stručnu radnu snagu za trgovine i tvornice. Propast obrtnika bila je ucrtana u samu bit njihovih propisa i ovisna o uredbama koje je donosio režim. ; In the past, craftspeople contributed to a great extent to the economic development of Bjelovar and the towns in the today small, but once rather large county, which included wider areas of Bjelovar and Križevci. Since Bjelovar was the centre of the Varaždin Military Border, which first started with the demilitarisation in 1871, Bjelovar and its accompanying towns of Koprivnica and Križevci, as well as Daruvar at the turn of the century, benefited the most from economic development. Craftspeople were through their multifold activities a part of this development in the period 1871–1941. Limited to family business, livelihood from crafts was very insecure and of brief duration. Without joining in an association, they could not have survived at all, since as of the rule of Khuen Héderváry, the attitude towards craftpeople was rather inferior in comparison with industry and tradespeople. In the period 1884–1931, Croatian craftspeople had to operate pursuant to the Crafts Act, which was infavourable to them. Subsequently, as of 1932, pursuant to the Trades Act of that year, they even had to change the name of their profession to tradespeople. They were joined within the Chamber of Trades in Zagreb and Osijek, or rather within Yugoslav Chamber of Trades. Though craftspeople from Bjelovar, Daruvar, Grubišno Polje, Garešnica and Čazma shared a similar history and opened their shops to meet the needs of the local population, it was only the town of Bjelovar that as early as in 1891 had craftspeople of nearly all professions. It thereby met the needs of other smaller fair centres, municipalities, and towns as well, except for Koprivnica and Križevci, which were included in the county until 1918, but developed parallel with Bjelovar thanks to their position on the railway line. In early capitalism, craftspeople succeeded the guilds and took over their role in between trade and industry. However, in developed monopolistic capitalism, they became a surplus, as standardised goods produced in factories were sold by wholesale. Craftspeople thus became a surplus that only educated workpower for shops and factories. The ruin of craftspeople had been cut to the very core of the regulations and dependent on executive orders of the regime.

Napor na uključenju načela održivosti u osnove prostornog planiranja u današnjem postsocijalističkom svijetu traži nove odnose između ustaljenih i suvremenih sudionika. Pojedini interesenti uključeni u razvoj, upravljanje i politiku djeluju na ishod regionalnih i urbanih sustava u Hrvatskoj ponekad bez obraćanja pozornosti na održivost. Njihovo djelovanje pokazuje nedostatak svijesti i negativan odnos prema održivosti u planerskoj praksi gdje je glavni cilj unaprijediti kakvoću života sadašnjih i budućih naraštaja. Bez dobrih ideja o nosivim kapacitetima i održivosti, neki od ovih sudionika zanemaruju planerska znanja i ekspertizu (CAVRIĆ, NEDOVIĆ – BUDIĆ, 2007.). Vještinama i znanjima planeri ih savjetuju, međutim, glavna pokretačka sila još je uvijek politički utjecaj. Takvi predlagači uspijevaju zaštititi svoje osobne probitke glede prostora i zemljišta nauštrb javnosti i običnih građana, podržavajući sustav izrade "preslikanih" planerskih izvješća, pogodujući tek daljem urbanom širenju i nenadziranoj izgradnji. Na žalost, poradi dužega vremenskog društvenog ignoriranja i jake sveze lobija investitora, arhitekata i građevinara, različite međunarodne planerske ideje s "održivošću na umu" još ne utječu na hrvatsku teoriju i praksu planiranja. Neke su od njih jednostavno neprihvaćane, netočno tumačene ili odbacivane zahvaljujući krutoj zakonskoj regulativi, nepostojanju formalnog školovanja planera i povlaštenom položaju tek jednog tipa ovlaštenih planera tj. arhitekata . Osjetljivost za alternativna razvojna rješenja, sudjelovanje javnosti, novine u ponašanju, organizaciji i tehnologijama, raznovrsnost pomagala za provedbu u planerskoj "kutiji s alatima", kao i različite vrste planerskih poslova u usmjeravanju održivih promjena, tek treba prepoznati u zemlji koja je u procesu pristupanja EU. Unatoč tomu, ovaj rad teži sumirati održivost i njezine sastavnice kao nove postavke, u kojima je glavna misao vodilja novoga globalnog pristupa planiranju, objavljena od Centra za ljudska naselja Ujedinjenih Naroda (UNCHS) kako slijedi: "Novo planiranje je manje kodirano i tehničko, više inovativno i poduzetničko. Ono je više sudioničko i usmjerenije projektima nego cjelovitim prostornim sustavima. Plansku ekspertizu sve češće ne zahtijeva samo država već i dioničarski i javni dijelovi građanskog društva. Prijeporno nije planiranje samo po sebi, nego njegov cilj: da li ga voditi uglavnom učinkovitošću, jačajući postojeću razdiobu bogatstva i moći, ili bi trebalo odigrati distribucijsku ulogu da može pomoći pri stvaranju minimalnih standarda urbanog življenja" (Hague, 2001.). ; Effort to incorporate sustainability aspects into the spatial planning agenda requires new relationships between conventional and new players in today's post-socialist world. Some stakeholders engaged in development, management and governance are sometimes tailoring the destiny of regional and urban systems in Croatia without sustainability concerns. Their activities show the lack of awareness and negative attitude towards sustainable planning practices where the major goal is to improve the quality of life of current and future generations. Without sound ideas about carrying capacities and sustainability, some of these actors have ignored the planning knowledge and expertise (CAVRIĆ, NEDOVIĆ – BUDIĆ, 2007). Planners advise upon them with their professional skill and knowledge but the driving force is still political power. These proponents have managed to safeguard their own spatial and land interests on the expense of the public and ordinary citizens, by maintaining the system of "copy-paste" planning blue prints, suitable for supporting emerging urban sprawl and uncontrolled construction activities. Unfortunately, due to the long-term social ignorance and strong alliance of developer's lobbies, architects and constructors, various international planning ideas with "sustainability in mind" have not affected Croatian planning theory and practice, yet. Some of them are petrified, misinterpreted or simply abolished owing to obstinate legislation, the non-existence of formal planning education, and the privileged position of only one brand of chartered planners (e.g. architects) . Alternative development solutions, such as public participation, behavioral, organizational and technological advances, diversity of implementing instruments in the planner's "toolkit", and the planner's numerous tasks in guiding sustainable change, are still to be recognized in this EU accession country. Notwithstanding, this paper aims to summaries sustainability and its derivates as the new paradigms, in which the guiding leitmotif of the new global agenda for planning is spelled out by the United Nations Centre for Human Settlements (2001b) as follows: "The new planning is less coded and technical, more innovative and entrepreneurial. It is more participatory and concerned with projects rather than whole spatial systems. Planning expertise is increasingly sought not only by the state, but also by the corporate sector and civil society. What is controversial is not planning per se, but its goal: whether it should be directed chiefly at efficiency, reinforcing the current distribution of wealth and power, or whether it should play a distributive role to help create minimum standards of urban liveability" (Hague, 2001).

