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The media policy of a country is a part of its overall policy and depends on the totality of socio-historical circumstances, the level of cultural and economic development, as well as the possible social consensus on the necessity for acceptance and implementation of experiences and standards from the democratic world in this field. Unlike other areas for which local/state politics is defined, the media field has only recently become interesting from this point of view and, as it is often the case in transition countries, it is still not recognized as a clearly defined position of the ruling circles. This paper analyzes the process of major changes in the media system of Serbia after the democratic changes and government actions, which in the long run cannot be considered a precisely constituted media policy, but whose consequences have an impact on the state of the public sphere and of the media, and thus receive political significance. The most important indicator of the will of political circles is undoubtedly the regulatory level, which is why this paper deals particularly with the preparation, adoption, and practical implementation of media legislation enacted from 2000 onward. Considering the official Serbian aspirations to join the European Union, the issue of state media policy is also seen through the prism of European media policy.

For the last few years, the German foreign policy has been under constant temptations and substantial reconsideration. The key role in resolving the difficult economic and financial crises in the EU, the development of close economic ties with the Russian and other rising world economic powers, the decision to sustain in the UN Security Council in deciding to authorise the use of force in Libya, as well as the dominant attitude towards the crises in Greece and Kosovo clearly shows the wish of Germany to pursue a more independent foreign policy. In spite of all these efforts and its huge economic power, Germany has failed to become a global political power. Moreover, in order to protect and develop its trade interests Germany must remain within the frameworks of the EU and the NATO. For a long time, Germany has been one of Serbia's most important economic and political partners. Since it is realistic to expect that Germany will be more oriented towards developing its economic ties with the new world economic powers, the Western Balkans and Serbia will not be in the focus of its foreign and economic policies. Therefore, for Serbia, it will be useful to concentrate on the cooperation with the mighty German provinces that have their interests in developing this cooperation. In the future, the Kosovo issues will remain the main obstacle to it.

Serbia's Law on Planning and Building has imposed the topics of energy efficiency in building sector, requiring adequate policy making and providing a starting point for improvement of the current situation in this field. Considering the fact that there are more than 3.200.000 housing units without any statistical classification a need arose for establishing a national building typology as a starting point for further decision making and appropriate activities definition regarding the existing housing stock.After joining EU TABULA (Typology Approach for Building Stock Energy Assessment) project, methodologies and approaches of the European countries have been analysed providing a common experience, at the same illustrating a need for identification and classification of local characteristics. In order to obtain adequate data a comprehensive survey has been conducted, providing a starting point for creation of typology. The National Typology has identified typical "model" buildings and defined the levels of improvement ranging from standard (according to the current law) to the low-energy level. The paper explains the methodology, procedures and local characteristics of the process and gives an insight in the activity describing the problems and potentials of the approach. ; Serbia's Law on Planning and Building has imposed the topics of energy efficiency in building sector, requiring adequate policy making and providing a starting point for improvement of the current situation in this field. Considering the fact that there are more than 3.200.000 housing units without any statistical classification a need arose for establishing a national building typology as a starting point for further decision making and appropriate activities definition regarding the existing housing stock.After joining EU TABULA (Typology Approach for Building Stock Energy Assessment) project, methodologies and approaches of the European countries have been analysed providing a common experience, at the same illustrating a need for identification and classification of local characteristics. In order to obtain adequate data a comprehensive survey has been conducted, providing a starting point for creation of typology. The National Typology has identified typical "model" buildings and defined the levels of improvement ranging from standard (according to the current law) to the low-energy level. The paper explains the methodology, procedures and local characteristics of the process and gives an insight in the activity describing the problems and potentials of the approach.

The European Union is the most complex and by any aspect the most unique example of a regionaleconomic integration. Its origin, evolution and survival are based on a common legislative andinstitutional framework. The so-called common policies implemented in a number of economicand non-economic areas are particularly distinctive. Most of them are implemented on two levels:national and communal. The only common policy that is fully implemented at the European Unionlevel is the Community Agrarian Policy (CAP), whereas the agriculture has the highest expenditurein the communal budget. The function of CAP is primarily economic as its goals are strictly relatedto economic issues: price stability of agricultural products, productivity growth, higher wages forthe farmers, etc. The CAP strengthens the Union's social cohesion, which is of utmost importancein times of constant crises, BREXIT and other extreme instabilities. For this reason, the CAP hasbeen in the processes of continuous reforms (MacShary, Mansholt and those of recent times) fordecades, in order to increase its efficiency and justify enormous financial investments. The CAPresults depend on the achievement of preset objectives and the exchange of agricultural productsand food that the European Union generates globally. It has been demonstrated that the CAP is asignificant common policy, both in achieving economic goals and in the sphere of strengtheningcommunal cohesion.

