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Since the mid-1960s, an important change in the attitude of local Belgian authorities toward cultural infrastructure (meeting halls, public libraries, sporting accommodation, etc) has been noticed. Many state-subsidized initiatives have been taken in this area, & the role of public authorities has changed to action, rather than simply support. However, cultural policy also supposes citizen participation, which has been legally guaranteed: every ideological tendency has the right to participate in the management of public provisions in the cultural sector. To date, the amalgamation of municipalities has had no direct impact on the expansion of the cultural infrastructure. Many options were decided before the mergers, & since 1977, the economic crisis has brought other priorities. Also, the participatory structures have been reorganized on the level of the new municipalities, thus creating a greater social distance between government & citizen. Modified HA.

Jacomine de Lange houdt zich al heel lang bezig met onderzoek rond dementerende mensen. Eerder verschenen twee indrukwekkende pogingen van haar hand zich in te leven in de denk- en gevoelswereld van dementerende ouderen en daarvan verslag te doen (De Lange, 1990, 1991). Het zijn boeken die mij als antropoloog bijzonder aanspreken vanwege hun levensechte en inlevende beschrijving en interpretatie. In haar nieuwste studie – tevens haar proefschrift – Omgaan met dementie is de auteur 'wetenschappelijker' en 'toegepaster'. Zij vraagt zich niet alleen af: wat gebeurt hier, wat voelen en denken deze mensen? Maar: hoe kunnen wij het gedrag van dementerenden classificeren in een typologie die geschikt is voor grootschalig wetenschappelijk onderzoek? En: welk type zorg draagt bij tot een betere kwaliteit van leven voor dementerenden? En: is het mogelijk verzorgend personeel te trainen in zorgtechnieken en -attitudes die meer gericht zijn op de beleving van mensen met dementie?

The author introduces the article by describing why the term Jihad-terrorism shouldn't be used (it's not an ideology, but a method; the term hammers on an intrinsic link between Islam and violence). The Belgian international attitude stresses that a wrong perception within European policy will actually lead to an anti-Western radicalization, and that terminology is part of that. The article continues with four EU anti-terror strategies: proactive: prevention and protection; reactive: prosecution and response. Regarding suppression of radicalization and recruitment, three factors are mentioned: facilitating factors within a globalized world (travel and communication, money operations, internet availability); an anti-western enemy perception; structural environmental factors, the so-called root causes (social circumstances, democratic imperfection, modernization badly directed, economic and political perspectives, unsolved conflicts, lack of education). Two additional principles for Belgium: 1) fundamental rights and freedoms; 2) suppression of Jihad-terrorism in cooperation with Muslim countries. References. O. van Zijl

One of the most important problems in political science is party choice. Choice problems of a general nature have been studied by psychologists & market-researchers. Models from these fields are applied to political choice behavior. Research here was based on the principles of the 'attitude-model', which incorporates cognitive & affective aspects, integrated by means of combination rules. Focus is on identification of central attributes that characterize the 14 Dutch political parties in parliament. This was done by utilizing multidimensional scaling representations & by presenting a set of prespecified attributes to a group of individuals. The investigation pointed out 3 dimensions representing the 14 parties: the leftist-religious & government dimension, the nongovernment group, & a 3rd dimension, which could not be labeled. Discrepancies between these results & those of earlier research are due to differences in methods of data collection. The need for additional information is stressed. 3 Tables, 2 Figures. Modified HA.

In spite of an approval of the financial perspectives 2007-2013 and the economic boom of the euro zone, "crisis" has not left the EU. It is installed in the institutions, but also and especially it has infected the spirits of European citizens. An article that treats the pros, cons and influences of the EU enlargement from 15 to 25 states, discussing the attitudes of single member states regarding for example immigration, the treatment of files and common questions, pluralistic votes that render difficult processes now that the Rhine-model (a BENELUX and Franco-German alliance) no longer has the upper hand. Furthermore is discussed European Parliament and Justice Court, both influenced in their functioning by the enlargement of the EU. Belgium's future role lies in seeking alliances with same-spirited member states, and to fill in the EU's delivery-gap regarding citizen demands for more justice, freedom and security, and a more uniform Europe as regards energy and foreign policy. References. O. van Zijl