Djelatna uloga Međunarodnoga odbora Crvenoga križa (MOCK) do izražaja dolazi u ratnim okolnostima u provođenju aktivnosti utemeljenih na međunarodnom ratnom pravu da bi se osigurala pomoć za sve ratne stradalnike. U osiguravanju uvjeta rada tijekom Drugoga svjetskog rata MOCK je pokušao uspostaviti službene odnose sa svim zaraćenim državama, odnosno svim vojnim snagama bez obzira na to je li im bio priznat status zaraćene strane. Stoga su u radu prikazani i napori koje je MOCK uložio u pokušaje da pripadnici Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije steknu službeni položaj zaraćene strane, odnosno službeni status ratnih zarobljenika, te da se na njih dosljedno primijene odredbe međunarodnoga ratnog prava. Usprkos prethodnim kontaktima MOCK je tek nakon imenovanja stalnoga predstavnika u Nezavisnoj Državi Hrvatskoj (1943.) započeo opsežne aktivnosti u korist pripadnika partizanskoga pokreta Jugoslavije, od kojih su najvažnije bile praktična primjena odredaba međunarodnoga ratnog prava na zarobljene pripadnike partizanskih jedinica te osiguravanje raznih oblika pomoći. S istom je nakanom predstavnik MOCK-a uspostavio kontakt i s Vrhovnim štabom Narodnooslobodilačke vojske i partizanskih odreda Jugoslavije, a suradnja je olakšana tek nakon potpisivanja sporazuma Tito-Šubašić, što je rezultiralo uspostavom službenih odnosa krajem 1944. godine. Na temelju izvornoga arhivskoga gradiva, objavljenih izvora i literature autor pokazuje i neke aspekte suradnje do završetka rata te u neposrednom poraću. ; The active role of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) comes to the fore in wartime circumstances, in carrying out activities based on international war law (the Geneva and Hague Conventions) regarding providing assistance to all war victims. In securing working conditions during World War II, the ICRC attempted to establish official relations with all belligerent parties regardless of whether they were or were not recognised as belligerent parties. Therefore, the author presents part of the ICRC efforts made in the process of recognising the international war law-regulated status of belligerent party to members of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan Detachments of Yugoslavia, i.e. the status of prisoners of war. Despite some earlier contacts, after the designation of a permanent representative to the Independent State of Croatia (1943), the ICRC launched extensive activities in favour of members of the Yugoslav Partisan movement, the most important of which was the practical application of the international law of war. Permanent representative Schmidlin constantly intervened in the ministries and the prime minister of the Independent State of Croatia through the Central Office of the Croatian Red Cross and as well through prominent figures in the political and social life of the State. However, although the Partisans de facto achieved the position of a belligerent party in their relations with the German military forces, this status was strongly opposed by the ISC authorities. Due to the change in the British attitude towards the Yugoslav Partisans, in the summer of 1943 the ICRC leadership ordered its permanent representative in Zagreb to establish contact with members of the People's Liberation Army of Yugoslavia as soon as possible. Very soon, Schmidlin contacted the Supreme Headquarters of the People's Liberation Army and Partisan detachments of Yugoslavia. In late November 1943, shortly after the beginning of the Allied Conference in Tehran, the ICRC leadership also received an Allied recommendation on the same subject. The existence of the Yugoslav Committee of the Red Cross in London, which had legitimacy and was the only recognised Yugoslav national Red Cross society, was a major problem in establishing relations between the ICRC and the Yugoslav Partisans. The ICRC leadership remained committed to not recognising the new societies created during the war. After the signing of the Tito-Šubašić agreement in mid-June 1944, the ICRC leadership changed its position, and representatives of the Yugoslav government and Marshal Tito sent several letters to the ICRC Permanent Delegation in London in late September and early October 1944. In those letters, they informed the ICRC leadership of the establishment of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Red Cross on the island of Vis. At the same time, the Royal Yugoslav Red Cross Society in London was dissolved. All of this resulted in the unification of the national organisation of the Red Cross in Yugoslavia, which led to the establishment of official relations between the ICRC and Yugoslav Partisans at the end of 1944. Based on original archival sources and literature, the author points to some aspects of cooperation until the end of World War II and in the early post-war period. One of the main aspects of the ICRC's work during this period was the practical application of the provisions of the international law of war to prisoners of war in Yugoslavia. Tito himself made the same promises, though the Yugoslav Ministry of Social Policy made this conditional: they would be applied only if it was proven that captured members of the Partisan movement had been treated in the same way during the war. The treatment of prisoners of war in Yugoslavia could only be speculated about, and the authorities immediately refused to allow foreign diplomatic or ICRC representatives to gain insight into the treatment of prisoners of war. It is clear that the ICRC faced the same problems in its relations with the authorities of the Independent State of Croatia and the German Reich during the war and the Yugoslav authorities at the end of the war and in the immediate post-war period.

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAOvih dana konačno smo dočekali dugo očekivanu promjenu na kormilu trgovačkog društva Hrvatske šume d.o.o. O radu i kritici rada dosadašnje Uprave, Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo više se puta decidirano izjašnjavalo, posebice u ovoj rubrici, tražeći odgovore na različita stručna pitanja, no odgovora, a niti stručne polemike nije bilo, već samo bahato ignoriranje i odmazda, sve do otkazivanja pretplate na ovaj časopis.Za svaki novi početak osnovno je utvrditi činjenično stanje kao temelj novoga programa/plana rada. Stoga dobronamjerno savjetujemo novoj Upravi da si kroz odgovore na naša postavljena pitanja, stručne kritike i sugestije, posebice kroz dva teksta iz rubrike Izazovi i suprotstavljanja u br. 11-12/2016. i tekst UO HŠD-a "Kako Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo promišlja šumarstvo Hrvatske" u br. 11-12/2015., olakša uvid u činjenično stanje. Naše dobronamjerne kritike i sugestije išle su u smjeru upozoravanja na ono što je u šumi nestručno rađeno i ono što nažalost nije rađeno, a trebalo je raditi, no to bi onda išlo na uštrb dobiti koja je Upravi bila jedini cilj, bez obzira na posljedice po šumu. Naravno, osvrtali smo se i na potrebe racionalnog korištenja svih benefita šume i šumarstva, što je također izostalo. Zalagali smo se i zalažemo se za decentralistički oblik upravljanja šumskim bogatstvom, očekujući puno veće ovlasti rukovoditelja UŠ Podružnica i nastavno šumarija, pa i revira, kao najboljih poznavatelja odnosnih šumskih resursa i potrajnog gospodarenja istima. Takav način gospodarenja osigurat će sveobuhvatnu korist vlasniku/državi, ali i lokalnoj zajednici, na što se očigledno zaboravilo. Naše stajalište glede stanja u šumarstvu nikada nije bilo deklarativno, nego je počivalo na činjenicama. Tako i ovdje, zagovarajući decentralizaciju upravljanja koristimo podatke iz brošure "Hrvatsko nacionalno blago" u izdanju Hrvatske akademije znanosti i umjetnosti (HAZU) – iz članka "Šume i šumarstvo", naših akademika Matića i Anića. Kompleksnost gospodarenja šumama u pojedinim dijelovima Hrvatske, koja je jedna od najšumovitijih zemalja u Europi (pola ha po stanovniku), i izbora kvalitetnih šumarskih stručnjaka, ogleda se ponajprije u šumskoj vegetaciji koju tvore 102 šumske zajednice, sa čak oko 260 drvenastih vrsta i 94 vrste drveća. Zagovarajući pak nužne radove koji osiguravaju potrajno gospodarenje šumama i poboljšanje kvalitete naših šuma, a time i njihovih vrijednosti, iz istog članka navodimo kako je njih 5 % vrlo dobre kakvoće, 22 % dobre, 43 % srednje i 29 % loše kakvoće, s time da je 45 % najkvalitetnijih nizinskih šuma ocijenjeno vrlo dobrim. Ulaganje u poboljšanje navedene strukture vidljivo bi se očitovalo u ne samo većoj sirovinskoj osnovici koju je isključivo zagovarala dosadašnja Uprava, nego i ostalim benefitima šume, posebice njenoj općekorisnoj funkciji.Kada smo postavljali pitanja glede kašnjenja ili pak izostavljanja uzgojnih radova i pogubni učinak toga na budućnost sastojine, primjerice u odnosu na našu najvrjedniju vrstu drveća hrast lužnjak, pa i kitnjak (prema odnosnoj brošuri HAZU hrast lužnjak je zastupljen s 14,83 %, a kitnjak s 8,35 %), podsjećamo na ono što smo na Fakultetu učili