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In: Social policy and society: SPS ; a journal of the Social Policy Association, Band 17, Heft 1, S. 151-167
ISSN: 1475-3073
There is growing concern surrounding the retraction of disability social provisioning measures across the western world, with state fiscal policy trends foregrounding austerity as a central principle of welfare provisioning. This is occurring within many of the nation-states that have ratified and legislated rights enshrined by the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD). This article undertakes a critical analysis of disability income retraction in Australia since the early 2000s and examines these changes for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians living with disability by focusing on Article 20 of the CRPD, the right to personal mobility, a core right for people with disabilities and Indigenous peoples. Beyond economic inequality, the article illustrates that the various administrative processes attached to welfare retraction have implications for the realisation of mobility practices that are critical for individual cultural identity and wellbeing. Disability austerity has resulted in a new form of Indigenous containment, fixing Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people with disabilities in a cyclical motion of poverty management.
In: The Australian journal of politics and history: AJPH, Band 59, Heft 4, S. 593-604
ISSN: 1467-8497
In: Aboriginal History Monograph
This volume brings together an innovative set of readings of complex interactions between Australian Aboriginal people and colonisers. The underlying theme is that of 'transgression', and Michel Foucault's account of the necessary dynamic that exists between transgression and limit. We know what constitutes the limit, not by tracing or re-stating the boundaries, but by crossing over them. By exploring the mechanisms by which limits are set and maintained, unexamined cultural assumptions and dominant ideas are illuminated. We see the expectations and the structures that inform and support them revealed, often as they unravel. Such illuminations and revelations are at the core of the Australian Indigenous histories presented in this collection.
My thesis examines whether dialogue is useful for negotiating Indigenous rights and solving intercultural conflict over Indigenous claims for recognition within Australia. As a social and political practice, dialogue has been put forward as a method for identifying and solving difficult problems and for promoting processes of understanding and accommodation. Dialogue in a genuine form has never been attempted with Indigenous people in Australia. Australian constitutionalism is unable to resolve Indigenous claims for recognition because there is no practice of dialogue in Indigenous policy. A key barrier in that regard is the underlying colonial assumptions about Indigenous people and their cultures which have accumulated in various ways over the course of history. I examine where these assumptions about Indigenous people originate and demonstrate how they have become barriers to dialogue between Indigenous people and governments. I investigate historical and contemporary episodes where Indigenous people have challenged those assumptions through their claims for recognition. Indigenous people have attempted to engage in dialogue with governments over their claims for recognition but these attempts have largely been rejected on the basis of those assumptions. There is potential for dialogue in Australia however genuine dialogue between Indigenous people and the Australian state is impossible under a colonial relationship. A genuine dialogue must first repudiate colonial and contemporary assumptions and attitudes about Indigenous people. It must also deconstruct the existing colonial relationship between Indigenous people and government.
BASE
The end of the very long-standing Community Development Employment Projects (CDEP) scheme in 2015 marked a critical juncture in Australian Indigenous policy history. For more than 30 years, CDEP had been among the biggest and most influential programs in the Indigenous affairs portfolio, employing many thousands of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people. More recently, it had also become a focus of intense political contestation that culminated in its ultimate demise. This book examines the consequences of its closure for Indigenous people, communities and organisations. The end of CDEP is first situated in its broader historical and political context: the debates over notions of 'self-determination' versus 'mainstreaming' and the enduring influence of concerns about 'passive welfare' and 'mutual obligation'. In this way, the focus on CDEP highlights more general trends in Indigenous policymaking, and questions whether the dominant government approach is on the right track. Each chapter takes a different disciplinary approach to this question, variously focusing on the consequences of change for community and economic development, individual work habits and employment outcomes, and institutional capacity within the Indigenous sector. Across the case studies examined, the chapters suggest that the end of CDEP has heralded the emergence of a greater reliance on welfare rather than the increased employment outcomes the government had anticipated. Concluding that CDEP was 'better than welfare' in many ways, the book offers encouragement to policymakers to ensure that future reforms generate livelihood options for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Australians that are, in turn, better than CDEP.
BASE
In: Land use policy: the international journal covering all aspects of land use, Band 141, S. 107158
ISSN: 0264-8377
As Australia became a nation in 1901, no-one anticipated that 'Aboriginal affairs' would become an on-going national preoccupation. Not 'dying out' as predicted, Aboriginal numbers recovered and - along with Torres Strait Islanders - they became an articulate presence, aggrieved at colonial authority's interventions into family life and continuing dispossession. Indigenous and Other Australians since 1901 narrates their recovery - not only in numbers but in cultural confidence and critical self-awareness. Pointing to Indigenous leaders, it also reassesses the contribution of government and mission 'protection' policies and the revised definitions of 'Aboriginal'. Timothy Rowse explains why Australia has conceded a large Indigenous Land and Sea Estate since the 1960s, and argues that the crisis in 'self-determination' since 2000 has been fuelled by Indigenous critique of the selves that they have become. As Indigenous people put themselves at the centre of arguments about their future, this book could not be more timely.