Autor se bavi odnosima Sjedinjenih Država i Venezuele zaključno sa aktuelnom‎ predsedničkom krizom ne bi li odgovorio na pitanje kako i zašto je Venezuela‎ postala problem za spoljnu politiku SAD koji zahteva pojačanu pažnju‎ i radikalne mere. Analiza ovih odnosa u toku 20. veka pokazuje da su oni zasnovani‎ na naftnoj međuzavisnosti dveju država. Kada je krajem veka višedecenijsko‎ loše upravljanje naftnim bogatstvom u Venezueli izazvalo društvenu‎ i ekonomsku krizu koja je dovela na vlast Huga Cháveza, spremnog da koristi‎ prihode od nafte protiv interesa regionalne hegemonije SAD, ove su Venezuelu‎ označile kao problem. Američki establišment je prema tom problemu nastupio‎ oportunistički – naftna međuzavisnost je sprečavala da sukob eskalira‎ sve dok aktuelna ekonomsko-politička kriza u Venezueli nakon Chávezove‎ smrti nije dala Washingtonu priliku za konačni obračun sa režimom, po cenu‎ privremenog prekida u trgovini naftom. Godinu i po dana od izbijanja predsednička‎ kriza u Venezueli još nije razrešena, jer se čavistički režim održao, a‎ SAD odustale od vojne intervencije, pa autor nastoji da ukaže na perspektive‎ problema i mogućnosti njegovog prevazilaženja nakon što tekuća pandemija‎ korona virusa bude obuzdana.‎ ; The author deals with the United States and Venezuela relations up to the‎ current presidential crisis, in order to answer how and why Venezuela became‎ a problem for U.S. foreign policy which requires increased attention‎ and radical measures. The analysis of these relations during the 20th century‎ shows that they were based on oil interdependence of the two states.‎ When a decades-long mismanagement of oil riches in Venezuela at the end‎ of the century caused a social and economic crisis that brought to power‎ Hugo Chávez, who was ready to use oil revenues against U.S. regional hegemonic‎ interests, it marked Venezuela as a problem. American establishment‎ treated the problem with opportunism – oil interdependence prevented‎ the conflict from escalating until the current economic and political crisis in‎ Venezuela after the death of Chávez gave Washington an opportunity for the‎ final clash with the regime at the price of a temporary break in the oil trade.‎ A year and a half after the presidential crisis in Venezuela erupted, it has not‎ been resolved yet, for the chavista regime remained in place, while the U.S. gave up on military intervention. The author points to the perspectives of the‎ problem and the possibilities of its overcoming once the current coronavirus‎ pandemic gets contained.‎

The aim of this paper is to investigate the directions of changes in the Common Agricultural Policy of the European Union for the period from 2021 to 2027. For the Republic of Serbia, as a candidate country for membership, it is important to monitor the changes that are taking place within the European agricultural policy. Analyzing the available literature and regulations of the European Commission, the authors look at the essence of the Common Agricultural Policy reforms in the upcoming seven-year period, with special reference to the aims, planned financial framework, "greening" of the CAP, as well as implementation of measures in rural development policy segment. Insisting on ecologically sustainable development of agriculture, along with greater institutional authority of the member states, are the key ideas that will guide the Common Agricultural Policy in the upcoming period.