o toj vrsti drveća, a zaboravljamo ta znanja primijeniti. Koristeći tekstove iz monografije "Hrast lužnjak u Hrvatskoj" navodimo ponajprije uzgojne faze: ponik, pomladak (mlađi i stariji), mladik (mlađi i stariji), mlada, srednjedobna i starija sastojina. Tako je primjerice u starijem mladiku (15-20 god.) kulminacija visinskog prirasta i maksimalni prirast krošnje u širinu, tu se prepoznaju stabla budućnosti, što u mladoj sastojini rezultira diferencijacijom stabala i izdvajanjem u etaže. S gospodarskog stajališta imamo: koljik, letvik, stadij stupovlja i naposljetku stadij pilanske oblovine, gdje od letvika kreću prorjede i dolazi do diferencijacije u visinske, debljinske i vrijednosne razrede. U srednjedobnoj sastojini postepeno opada biološki potencijal glede reagiranja na njegu sastojine (50-70 god.) kada je već formirana struktura sastojine, pa je pitanje kakvi smo stručnjaci i kako smo optimalno iskoristili određeni potencijal šumskog staništa. Na to smo neprestano upozoravali, jer svaki razvojni stadij, a ne samo navedeni, zahtijeva pravovremenu intervenciju, koja doduše predstavlja određeni trošak, ali i korist, posebice u budućnosti.U ovome dvobroju toliko, a u sljedećemu ćemo pozornost sa sličnim podupirućim podacima obratiti na ostalo: o šumi kao infrastrukturnoj kategoriji, općekorisnim funkcijama šume, o odnosima s preradom drva, o odnosu društva i politike prema šumi i šumarstvu i slično. Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThese days we have finally witnessed a long-expected change at the helm of the company Croatian Forests Ltd. The Croatian Forestry Association has on several occasions decidedly expressed its opinion and criticism of the work of the past Management, especially in this column, and has sought answers to various expert issues; however, there has never been any answer, let alone a professional debate. All we received was arrogant disregard and retaliation that went as far as to take the form of the cancellation of the subscription to this journal.For every new beginning it is necessary to establish the factual state of affairs as a basis for a new working programme/plan. For this reason we would advise the new Management to facilitate its insight into the facts by consulting the answers to our questions, criticisms and suggestions (given particularly in the two texts in the column Challenges and Confrontations in No. 11-12/2016 and in the text by the MB of the Croatian Forestry Association entitled "How does the Croatian Forestry Association perceive Croatian forestry" in No. 11-12/2015). Our well-meaning criticism and suggestions were intended to warn the public against inexpert operations in the forest and even more against what has regrettably not been done but should have been done, mostly because this would have conflicted with profit, the only goal of the Management regardless of the adverse consequences for the forest. We have also highlighted the need for a more rational use of all the benefits of forests and forestry, which was also sadly missing. We have advocated and will continue to advocate a decentralised form of management of forest wealth. We also expect managers of forest administrations, forest offices and even forest districts, who are experts in forest resources and their sustainable management, to be given much more power. A decentralized form of management will ensure general benefits for the owner/state, but also for the local community, which is something that has obviously been forgotten. Our attitudes towards the situation in forestry have never been of a declarative nature, but have always been based on facts. By advocating decentralized management, we rely on the data from the article "Forests and Forestry" by Academy members Slavko Matić and Igor Anić, contained in the brochure "Croatian National Treasure" published by the Croatian Academy of Science and Art. The complex nature of forest management in certain parts of Croatia, one of the most forested countries of Europe (half a hectare per person) and the employment of high quality forestry experts is reflected primarily in the forest vegetation composed of 102 forest communities with no less than about 260 woody species and 94 tree species. By endorsing treatments that are necessary to ensure sustainable forest management and an improved quality and value of Croatian forests, we again present data from the mentioned article, in which 5 % of the forests are of very good quality, 22 % are of good quality, 43 % are of medium quality and 29 % are of poor quality. Forty-five percent of the best quality lowland forests were estimated as very good. Investing in the improvement of the mentioned structure would result not only in a greater raw material base, something that was exclusively supported by the former Management, but also in other benefits of the forest and in particular in its non-market functions. When we raise questions related to delayed silvicultural treatments or even their omission and to the adverse effects of this on the future of stands, e.g. with regard to pedunculate oak, the most valuable Croatian tree species, and sessile oak (according to the above brochure, pedunculate oak accounts for14.83 % and sessile oak for 8.35 % of the area), we like to remind ourselves of what we learned about these tree species at the Faculty, but forget to apply this knowledge. Based on the texts from the monograph "Pedunculate oak in Croatia", we list the following silvicultural stages: seedling stage, sapling stage (young and old), young forest (younger and older), young, middle-aged and mature stand. Thus, for example, the older sapling stage (15 - 20 years of age) experiences the culmination of height increment and maximal crown increment in the width. This is where future trees are singled out, which results in tree differentiation and selection into stories in the young stand. From a commercial standpoint there are: prop stage, pole stage, pile stage and finally sawmill roundwood stage, where thinning operations are applied in the pole stage and differentiation into height, diameter and value classes takes place. In a middle-aged stand, when the stand structure is already formed, the biological potential related to a response to stand tending (50 - 70 years of age) gradually decreases. The concluding question is: what kind of experts are we and how have we optimally made use of certain potentials of a forest habitat? This is what we have repeatedly stressed, because every developmental stage, not only the ones mentioned above, requires timely interventions. True, they come at a certain cost, but on the other hand they provide immeasurable benefits, especially for the future. This concludes the current double issue. In the next issue we will focus on other topics of interest and we will accompany them with data. These topics include the forest as an infrastructural category, non-market forest functions, relations with wood processing, attitudes of the society and politics towards the forest and forestry, and similar. Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVAUZ 20-tu OBLJETNICU DANA HRVATSKOGA ŠUMARSTVANa 101. Godišnjoj skupštini Hrvatskoga šumarskoga društva, održanoj 9. svibnja 1997. god. (188 sudionika) u Zaključcima pod red. br. 15 Skupština "proglašava 20. lipnja za Dan hrvatskoga šumarstva, koji će se od 1998. godine u organizaciji HŠD-a obilježavati svake godine". Naime, toga je datuma na 96. Redovitoj skupštini 20. lipnja 1991.g. jednoglasnom odlukom promijenjen naziv udruge iz Saveza društava inženjera i tehničara šumarstva i drvne industrije Hrvatske u Hrvatsko šumarsko društvo. Tako je od 1998.g. Dan hrvatskoga šumarstva redovito obilježavan. Uz redovita izvješća o radu i financijskom poslovanju udruge, u nastavku je uvijek slijedila aktualna stručna tema. Stručna tema ove Skupštine bila je "Hrvatsko šumarstvo danas i sutra". Uvod u raspravu dali su tadašnji predsjednik HŠD-a prof. dr. sc. Slavko Matić i direktor "Hrvatskih šuma" p.o. Zagreb Anđelko Serdarušić, dipl. ing. šum. Kao temu za razmišljanje, navest ćemo samo dio iz tih uvoda i rasprave objedinjenih u 15 zaključaka.Prof. Matić ponajprije naglašava kako je HŠD najmjerodavnija stručna organizacija koja mora raspravljati o stanju u hrvatskome šumarstvu, posebno onda kada su svakim danom problemi sve brojniji i uočljiviji. No, nitko ne očekuje njihovo rješenje preko noći. Najvažniji problemi su: zapošljavanje diplomiranih inženjera i općenito smanjenje broja zaposlenih u šumarstvu; nepotrebno izdvajanje velikih površina šuma u nacionalne parkove i parkove prirode i davanje na upravljanje raznoraznim upravnim odborima gdje gotovo i nema šumara; podređeni odnos prema struci gdje Hrvatske ceste, vodoprivreda i elektroprivreda, protivno Zakonu o šumama, ulaze u šume bez naknade; drvni sortimenti se raspoređuju po komisijama, uz niske cijene a svi se zaklinjemo u slobodno tržište; u šumu nam ulaze needucirani i slabo opremljeni poduzetnici s nekvalificiranom radnom snagom; poseban