The central aim in our NWO 'Comprehensible Language' project (2012-2016) was to investigate to what extent Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) intentionally and unintentionally affect political knowledge and political attitudes. In this article, we present an overview of four years of research. First, we investigated reasons for use of VAAs, distinguishing three types of users: checkers (well-informed, enjoying to check the VAA), seekers (looking for political information to base their vote on) and doubters (looking for information but cynical about politics). The proportions of these groups differ for first vs. second order elections. Second, we investigated whether VAAs increase users' political knowledge. We found that users report an increase of internal efficacy due to their VAA use, but we did not find an increase in actual political knowledge. Third, a field experiment showed systematic effects of framing variation on the answers to VAA assertions, which might suggest different underlying knowledge representations. Finally, think aloud research showed that users experience considerable problems with understanding the assertions semantically and pragmatically, as well as with interpreting the results screen. Additionally, we found that users view the result screen as an end point rather than as a starting point for deliberation. We discuss some implications for theory and practice.

Apart from Belgian's OSCE Presidency (Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe), two other important topics in 2006 Belgian foreign affairs were economic diplomacy and the European policy. Concerning economic diplomacy the text addresses the problems surrounding two German branches on Belgian territory: the Volkswagen assembly line and DHL. Furthermore, increased importance of economic diplomacy is a well decided approach of the current Minister for Foreign Affairs De Gucht, emphasizing that in bilateral discussions the economic aspect has to be taken into account at all times. Regarding the European policy of ongoing development of European security and defense policy (EVDB) and civic-military cooperation are addressed. Transatlantic relations have improved since 2003 (Iraq war), changing into a "agree where we can, agree to disagree where we can't" attitude, Belgium diplomatic language has lost its rougher edges, and "the glorious three", three years of Belgium presidency (OSCE 2006, UN Security Council 2007-2008) in which the country gained in expressiveness, but lost character opposite large power such as Russia, the US and China. Regarding the UN Security Council a main objective was abolishing the veto right for permanent member states. Tables, Figures, References. O. van Zijl

A GRADUAL ADAPTATION OF MILITARY SOCIOLOGY & MILITARY POLITICAL SCIENCE TO THE SHIFTING ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THIRD WORLD POLITICS IS SUGGESTED. 5 PHASES ARE TRACED: (1) THE BELIEF IN THE 'WESTERN' ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE THIRD WORLD, (2) THE SURPRISE OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS IN AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS, (3) THE ACCEPTANCE OF MILITARY INTERVENTIONS AS A 'NORMAL' & 'INSTITUTIONALIZED' PHENOMENON, (4) THE ACCEPTANCE OF MILITARY REGIME AS A 'NORMAL' POLITICAL CONSTELLATION, & (5) THE COOL ANALYSIS OF THE POLICY OUTCOMES OF MILITARY REGIMES. 8 BOOKS ARE DISCUSSED ON THE BASIS OF 6 THEMES DOMINATING MILITARY SOCIOLOGY & MILITARY POLITICAL SCIENCE: (A) THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MILITARY IN POLITICS IS SERIOUSLY HAMPERED BY WEAK CONCEPT FORMATION & CLASSIFICATORY SCHEMES, (B) VARIOUS TYPES & DEGREES OF COOPERATION OF THE MILITARY AUTHORITIES FOR THE GATHERING OF INFORMATION ON THEIR ORGANIZATION ARE NOTICED; THE AWARENESS OF ENCAPSULATION & MUTILATION OF EVIDENCE IS INSUFFICIENTLY PRESENT, (C) THE COMPLEX RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOCIAL ORIGIN OF THE OFFICE CORPS, THEIR ATTITUDES, & THEIR BEHAVIORAL ACTS ARE NOT TREATED IN A SOPHISTICATED MANNER, (D) THE 'EXPLANATION' OF MILITARY INTERVENTION IN POLITICS IS FREQUENTLY PUT IN INACCURATE TERMS, (E) THE LEGITIMACY PROBLEMS OF MILITARY REGIMES ARE ANALYZED UNSYSTEMATICALLY, & (F) THE INTERNATIONAL FACTOR SHOULD BE INTRODUCED AS A POSSIBLE STIMULUS & IMPEDIMENT TO MILITARY INTERVENTION & MILITARY RULE IN POLITICS. 2 TABLES. MODIFIED HA.