Cilj rada je kritička ananliza konceptualizacije motivacije za obrazovanjem u političkim dokumentima Evropske unije. Na primeru serije objavljenih Komunikacija Evropske komisije u poslednje dve decenije sagledavaju se ključne karakteristike konceptualizacije motivacije za visokim obrazovanjem. S obzirom na to da Evropska komisija nema legislativna ovlašćenja nad sistemima obrazovanja država članica, ona svoj uticaj može ostvariti pomoću organizovanih političkih inicijativa i iznošenjem svog mišljenja. Komunikacije Evropske komisije predstavljaju značajan vid javnog promovisanja mišljenja, vizija i vrednosti EU u politici visokog obrazovanja. Analizom sadržaja sedam objavljenih Komunikacija u periodu od 2003. do 2018. godine može se zaključiti da obrazovna politika Evropske unije tematizuje problem motivacije za visokoškolskim obrazovanjem prevashodno instrumentalno, kao deo ekonomske agende razvoja društva. Prećutno se podrazumeva dominacija spoljašnje motivacije u sistemu visokog obrazovanja. Visoko obrazovanje se shvata kao usluga, student kao korisnik obrazovnih usluga, a problem individualne motivacije za obrazovanjem konceptualizuje se kao investiranje u ljudski kapital. Sa stanovišta obrazovnih institucija, motivacija za obrazovanjem se razmatra kao problem ponude obrazovnih usluga i usklađivanja sa aktuelnim i budućim potrebama tržišta rada. Vrednost visokog obrazovanja u celini razmatra se iz ekonomske perspektive. Pedagoške implikacije svođenja složenog procesa motivacije za obrazovanjem u okviru celokupnog sistema visokog obrazovanja na instrumentalne spoljašnje podsticaje može se opisati kao redukcionizam, odnosno zanemarivanje mnogostrukih motiva i vrednosti koji visoko obrazovanje čine socijalno poželjnim i individualno potrebnim. ; The aim of this paper is a critical analysis of conceptualization of motivation for education in the European Union political documents. The key characteristics of conceptualization of motivation for higher education are deliberated on the example of a collection of published European Commission Communications in the past two decades. Given that the European Commission has no legislative powers over education systems of the member states, it exerts its influence through instruments of organized policy initiatives and expression of its opinions. European Commission Communications represent an important form of public promotion of EU opinions, visions, and values in higher education policy. By analysing the content of seven published Communications in the period from 2003 to 2018, it can be concluded that in the European Union educational policy, the problem of motivation for higher education is perceived primarily instrumentally, as a part of economic agenda of society development. Dominance of external motivation in the higher education system is tacitly assumed. Higher education is understood as service, the student as user of educational services, and the problem of individual motivation for education is conceptualized as investment in human capital. From the point of view of educational institutions, motivation for education is perceived as the problem of offering educational services and harmonization with current and future needs of the labour market. The value of higher education as a whole is considered from economic perspective. Pedagogical implications of reducing a complex process of motivation for education in the entire higher education system to instrumental external incentives, can be described as reductionism, i.e. neglect of multiple motives and values that make higher education socially desirable and individually necessary. ; Knjiga rezimea, 25. Međunarodna naučna konferencija "Pedagoška istraživanja i školska praksa" ; Book of abstracts / 25th International Scientific Conference "Educational Research and School Practice"

EU Enlargement Policy, one of the newest EU policies created during the last decade of the 20th century, is facing a very difficult period of its development, similar to the challenges facing the EU today. This Policy has been under constant evolution on the basis of experiences with the new Member States, and it has been closely connected with the wider context of European Integration of the Member States. In this article we present an overview of the major challenges for the Union as well as for candidate countries and to point out that there is no good reason why, even in the crisis situation, enlargement should not be continued. It is, we argue, part of the solution to the problems of EU, and not yet another problem. ; Politika proširenja EU, jedna od novijih politika Unije nastala tokom devedesetih godina, u velikoj meri proživljava veoma težak period koji je opšte obeležje izazova sa kojima se danas suočava EU. Ona se tokom vremena konstantno uobličavala na osnovama iskustava sa novim članicama i uvek je bila u uskoj vezi sa širim kontekstom evropskih integracija država članica EU. U ovom članku smo pokušali da prikažemo osnovne izazove za Uniju, ali i za države kandidate regiona Zapadnog Balkana, i da ukažemo da nema nijednog valjanog razloga zašto, čak i uslovima krize u EU, nastavak proširenja ne bi trebalo da bude posmatran kao deo rešenja, a ne kao deo problema.

Harmonisation of the foreign policies of the Western Balkan states with the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) within the Charter 31 of the pre-accession negotiations will be a significant obligation and challenge for most of them. Within this context, the author takes as a starting point the regular annual reports on the progress achieved by the states in the region. They show the degree of harmonisation of their foreign policies with this Union's mechanism (within four years in the 2011-2014 period). The author of the article particularly points to the real and substantial discrepancy between the normative framework of the EU CFSP and the specific activities taken by the Western Balkan states in the part concerning their position to the current crisis in Ukraine which, in a way, 'reflects' the geo-strategic interests of the 'West', on one hand, and those of the Russian Federation, on the other. At the same time, he points to the membership in the North Atlantic Alliance as a favourable framework for the acceleration of harmonisation of a country's foreign policy with the EU CFSP.

The often controversial discussions about the problem of the Jewish refugees from Central European countries since 1938 - held at the level of the Government of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, but also at different "lower administrative levels" (provinces, districts, and local municipalities), with the participation of various directly or indirectly interested parties, whose numbers grew considerably on the eve of the war in 1941 - including the issue of the status of several categories of persons with foreign citizenship (or with no citizenship at all). Apart from the "real refugees" and immigrants, these discussions also dwelled on the issue of the status of "Jewish tourists" from Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, the neighboring Yugoslav states as well as Palestine. The attempts to find the most favorable solution for the state of Yugoslavia reflected all the dilemmas of the Yugoslav authorities about how to "neutralize the problem" of the Jewish refugees from Germany, who after the National Socialists' rise to power, in 1933, began arriving to the Yugoslav borders, too.