trud treba ulagati u afirmaciju struke utemeljene ponajprije na profesionalnoj etici; trebamo se riješiti onih "zalutalih" u šumarsku struku, kojima je cilj samo laka zarada.Direktor Serdarušić nakon uvoda daje desetak prijedloga za zaključke; uputiti zahtjev Hrvatskoj radioteleviziji za termin redovitog priloga o hrvatskom šumarstvu; da predstavnici HŠD-a, Šumarskog fakulteta, Šumarskog instituta i Hrvatskih šuma p.o. izrade suvremeni Zakon o šumama i Dugoročni program šumarstva i upute ga Ministarstvu uz zahtjev za ukidanje tzv. "liste finalista", reprogramiranja dugova, dodjela dionica, odgoda plaćanja itd.; usklađivanje odnosa šumarstva i drugih djelatnosti; da se osigura više financijskih sredstava za gospodarenje privatnim šumama i sanaciju ratnih šteta, te da na prostornom uređenju i djelatnostima zaštite prirode, neizostavno sudjeluju i šumarski stručnjaci.Tomislav Starčević naglašava kako je vrijeme da se analizira da li smo i koliko, dosljedno provodili temeljne koncepcijske pretpostavke za razvoj hrvatskoga šumarstva, gdje u provedbi tih opredjeljenja još nema jasne šumarske politike; Šumariji kao temeljnoj organizacijskoj jedinici ne daje se dovoljno važnosti i ovlaštenja, iz čega proizlazi gubitak motiva; kod uzgojnih radova vidljivo opada kvaliteta; doradom planova gospodarenja povećava se sortimentna struktura planova sječa, pa nemamo definirane planske veličine; naposljetku ovu Skupštinu smatra poticajnom za temeljiti razvoj šumarstva.Prof. Joso Vukelić smatra da Vlada RH nema koncepciju razvoja šumarstva i javnog poduzeća, ne uvažava stručna mišljenja, postavlja nekompetentan Upravni odbor; resorno Ministarstvo je neadekvatno organizirano i šumarstvo i lovstvo bi trebalo izdvojiti u posebnu Državnu upravu, kao što su to vode. Posebno ističe nezadovoljstvo društveno-moralnim položajem šumarske struke.Prvi resorni ministar Ivan Tarnaj ističe kako nijedna organizacija nije konačna, pa tako ni šumarska; ova dosadašnja, obrazlažući je detaljno, smatra da je bila dobra, jer trebalo je u teškim uvjetima preživjeti, no nakon 7 godina možda je vrijeme za novu.Prof. Branimir Prpić iskazuje nezadovoljstvo podređenošću šumarstva u Strategiji prostornog uređenja RH i smanjenjem opsega šumarskih djelatnosti, posebice u prostornom planiranju i zaštiti prirode i okoliša, gdje šumarske poslove preuzimaju nestručni kadrovi.Prošlo je 20 godina pa imajući pred sobom ovaj skraćeni prikaz navedene stručne teme (detaljno u Šumarskom listu br. 5-6/1997., str. 323-332), pokušajmo odgovoriti barem na dva pitanja: što se to do danas promijenilo i da li je "svatko od nas korigiranjem svoga rada dao najbolji doprinos poboljšanju stanja u šumarstvu", što je tada sugerirao prof. Matić u uvodnom izlaganju? Uredništvo ; EDITORIALOn the 20th Anniversary of the Day of Croatian ForestryAt the 101st Annual Assembly of the Croatian Forestry Association held on 9th May 1997, (188 participants), June 20th was proclaimed the Day of Croatian Forestry, which will be celebrated annually by the Croatian Forestry Association starting from 1998 (Conclusions, item 15). At the 96th regular meeting held on 20th June 1991, the name of the association was unanimously changed from the Association of Engineers and Technicians of Forestry and Wood Industry of Croatia into the Croatian Forestry Association. The Day of Croatian Forestry has been marked interminably since 1998. Regular reports on the activities and financial affairs of the Association have always been accompanied by discussions on current specialist topics. The specialist topic of the said Assembly was "the Croatian forestry today and tomorrow". An introduction to the discussion was given by Professor Slavko Matić, PhD, the then president of the Croatian Forestry Association, and Anđelko Serdarušić, BSc in forestry, director of the company "Croatian Forests". To provide food for thought, we shall mention only some parts of these introductions and discussions summarized in 15 conclusions.First and foremost, Professor Matić stresses that the CFA is the most competent professional organisation to discuss the condition of Croatian forestry, particularly in view of a growing number of acute problems. However, nobody expects overnight solutions. The most important problems include the employment of graduate engineers and the declining number of those employed in forestry in general; unnecessary conversions of large forest areas into national parks and nature parks and their management by managing boards consisting of anybody but foresters; a subordinate attitude towards the profession, reflected in the fact that the Croatian Roads, Water Management and Electrical Utility Company, contrary to the Forest Law, enter forests without any monetary compensation; wood assortments are distributed per commissions at low prices despite the fact that we all staunchly support the free market economy; forests are treated by uneducated and poorly equipped entrepreneurs with unqualified labour force; particular effort should be invested in the promotion of the profession that is based primarily on professional ethics; those who have "wandered" into the forestry profession by accident with the only goal of making easy money should be removed from forestry.Director Serdarušić followed his introduction with some ten proposals for the conclusions. These include the following: a request should be submitted to the Croatian Radio Television to allocate a fixed term for programmes on Croatian forestry; representatives of the CFA, the Faculty of Forestry, the Forest Research Institute and Croatian Forests Ltd should draw up a modern Forest Law and a Long-Term Forestry Programme and submit it to the Ministry. The Programme should be accompanied by a demand to abolish so-called "finalist lists", re-programme debts, allocate shares, postpone payments, etc; the relationship between forestry and other fields should be coordinated; more financial means should be ensured for the management of private forests and the recovery of war damage; and forestry experts should invariably be included into spatial management and nature conservation activities.Tomislav Starčević stresses the need to analyse whether the basic conceptual prerequisites for the development of Croatian forestry have been implemented and to what extent, considering that the application of these prerequisites is not guided by a clear forestry policy; the forest office, as the basic organisational unit, is not given sufficient importance and competences, hence the loss of motives; the quality of silvicultural treatments is visibly declining; by adding to management plans the assortment structure of cutting plans is increased, resulting in changes in the planned amounts; and finally, he considers this Assembly an incentive for the overall development of forestry.Professor Joso Vukelić points out that the Croatian Government does not have a clear concept of the development of forestry and public enterprises, does not accept professional opinions, and appoints incompetent management boards; the Ministry is inadequately organized; while forestry and hunting management should be placed under a separate State administration, similar to water management. He particularly expresses dissatisfaction with the socio-moral position of the forestry profession.The first forestry minister Ivan Tarnaj states that no organisation is final, and consequently the forestry organisation is not final either; he maintains that the current organisation is good in view of the fact that it was difficult to survive in hard conditions, but after seven years it is perhaps time to launch a new organisation.Professor Branimir Prpić expressed dissatisfaction with the subordinate position of forestry in the Croatian Strategy of Spatial Planning and with a reduced volume of forest activities, particularly in spatial planning and nature conservation and environment protection, where forestry activities are performed by inexpert personnel.Twenty years have passed: looking at this brief review of the topic (find a more detailed analysis in Forestry Journal No. 5-6/1997, pp 323-332), let us try and answer at least two questions: what has changed since and have we all "by improving our work, given the best contribution to the condition in forestry", as Professor Matić suggested in his introductory discussion. Editorial Board

