Suchergebnisse

This article is devoted to the analysis of tolerance towards national minorities in Lithuania. The article combines the analysis of the phenomenon of tolerance as a core social value and the analysis of empirical evidence of tolerance in the Lithuanian society. The scientific investigation of empirical situation is based on the secondary analysis of sociological data. Tolerance is one of the social values that are present and protected in modern multicultural democratic societies. Even thought the level of social tolerance varies from country to country and within time periods, Europe remains a perfect example of practices of social tolerance. In general, the level of tolerance is altering and depends on many factors, such as the level of urbanisation, multiculturalism, historical development, the development of the state, etc. In this article, the factors of multiculturalism and urbanisation are analysed in a more precise manner. Lithuania, due to its historical experience and geopolitical situation, is one of the European countries that are multicultural and have a long history of national minorities living in the country. According to the data of sociological research, the majority of the Lithuanian population is tolerant towards national minorities. Even though one third of the population express some kind of negative attitudes towards national minorities, it is necessary to stress that these negative attitudes are almost absent in everyday life of the society.

This article is devoted to the analysis of tolerance towards national minorities in Lithuania. The article combines the analysis of the phenomenon of tolerance as a core social value and the analysis of empirical evidence of tolerance in the Lithuanian society. The scientific investigation of empirical situation is based on the secondary analysis of sociological data. Tolerance is one of the social values that are present and protected in modern multicultural democratic societies. Even thought the level of social tolerance varies from country to country and within time periods, Europe remains a perfect example of practices of social tolerance. In general, the level of tolerance is altering and depends on many factors, such as the level of urbanisation, multiculturalism, historical development, the development of the state, etc. In this article, the factors of multiculturalism and urbanisation are analysed in a more precise manner. Lithuania, due to its historical experience and geopolitical situation, is one of the European countries that are multicultural and have a long history of national minorities living in the country. According to the data of sociological research, the majority of the Lithuanian population is tolerant towards national minorities. Even though one third of the population express some kind of negative attitudes towards national minorities, it is necessary to stress that these negative attitudes are almost absent in everyday life of the society.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

The article discusses schoolchildren's attitude towards the factors influencing their physical self-education.[Visą santraukos tekstą skaitykite spustelėję interneto prieigos nuorodą].

The article discusses schoolchildren's attitude towards the factors influencing their physical self-education.[Visą santraukos tekstą skaitykite spustelėję interneto prieigos nuorodą].

The article discusses schoolchildren's attitude towards the factors influencing their physical self-education.[Visą santraukos tekstą skaitykite spustelėję interneto prieigos nuorodą].

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

Towards the end of nineteenth century and the first decades of the twentieth century, Jonas Šliūpas, as well as the majority of the Lithuanian national movement ideologists created the new principles of public self-organisation. He provided the social, economic and educational problems and envisioned the perspectives in national movement. J. Šliūpas saw the new social challenges of women in society in terms of national and social activities. Šliūpas called for equality between women and men in economic and political life, also saw the woman's civic engagement, the importance of female public life in the modern Lithuanian nation-formation process. He is probably the first Lithuanian intellectual who based an inherent idea of gender equality on women's and men's equal rights to education, advocated the belief that education leads to the equality of women in the family and society, which is allowing women to change the social challenges for new social activities and opportunities for self-expression.

This work deals with women's approach to career planning development change. As a 30 years ago woman had planned a career and how a young woman today is planning her careers. The aim of the study is to set woman attitudes change in career development opportunities. Therefore the following goals have been set: 1. Describe women's career and career planning concepts. 2. Describe the concept of career women in influencing the social context of 30 years ago and now. 3. Identify women's approach to career development opportunities 30 years ago and now. The paper starts with the theoretical background to identify woman's career conception. Describe how in non-fiction different authors write about woman's career, what career models of release. Also describe career planning concept, models, which is the best to talk about woman's career. In this part of the work is delineating social context which influence women's attitude in career planning 30 years ago and now. The present study presents the results of the interview with women's to which 30 years ago was 20 -30 years and with women's to which now is 20 -30 years. After empirical investigation was identify that elder women and young women understand career similarly, because exclude similar elements which helps to identify career concepts. The same way in the interview attended women understand and career planning. But how they understand career depends on social politic and economic politic, which dominate 30 years ago and which is now. It means that women's career is different from each other, but women understand it similar.

This work deals with women's approach to career planning development change. As a 30 years ago woman had planned a career and how a young woman today is planning her careers. The aim of the study is to set woman attitudes change in career development opportunities. Therefore the following goals have been set: 1. Describe women's career and career planning concepts. 2. Describe the concept of career women in influencing the social context of 30 years ago and now. 3. Identify women's approach to career development opportunities 30 years ago and now. The paper starts with the theoretical background to identify woman's career conception. Describe how in non-fiction different authors write about woman's career, what career models of release. Also describe career planning concept, models, which is the best to talk about woman's career. In this part of the work is delineating social context which influence women's attitude in career planning 30 years ago and now. The present study presents the results of the interview with women's to which 30 years ago was 20 -30 years and with women's to which now is 20 -30 years. After empirical investigation was identify that elder women and young women understand career similarly, because exclude similar elements which helps to identify career concepts. The same way in the interview attended women understand and career planning. But how they understand career depends on social politic and economic politic, which dominate 30 years ago and which is now. It means that women's career is different from each other, but women understand it similar.