In: Alternatives: global, local, political, Band 29, Heft 5, S. 577-598
ISSN: 0304-3754
Intro -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acronyms -- List of maps and figures -- Introduction: Deakin surveys the continent -- 1. Missions and the state in North Australia -- 2. Knowing and ruling Northern Aborigines -- 3. Governments, churches, parents, spouses and children, 1897-1940 -- 4. Did 'protection' protect? -- 5. Global awareness and the recession of race -- 6. World Wars and the Cold War -- 7. Towards racial equality -- 8. From the referendum to 'self-determination' -- 9. The Indigenous Estate in Land and Sea -- 10. Asserting 'Southern' Aboriginality -- 11. The Indigenous middle class -- 12. Family, community and the crisis of self-determination -- Epilogue: Within a single field of life -- References -- Notes -- Acknowledgments -- Index.
In: Australian journal of public administration, Band 67, Heft 4, S. 419-429
ISSN: 1467-8500
This article examines the dearth of any representative Indigenous role in national Indigenous affairs policy‐making and suggests a remedy. After making the case for a specific Indigenous place in national policy‐making, the article considers the reasons for the failure of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the body that filled this brief for a decade and a half. The article then considers three possible ways of ensuring an Indigenous role in the policy‐making process: a replacement for ATSIC with specific policy powers; set seats for Indigenous representatives in federal parliament; and the creation of a new elected body whose role would be to review Indigenous affairs legislation. The article concludes that the latter proposal in particular is worth trialling as it would ensure a significant Indigenous voice in national policy‐making while learning from the mistakes that led to ATSIC's demise.
This research is part of a larger 3-year project that investigates how a socially and culturally inclusive policy approach could improve community safety in a remote Indigenous community in the Northern Territory. In this article, we attempt to address the questions – how is community safety defined and conceptualized in Australian policy, and how does this compare to how it is viewed in the case study community? Our goal is to challenge and build on Australian policy concepts, specifically relating to community safety and crime prevention, in remote areas where there is a large proportion of Indigenous people. Findings reveal that: (1) the definition and conceptualization of community safety differs between the case study community and current Australian Government strategies and (2) current government strategies to reducing crime and improving safety do not adequately address the range of problems experienced in this case study. To address this gap, Australian policies and services need to embrace a strength-based approach to addressing the complexity of behavioural and neighbourhood problems holistically.
BASE
Bringing together a well-respected team of commentators, many of them indigenous Australians themselves, this revised and updated edition examines the legal, social and political developments that have taken place in Australia since the publication of the last edition.Providing students with a greater understanding of the issues facing Indigenous Australians in the hope of contributing to reconciliation, the authors explore a broad range of developments, including: human rights and reconciliation in contemporary Australia; the demise of ATSIC; issues of indigenous governance and water rights.G
In: Aboriginal History Monographs v.16
Transgressions: critical Australian Indigenous histories -- Table of Contents -- Contributors -- Preface -- References -- François Péron and the Tasmanians: an unrequited romance -- References -- Moving Blackwards: Black Power and the Aboriginal Embassy -- Black Power -- The tents -- Black pride -- The tents -- Black independence -- The tents -- References -- Primary documents -- Newspapers and media sources -- Secondary sources -- Criminal justice and transgression on northern Australian cattle stations -- Feudal transgression: a more elucidatory means of classifying cattle stations -- Intersection between feudal land laws and power -- Pastoralists' governance on the frontier -- Normalised pastoralists' jurisdiction -- Northern pastoral lords over their feudal estate and workers -- The strength of pastoralists' jurisdiction in the face of government legislation -- Non-payment of wages as a source of pastoralists' authority -- Aboriginal transgression -- Conclusion: limits of Aboriginal transgression and ways forward -- References -- Primary sources -- Secondary Sources -- Dreaming the circle: indigeneity and the longing for belonging in White Australia -- Acknowledgements -- References -- Resisting the captured image: how Gwoja Tjungurrayi, 'One Pound Jimmy', escaped the 'Stone Age' -- A cultural courtesy -- A snapshot -- Introduction -- The birth of Central Australian tourism -- The language of tourism -- The 'Imperial' tourist gaze -- The 'pioneer' tourist gaze -- The 'anthropological' tourist gaze -- Gwoja Tjungurrayi: the man behind the image -- Displacement and massacre -- Survival and adjustment -- Transmission of knowledge to the next generation -- Unwanted celebrity? -- Holmes: discoverer or myth-maker? -- The meeting -- The name -- Collaboration and escape -- Conclusion -- A postscript -- References
In: The International Indigenous Policy Journal, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 1-13