RIJEČ UREDNIŠTVANaslov uvodnika potaknut je građanskom inicijativom koja se u posljednje vrijeme širi Hrvatskom. Iako na facebook grupi, koja poziva na "tri zajednička dana uživanja u sadnji diljem Države" pod motom "Zasadi drvo, ne budi panj", prevladava entuzijazam i želja za jačanjem svijesti hrvatskih građana o očuvanju i zaštiti prirode, postoje i radikalniji osvrti na šumarsku struku i na trgovačko društvo Hrvatske šume, poput pitanja zašto se ne organiziraju javni radovi pošumljavanja? Tvrdi se da je to zato jer im je sječa prioritetnija od sadnje. Podmeće se teza: "Ne smiju oni posjeći više nego što mi možemo zasaditi!" Uzori akciji su velike sadnje u nekim zemljama poput Indije i Etiopije. Također poticaj akciji su i katastrofalni požari u plućima svijeta, Amazonskoj prašumi. Pohvalna je dobra volja i želja za ozelenjivanjem, ali ne mogu se uspoređivati zemlje u kojima vladaju drukčiji klimatski i stanišni uvjeti pa nakon sječe ili uništavanja šume požarima dolazi do deforestacije, nestaje tlo i šuma se ne obnavlja. U Republici Hrvatskoj je upravo obrnuto, na djelu je reforestacija, tj. šuma se širi na napuštene poljoprivredne i druge površine, tako da je danas gotovo pola države pod šumom, ali u različitim starosnim kategorijama. Ova akcija je samo odraz zabrinutosti običnog čovjeka, ali i određene neargumentirane histerije koja je pokrenuta protiv šumara u Hrvatskoj.S obzirom na sve učestalije i nekorektne napade na šumarsku struku, što je prevršilo svaku mjeru, potiče nas da se mi kao struka oglasimo. Možemo smireno, stručno i argumentirano, a možemo i bezobrazno kao što se nas napada. Ponajprije, za laike koji to žele čuti, kažemo da je sječa uzgojni zahvat. Šuma ili stablo ima nazovimo ga početak, rast kroz razne uzgojne faze do optimuma, a potom slijedi faza "odumiranja". Zadaća šumarske struke je prebroditi tu zadnju fazu upravo sječom starih stabala, polučiti korist društvu njihovom preradom, ali osiguravši prethodno u jednodobnim sastojinama u godini dobrog uroda sjemena prirodno pomlađivanje. Svakako prije bilo kakvog negativnog stava glede sječe, treba prići vrlo blizu površini gdje je do "jučer" bila npr. stara hrastova šuma te provjeriti da li i što sada raste na toj površini. U prebornoj pak šumi, npr. bukve i jele, prebiru se sječom stara dozrela stabla i ona koja smetaju podmlatku koji treba svijetla da bi ih zamijenio. Samo tamo gdje u potpunosti nije uspjelo prirodno naplođivanje, pa tako i na opožarenim površinama, ide se na pošumljavanje sjemenom ili tzv. "školovanim" sadnicama. Održati šumu vječnom, načelo je potrajnog gospodarenja, čime se ponosi hrvatska znanost i praksa, a što joj i šumarski svijet priznaje. Što rade Hrvatske šume d.o.o. pitaju se pojedini prosvjednici? Zadaća Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. kao trgovačkog društva u državnom vlasništvu, kojima je Država povjerila gospodarenje, je obavljati poslove sukladno Osnovama gospodarenja, što znači ne stihijski nego po Zakonu o šumama, sukladno šumarskoj politici i strategiji. Osnove gospodarenja za svaku gospodarsku jedinicu propisuju desetgodišnje aktivnosti, provjerava ih stručno povjerenstvo, a Rješenjem ih odobrava resorni ministar. U njih je ugrađeno i niz propisa i popisa koje propisuje Ministarstvo zaštite okoliša. Znači ništa se ne radi amaterski – sve počiva na znanstvenim i stručnim saznanjima u šumarskoj praksi stečenoj kroz preko 250 godina organiziranog šumarstva. Klimatske promjene, ledolomi, vjetrolomi i štetnici, čemu su posebice u zadnje vrijeme izložene šume, samo još otežavaju rad u šumarstvu i zahtijevaju još veću stručnost i znanje, a nikako amaterizam. Nije bez razloga još u pretprošlom stoljeću zaključeno da za gospodarenje šumom nije dovoljna viša, nego je potrebna visoka stručna sprema, što je kod nas ostvareno 1898. godine početkom rada Šumarske akademije (današnjeg Šumarskog fakulteta), kao četvrte visokoškolske ustanove Sveučilišta u Zagrebu.No, s prekomjernom sječom treba se boriti na dijelu privatnih šumskih parcela, ali s tom stihijom se odnosne udruge ne hvataju u koštac. U istoj rečenici pitamo se bezobrazno: tko su to "oni" koji ne smiju posjeći? Da li su to možda oni koji su pet godina studirali šumarstvo, skupljajući znanja iz botanike, više matematike, kemije, meteorologije, anatomije i fiziologije bilja, pedologije, dendrologije, dendrometrije, uzgajanja šuma, ekologije, uređivanja šuma, zaštite šuma i dr., prisegavši na promociji dipl. ing. šumarstva da će raditi po stručnim šumarskim načelima. Lekcije im pak dijele oni koji su u slobodno vrijeme malo "proguglali" i na vikend izletima uz dobru zabavu, "učvrstili" svoje znanje o šumarstvu. Njihovi stručni sufleri, a kažu da ih imaju, mogli bi konačno javno polemizirati. Očekivali bi od odnosnih udruga da nas podupru u protivljenju smanjenja naknada za općekorisne funkcije šuma (OKFŠ), iz kojih se financiraju izgradnja protupožarnih prometnica, gašenja požara, pošumljavanje opožarenih površina i razminiranje površina, no one očito pristaju da se to "gura" u parafiskalne namete. Hrvatska Vlada od Hrvatskih šuma d.o.o. očekuje uplatu u državni proračun, dok čitamo, Njemačka Vlada ulaže 500 mil. EURA za sanaciju šuma, jer ih se prošle godine osušilo preko 110.000 ha.Nemamo ništa protiv toga da se ozelenjuju neke gradske površine, ali i to mora biti planski, kako izborom površina, tako i vrstom drveća, poznavajući i poštujući njihove ekološke i biološke zahtjeve. Saditi bilo što i bilo gdje, što iščitavamo iz upućenog poziva, je neodgovorno i prema prostoru, ali i prema biljci.Uredništvo ; EDITORIALThe headline of the editorial was prompted by a civil initiative sweeping through Croatia in recent times. The Facebook group, which calls for "three enjoyable days of planting trees across the State" under the motto "Plant a tree, don't be a stump", is imbued with enthusiasm and a wish to raise the awareness of Croatian citizens of the need to preserve and protect the nature; however, there are also more radical views on the forestry profession and the company Croatian Forests Ltd. Among others, they ask why there are no public afforestation activities and conclude that the reason lies in the fact that cutting trees has priority over planting them. There is an undergoing statement: "They cannot fell more than we can plant!" The campaign was prompted by large-scale planting campaigns in some countries such as India and Ethiopia. Another incentive to the campaign was provided by the devastating fires taking place in the lungs of the world, the Amazonian rain forest. The will and wish to plant trees deserves full credit, but we cannot be compared with the countries with different climatic and habitat conditions, in which felling or forest fires result in deforestation, loss of forest soil and inability of forests to regenerate. The situation in the Republic of Croatia is diametrically opposite: reforestation is an ongoing process; in other words, the forest spreads into abandoned agricultural and other areas, so that currently almost half of the country is covered with forests of different age categories. This campaign reflects the concern of the ordinary person, but also contains certain ill founded hysterical reactions targeted at foresters in Croatia.In view of the ever more frequent and unfounded attacks on the forestry profession, which has gone out of hand, it is time for the profession to voice its opinion. We can do it in two ways: we can either put forward professional and well founded arguments, or retaliate in the same impertinent manner in which we are being attacked. To start with, for those who are ready to listen, let us stress that felling is a silvicultural operation. A forest or a tree has its beginning, followed by growth through different silvicultural stages until it reaches its optimum and finally the stage of "dying". The task of the forestry profession is to deal with this last stage by cutting down old trees, making profit for the society by processing these cut trees, and ensuring natural regeneration in even-aged stands in the years of good seed mast. Before any negative attitude on a felling operation is taken, it would be advisable to inspect closely the area which was until "yesterday" covered by an old oak forest and check what is being planted in this area, if anything. In a selection forest of, e.g. beech and fir, felling is applied to remove old mature trees and those trees which prevent young trees from reaching the necessary light for growth. Reforestation with seeds or with so-called "trained" seedlings is applied only in those areas in which natural seedling has not been completely successful or in areas badly affected by fires. Maintaining the forest in a perpetually stable condition is the principle of sustainable management. This principle is something that Croatian science and practice is rightly proud of and for which it receives acknowledgement from the global forestry world.What does the company Croatian Forests Ltd do, some protesters ask? The task of the company, as a state-owned company which has been entrusted by the State with caring for the forests, is to manage forests and carry out all the jobs set down in management plans, in line with the Forest Act, the forestry policy and strategy. There is no question here of chaotic and disorganized management. Management plans for every management unit prescribe the execution of ten-year activities. These plans are verified by expert committees and approved by the corresponding minister. They also contain regulations and rules set down by the Ministry of Environmental Protection. As seen from the above, nothing is done on an amateur