Following some general observations on the growing secularization of Western societies & after producing statistical data documenting the percentages of Muslim populations in Belgium & the Netherlands, three major issues are addressed from a Belgian perspective: (1) Islam bashing in the context of the recognition of freedom of religions & worldviews in a modern democratic society, (2) policies & attitudes toward visible religious symbols worn in public places; the banning of the hijab (the headscarf worn by Muslim females) in Antwerp public schools, & (3) the degree of separation between state & religion in Belgium. It is argued that the Islamic religion should not be associated with violence, terrorism, or oppression of women; Islam should be integrated on equal rights with other religions into the Belgian society, while emancipative & liberal movements within it should be actively supported. The banning of head scarves for Muslim teachers & students in Flanders is assessed from the broader perspective of similar policies, either implemented or planned, in France, Germany, & other European countries. Articles from the Belgian constitution are quoted to illustrate that the separation between state & religion in this country is incomplete; although the government adopts a neutral stance toward all worldviews, the state recognizes six official religions whose practice is partially supported with tax-payer's money & their clergy receive state pension; the favoring of the Catholic Church in this arrangement is pointed out. It is concluded on a general note that despite the secularization of the society, religious issues figure prominently in the public sphere. Z. Dubiel

This thesis is about International Medical Graduates or foreign doctors, trained outside the European Economic Area, who settle permanently in the Netherlands. From the early nineties the number of foreign doctors residing in the Netherlands either as refugees or as partners/spouses of Dutch citizens has risen steadily. Foreign doctors who wish to practise medicine in the Netherlands must obtain a declaration of professional competence, issued by the Department of Public Health, Welfare and Sports (VWS). A considerable number of foreign doctors received negative decisions by the Health Department. They were not allowed to practise medicine in the Netherlands. As a result, from the mid nineties, a growing number of foreign doctors applied to the medical faculties for admission as medical students in order to obtain a Dutch medical degree. Therefore, in 1995, it was decided to institute the Committee Influx Foreign Doctors (CIBA), a central placing committee. Between 1996 and 2007 the CIBA has processed over a 1000 admission requests. Until 2002, in spite of the imminent shortage of doctors, the Department of Health had done little to enhance the use of the expertise brought in by the foreign doctors for the benefit of Dutch society. The focus of this investigation has been: 1. How is it guaranteed that foreign doctors meet the medical quality standards (knowledge, skills, attitude), or how is the assessment of these qualities measured. And 2. After obtaining permanent residency in the Netherlands, do foreign doctors have access to the profession for which they had qualified before in their country of origin or another non-EEA country? Late 2001 the Department of Health and the medical schools were stimulated to cooperate in order to improve the additional training programmes for foreign doctors. It led to the new assessement procedure for foreign doctors that came into force in December 2005. This thesis contains two reports on the medical careers of foreign doctors. These investigations showed that nearly all ...

The thesis is a qualitative social scientific study of the Dutch political discourse on multi-ethnic society between 1977 and 1995. The central questions are: 1. Have the Dutch political parties' views on minority policy generally changed between 1977 and 1995, and, if so, in what direction? 2. Was in the first half of the nineties more disagreement on this topic than in the eighties? 3. What exactly are the differences of opinion between the parties on the topic of integration of minorities? The research proceeds upon the theoretical assumption that three concepts - including their counterparts - play a central role in the political discourse on the multi-ethnic society: socio-cultural diversity (or homogeneity), socio-economic equality (or inequality), and political-juridical unity (or fragmentation). It is assumed that the perspectives on multi-ethnic society will be seen to differ in the political parties' interpretation and application of these concepts. The object of the research is approached in two ways. First the attitudes towards multi-ethnic society and minority policy are investigated for each political party separately. Next, the viewpoints of the parties are contextualized by examining the standpoints of the parliamentary groups of the parties in parliamentary debates on important government documents concerning minority policy. In addition the reactions of major minority organisations on these government documents are analyzed. A short answer to the first question is, that in general the viewpoints of the major political parties has shifted from a preference for a multicultural and group-oriented policy of emancipation in the eighties, to a preference for a more obligatory and individual-oriented policy of socio-economic integration in the nineties. An reply to the second question is, that in the political discourse under scrutiny, the consensus between the main political parties about the minority policy has increased rather than decreased. In order to answer the third question, in the conclusion a classification is made of the political parties' perspectives on integration that stresses the socio-economic, the socio-cultural and the political-juridical dimensions.