basis - everything is firmly grounded on scientific and expert knowledge of the forestry practice, which has been acquired through 250 and more years of organized forestry. Climate change, damage caused by ice and wind, as well as pests, to which forests have been particularly exposed in recent times, make work in forestry even more difficult and require even more expertise and knowledge - certainly not amateurism. This is the reason that as far back as the 18th century it was realized that management of forests required not just a college degree but academic education. In Croatia, this was put to practice in1898, when the Forestry Academy (the present day Faculty of Forestry) was opened as the fourth institution of higher education within the University of Zagreb.A battle against excessive felling should be fought in parts of privately owned forest areas, yet the above groups fail to grapple with this problem. Allow us to be impertinent enough to ask: who are "they" who are not allowed to perform felling operations? Perhaps those who have studied forestry for five years, acquired knowledge of botany, higher mathematics, chemistry, meteorology, plant anatomy and physiology, pedology, dendrology, dendrometrics, silviculture, ecology, forest planning, forest protection and other fields, and who have, when receiving their degrees of graduate engineers of forestry, pledged to adhere to expert forestry principles in their work? Such professionals are then lectured by those who have "googled" something about forestry and who have gained their knowledge of forestry at weekend outings in forests. We would welcome with open arms their expert advisors, which they claim there are many, to finally come out and engage in public debates. We would expect from these groups to support us in opposing the move to cut down on non-market forest function fees, which are used to finance the construction of fire breaks, fire suppression, reforestation of burnt areas and demining areas. Obviously, they prefer these fees to be "pushed" into parafiscal levies. While the Croatian government expects from the company Croatian Forests Ltd to pay into the state budget, the German government invests 500 million euro into the recovery of forests, since over 110,000 ha of forests dried only last year.We have nothing against making city areas green, but this should be carried out in a planned manner, both as regards the choice of areas and the choice of tree species, taking into account their ecological and biological requirements. Planting anything and anywhere, as seen from the initiative, is irresponsible both for the area and for the plant.Editorial Board

Baski, manjinski narod sa svojim zasebnim jezikom i kulturom, stoljećima je podijeljen između Španjolske i Francuske. U Francuskoj Baski nemaju status manjine ni institucionalnu autonomiju. U Španjolskoj, međutim, nakon teškog razdoblja Francove diktature i preustrojstva Španjolske 1978. na kvazifederalnom načelu, španjolski Baski dobivaju priznanje nacionalne posebnosti te znatnu institucionalnu autonomiju kroz tzv. Autonomnu zajednicu (AZ) Baskiju. Unatoč zadovoljavanju većine aspiracija Baska u Španjolskoj, u španjolskoj Baskiji i dalje je prisutan secesionizam, dok taj fenomen u francuskom dijelu Baskije gotovo da i ne postoji. Cilj disertacije bio je, binarnom studijom i dizajnom najsličnijih slučajeva, koristeći se kvalitativno-kvantitativnom metodom, istražiti je li autonomija, umjesto zadovoljavanja španjolskih Baska statusom u okviru Španjolske, pridonijela jačanju njihova nacionalizma i secesionizma. Ovi fenomeni obrađeni su kroz tri prizme: izgradnju subdržavnih institucija, izgradnju subdržavnih identiteta i izgradnju lokalnih elita. Uočeno je da je autonomija u španjolskoj Baskiji pridonijela izgradnji protodržave, od demokratski izabranog Parlamenta, preko izvršne vlasti, do djelomično izgrađenog sigurnosnog aparata. Iako usporen rascjepima u baskijskom društvu uslijed demografske heterogenosti, na djelu je proces izgradnje subdržavne baskijske nacije. Autonomija je omogućila i izgradnju lokalnih elita, dolazak baskijskih nacionalista na vlast, kao i stranačko nadmetanje u baskijskom nacionalizmu. Sve to omogućilo je i da AZ Baskija krene izrazito "baskijskim" smjerom. Ona je potencijalno samo korak do pune neovisnosti, kojoj nedostaje još "prozor mogućnosti", koji se dogodio npr. raspadom bivših komunističkih federacija. U francuskoj Baskiji ne postoji teritorijalna, odnosno institucionalna autonomija. Ne dajući im "prozor mogućnosti" za razvoj i jačanje, građanska i unitarna država u Francuskoj odigrale su značajnu ulogu u ublažavanju baskijskog nacionalizma i secesionizma. Slučajevi španjolske i francuske Baskije pokazali su kako (ne)postojanje autonomije znatno utječe na periferni nacionalizam i secesionizam, kao i na potencijal za secesiju. ; In the last couple of years, the rise of secessionism in several democratic, Western European countries - from the United Kingdom (Scotland) and Belgium (Flanders) to Spain (Catalonia and the Basque Country) has been noted. All of them have something in common. In addition to having a heterogeneous ethnic structure, that is, the existence of distinct historical ethnic communities, all of these states have also, in the last couple of decades, gone through dramatic administrative and structural changes. From unitary states they had once been, they have transformed in a way which resulted in the introduction of either a certain degree of devolution or even in federalization. Consequently, historical ethnic communities have achieved a certain degree of autonomy, ranging from a partial and asymmetric decentralization ("devolution") as in the case of Scotland, to an extensive autonomy of the so-called autonomous communities of Spain. The intention of the central state and the legislator has been, inter alia, to safeguard the state unity and strengthen the state by accommodating the grievances of ethnic communities and their elites. The final outcome, however, has often been adverse to initial intentions. In the newly formed administrative units, "proto-states" of the ethnic minorities, there has been a rise in nationalism and secessionism. The purpose of this dissertation is to tackle this phenomenon and explore the causal relationship of autonomy and nationalism/secessionism. That is, the idea whether the autonomy itself strengthened nationalism and secessionism in the autonomous territories, thus acting as "subversive institutions" towards the central State, has been examined. In order to test the hypothesis and the arguments of the theory of subversive institutions, a dual comparison of two cases, Spanish and French Basque Country, and the most similar systems design have been used. The most similar systems design holds that the two cases share many common features and differ in only one. For instance, French and Spanish Basque Country are situated in the same region, share common language and ethnic origins; they are both parts of wider nation-states, face situation of diglossia etc. A differing feature, in this case, autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country – Autonomous Community of the Basque Country –Euskadi, is held responsible for the different outcome (stronger peripheral nationalism and secessionism). The choice of these two cases has been prompted by the fact that they may be considered the most similar cases in extremis, given that it is the same people on the two sides of the state border.The Basques, minority group with their own language and culture, for centuries have been divided among Spain and France. In France of today the Basques enjoy neither status of a national minority nor an institutional autonomy. In Spain, however, after a difficult period of Franco's dictatorship and the country's restructuring in 1978 on a quasi-federal principle, the Spanish Basques got acknowledgement of their national uniqueness (through a status of a nationality), and the Basque Country gained a significant institutional autonomy through so-called Autonomous Community of the Basque Country. In spite of the accommodation of most of the Spanish Basques' grievances, both on a tangible level (economic, political and cultural) and on a symbolic level (national and state symbols), the Spanish Basque Country still faces secessionism, while that phenomenon is hardly visible in its French counterpart. The dissertation explores whether the autonomy, instead of accommodating the Spanish Basques in the framework of the Spanish State, has contributed to the growth of their nationalism and secessionism. Conversely, the dissertation explores also whether the French civic state has contributed to attenuation of the peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. In France there are no "autonomic" institutions, but as a result of political and societal changes in France and external pressure from the South, i.e. from the Spanish Basque Country (spill over effect or Galton's problem), a "new governance" with specially designed institutions has been developed to partially accommodate the Basque grievances. Deprived of any substantial competences, executive or financial, they are a pale shadow of their Spanish counterparts. However, precisely for that, they serve as a good example to make comparative research in order to show the immense difference the autonomy per se can make. The research relies on the Valerie Bunce' s theory of "subversive institutions", which she tested on the cases of the former communist federations Soviet Union (USSR), Czechoslovakia (CSFR) and Yugoslavia (SFRY). Valerie Bunce (1999), explaining the collapse of former communist federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY, put forward a thesis that their design created preconditions for creating states within state. Consequently, the structure itself brought about the collapse of the communist bloc, and within it, of the federations USSR, CSFR and SFRY. Therefore, Bunce holds that the federalism created nations at the republican level or, if they had already been "defined", the federalism strengthened them. In other words, federal structure where the autonomous/federal units enjoyed relatively wide autonomy, in the long term acted centrifugally and finally led to the collapse of states (federations). With the advent of Gorbatchev and perestroika, consequent abandoning of the Brezhnev doctrine, and array of events that brought upon the collapse of communism and of federations, federal units – new "nations-in-the-making", took advantage of the situation ("window of opportunity") and proclaimed their independence.Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) Bunce's theory and arguments have been applied on the situation in Spain. In the second case of the French Basque Country, and especially in the following comparative analysis, the situation in Spain can be/ is compared with the situation in France. It is thus possible to test the hypothesis on subversive institutions and to note the differences produced by the existence of autonomy in Spain. Bunce's theory has been tested on Spain (Spanish Basque Country) particularly for its quasi-federal structure of so-called autonomous communities (comunidades autónomas), or in Spanish jargon, Autonomías. Spanish autonomías provide a certain framework of a proto-state, nation-state, "state-in-waiting", and strengthen the centrifugal forces and local nationalism in a way, maybe to a lesser extent, but similarly as former republics of the ex-socialist federations. There comes the idea to test the theory of subversive institutions on Spain, i.e. Spanish Basque Country. In the introductory chapters of the dissertation, the phenomena of identity and nationalism have been tackled, followed by the theory of subversive institutions, as well as other supportive theories of the official nationalism (Anderson, 1990), path dependency (Krasner, 1984) and logic of appropriateness (March and Olsen, 2009). Finally, the three main arguments of the theory of subversive institutions have been elaborated, as well as the fourth, "counter argument". The two case studies follow, of the Spanish and the French Basque Country, structured in the same or very similar way. Firstly, the phenomenon of the Basque identity, its formation and its specifics for each of the two cases, has been elaborated. Secondly, the relation of the State towards the Basques and their identity has been examined in more depth. Within that framework, process of state building and other "counter-subversive action" of the state, with the aim of diminishing the peripheral nationalism and secessionism, has been tackled. Separate chapters have been dedicated to the transition to autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (and to the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías /State of Autonomies) after the 1978 Constitution, possess almost the entire state administration. One of the 17 autonomous communities, Autonomous Community of the Basque Country - Euskadi has a clearly defined territory, a democratically elected Parliament (officially called the Basque Parliament), a Government, officially called the Basque Government, ministries (called departamentos, departments, headed by consejeros, counselors), a Prime Minister, Lehendakari, with some prerogatives of a President, including state honours and palace. His office includes a mini Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Acción Exterior – External Action), with its delegations abroad. Thus, the Basque Government can project its image abroad. The autonomous administration has some 60 000 employees, to which one has to add the 30 000 employees of the provincial and communal administration, and disposes of a 10.6 billion € budget. At the same time, the central state administration in the Basque Country counts only 15 000 employees. Euskadi disposes of its own police forces Ertzaintza. As mentioned before, several authors argue that with such a developed administrative apparatus, a "segment-state", in our case the Spanish Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi, has been in power for most of the post-1978 Constitution period. Its institutions are consequently able to act as centrifugal ("subversive") institutions, transmitting nationalist messages through media, education system, and regional institutions. But their nationalist message is not of Spanish, but of peripheral, in this case, Basque nationalism. Given the specific, unfavourable linguistic situation of diglossia, and the importance of language for national (and Basque) identity, the Basque Governments took it as a mission to restore to the Basque language a status of a full-fledged official and education language, in a sense of Gellner's "language of high culture" (1998). (Re)Introducing the Basque language, not only in schools and universities, but literary everywhere, rebasquisating Euskadi, a Basque identity has been (re)enforced. Nowadays almost all institutions under the competence of local, autonomous institutions in the Spanish Basque Country are obliged to adopt Action plans or Five-year plans on the language normalization, that is, reinforced use of the Basque language. The Basque Government, in that way projects certain ideology and builds up and strengthens the Basque national identity. A new, Basque nation is being built.The statistics speak for themselves. Before the autonomy, that is, before 1978/1980, education language was 100% Spanish. Nowadays, only a tiny 0.5% of students study exclusively in Spanish (so called Model X), and 15.3% in Model A, with education in Spanish, and Basque language as one of the subjects. 18.9% study in bilingual schools (Model B) and the high 65.3% study in Basque schools (Model D), with Spanish language as one of the subjects. The presence of the Basque language is enforced in other areas as well. For instance, in public administration the targeted percentage of Basque speakers should be 48.46% and it should increase with the rise of knowledge of the Basque language in general population. Moreover, the presence of the Basque language is checked regularly in yearly evaluation reports. In the Parliament, in 2005-2009 legislature, 56% of deputies spoke Basque, while in 2013 the percentage rose to 68,5%. At the University of the Basque Country, in Academic year 1995/1996, 27.2% of the students studied in Basque, while in 2013/2014 the percentage rose to 64.3%. The number of bilingual professors (Basque and Spanish) rose from 35.1% in 2006 to 47.8% in 2013. Similar processes can be followed everywhere.As far as identity is concerned, the 35% of the interviewees in the opinion polls conducted by the University of the Basque Country declare themselves as "only Basques", 21% as "more Basque than Spanish", 35% "equally Basque and Spanish", 3% "more Spanish" and 3% "only Spanish". As it can be noted, Basque identity prevails, with a significant percentage of dual identity. Spanish identity (more or exclusively Spanish) is quite low. Opinion polls also testify of the presence of a strong local (Basque) patriotism, and at the same time, mistrust in Spanish State institutions. For example, 62% of the interviewees show trust in the Basque Government, 61% in the Basque Parliament and Basque police Ertzaintza, while only 39% in the King, 15% in the Spanish Cortes and 11% in the Spanish Government. Trust in the Basque Prime Minister is 56%, while in the Spanish Prime Minister it is only 7%. Regarding the attitude towards secessionism, 35% of interviewees support the present autonomous status, 29% favour federation (which understands a more autonomy), 7% favour more centralization and 25% favour secession. Although the latter percentage alone seems low as to provide proof of secessionism in stricto senso, the sum of the all percentages, except for 7% for centralization, should be taken into consideration if secessionism were to be regarded in a wider sense (as peripheral nationalism; autonomism and secessionism; Horowitz, 1985). From the data above, the conclusion can be drawn that the process of Basque nation-building maybe has not finished yet, but is well under way and that there is a "Basque direction" of the Euskadi. As for the Basque language in the French Basque Country, though it is increasingly present in its schools, public institutions and society, it still does not enjoy an official status. The improvement of linguistic situation is only partially due to the incitement on the part of the authorities. There is an immense difference from Spain. The French state after 1980-s allowed more freedom and space for "regional languages" to be taught, but did not impose it, force it by "dictate", as has been in the case of Euskadi. The main credit for the improvement of status of the Basque language is due to the efforts of the civil society, associations and citizens themselves. The results, comparing the Spanish and the French Basque Country, vary accordingly. Only 36,6% of school children attend some Basque language classes, while in Spanish Basque Country it is 99,5%. There is the Public Office of the Basque Language (OPLB), that helps and promotes teaching Basque language in the French Basque Country, but it has no authority to impose the Basque language in education as the Viceconsejería de Política Lingüística of the Gobierno Vasco and the Gobierno Vasco in the Spanish Basque Country. Only 11% of the interviewees feel "only Basques", 5% "more Basques", 24% "equally Basques and French", 16% "more French and 36% "only French". In the French Basque Country, the French identity and the French language in both education and society prevail. There is no "Basque direction" or Basque nation-building process. The third argument of the theory of subversive institutions is about elites' building. In Euskadi, there is the local (Basque) Parliament, where the Basque nationalists have dominated since the first elections after the establishment of autonomy (1980), with an average of 60% of votes/seats, except for the period 2009-2012 (due to a ban of the Basque radicals before the elections). In the current legislature, 2012-2016, the nationalists (moderate PNV-EAJ and radical EH Bildu) have 48 out of 75 seats. That means that they have been able to impose a "Basque direction", e.g. policies of rebasquization (termed language normalization), or vote the Ibarretxe Plan. There are also numerous examples of party competition in nationalism and local patriotism, e.g. the issue of Basque language use, flag, coat of arms or anthem. In the French Basque Country, due to non-existence of a local Parliament or self-rule, there are no such phenomena. There have been since decades Basque nationalist parties, and they score up to 10% of the votes. Nowadays, there is also a Basque nationalist party, AB (Abertzaleen Batasuna), which is relatively successful at the lower, communal level, having around 100 councillors. However, the non-existence of a Basque administrative unit,département, and centralist French electoral and administrative system, result in a situation where only two Basque nationalist councillors managed to enter the General Council of the Département Pyrénées-Atlantiques, of which French Basque Country is a part. And there they are only two of the 54 councillors. Therefore, even if at the lower, communal level, Basques nationalists can enter the local communes and be part of ruling coalitions, or form associations of local councillors and mayors, they cannot impose a more "Basque direction" of the whole French Basque Country, like their Spanish Basque counterparts. The autonomy, embodied in the Euskadi's Basque parliament, enabled Basque nationalists in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country – Euskadi) to come to power at the local level and to direct the (Spanish) Basque Country towards a "Basque direction". In addition, it helped also to build up their own elites – party elites and leaders, Government and Parliament dignitaries, above all the Prime Minister- Lehendakari, local public company managers, University, Academy, institutes' directors etc. If a potential future new country needs the infrastructure (i.e. state administration, the framework), it also needs identity/ideology and leaders (the contents and experts). And here they are! Not only are they in place, but they are in power! Finally, having their own Basque University will help to reproduce new Basque elites. In contrast, the French Basque Country does not possess almost any of the above. Indeed, the difference produced by autonomy is immense. A special attention has been given to the Ibarretxe Plan which represents at the same time a peak of the autonomy, but also shows its limits. Juan Jose Ibarretxe, Euskadi's Prime Minister (Lehendakari) from 1999 to 2009, put forward in 2003 his Proposal for Reform of the Political Statute of Community of Euskadi, popularly known as Ibarretxe Plan. It was actually a proposal for a confederation between the Basque Country and Spain. The relations between them would be based on a "free association"(Art.1). Without going into details of the Proposal, suffice it to say that, had it been enacted, even without a completely independent Basque Country, it would mean the end of Spain as we know it today. The Plan was approved by the Basque Government in 2003, and a year later, by the Basque Parliament, although with a narrow majority of 39 out of 75 votes. However, in order to be enacted, the Proposal should have passed in the Spanish Parliament. It was not surprising that the Spanish Parliament had rejected any discussion about it. Today a Spanish "carte blanche" for an independent Basque Country seems completely unimaginable. Nevertheless, remembering the "velvet divorce" of Czech and Slovak Republics and bearing in mind as well the development of situation in Catalonia, one cannot exclude, under different circumstances and leadership in Madrid and Euskadi, a possibility of a "new Ibarretxe Plan" leading to a "velvet divorce" and eventually to an independent Basque Country. To conclude, the autonomy enabled institutions (Parliament/Argument 1), nurtured Basque identity (Argument 2), enabled Basque nationalists to come to power, created a space for Basque elites and leaders and created space or even incentives for party competition in Basque nationalism (Argument 3). The thing the autonomy has not produced, and that lacks for secessionists, is a "window of opportunity" (Bunce, 1999). But if the "window" opens, as in the case of e.g. Czechoslovak "velvet divorce", an opportunity for a potential sovereign Basque state could be created. The comparative analysis has showed more sharply the differences between the two cases resulting from the existence of the autonomy in the Spanish Basque Country (Autonomous Community of the Basque Country- Euskadi) and its absence in the French Basque Country. While in Euskadi the nationalists have since 1980 scored around 60% of the votes in the Basque Parliament and dominated local politics for most of the time, in the French Pays Basque they never score more than 10% and have always been quite irrelevant at the regional local level (except for the lower local level of municipalities). The Basque identity prevailed in Euskadi and French in the Pays Basque. The Basque nationalists have been able to impose a "Basque direction" and an intensive "basquization" within the language normalization policy in Euskadi, which has not been the case in Pays Basque. Finally, a serious sovereignist/secessionist attemps – Ibarretxe Plan occurred, materialized, and was voted in the Basque Parliament of Euskadi, while in the Pays Basque anything of a kind is beyond imagination. There is no French Basque Government to conceive such a plan, no French Basque Parliament as a forum where such a Plan could be voted and no prevalence of Basque nationalists to vote such a plan…All of these phenomena are direct or indirect results of the autonomy or were allowed and fostered by the autonomic institutions in the Spanish Basque Country. Conversely, they are missing in the French Basque Country due to lack of autonomy. The two cases confirmed the hypothesis that the autonomy in ethno-federal arrangements fosters peripheral nationalism and secessionism and a potential for secession, while civic State attenuates them. Interestingly enough, even the consultative institutions of the French "new governance", initially quite powerless, managed to acquire some of the features of the "subversive institutions". They have become increasingly "Basque" and have taken a "Basque direction". However, the civic, centralised and unitary State prevented these institutions stripped of a real power from taking a lead in the Basque nationalism, to gain any significant power, or to direct the French Basque Country in any "Basque direction". The civic State in France indeed acted in attenuating peripheral, Basque nationalism by not providing it a "window of opportunity" to grow.