Suchergebnisse

Abstract. The article considers whether the EU's CSDP
missions are a suitable crisis management mechanism
for post-conflict situations, along with the EU's relevance in crisis management at all. For this purpose, the
EU's biggest CSDP civilian mission EULEX was chosen
as a research case study. The research results reveal that
EULEX has not implemented its mandate, not met the
expectations of security consumers, not made any difference on the ground, and cannot be seen as an example the EU should rely on in its future missions. Further,
EULEX shows that CSDP missions suffer from many
shortfalls and the EU CFSP from a capability–expectations gap. The article concludes that the EULEX mission
does not show the EU's relevance in the crisis management of post-conflict situations.

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

Notions of the power associated with the European Union's foreign policy and its role in international relations are mostly liberal in origin. This explains the EU's special role in the Cold War era and that it has since emerged more as a moral, ethical and normative power. The EU's lack of military capability has probably been the main cause that prevents it from acting as a great or superpower. The distinction between materialistic and immaterial elements of power has been a crucial point of contention between realists and liberal thinkers. In international relations, we are also witnessing the trend of the EU increasingly using the geopolitical approach (such as in the Ukrainian crisis) besides the normative one. In the article, different concepts of EU foreign policy regarding power in the light of realism and liberalism are compared where, alongside the descriptive method, a SWOT analysis is performed. Keywords: realism, liberalism, power, European Union, Ukraine, foreign policy, international relations

Evropska sosedska politika (v nadaljevanju ESP) je politika urejanja odnosov s sosednjimi državami EU, ki jim ni bilo ponujeno članstvo v EU. Na Južnem Kavkazu, kjer so po letu 1991 nastale države Azerbajdžan, Gruzija, Armenija, se je sosedska politika okrepila po letu 2003, ko se je spremenila politična struktura v Gruziji in, ko se je s pridružitvijo Romunije in Bolgarije EU širila še bolj proti vzhodu. Velik del »evropeizacije« te regije temelji na širjenju pojma EU »kot edino pravega« razvoja družbe s pomočjo človekovih pravic in svoboščin, demokracije, liberalizacije, urejenega pravnega reda in prostovoljnega skupnega sodelovanja ter na postopni integraciji teh držav v politični, pravni in gospodarski red EU. V magistrski nalogi iščem odgovor na vprašanje ali je ta način promocije evropskih vrednot učinkovit za povezovanje z vsemi sosednjimi državami ali pa utegne imeti negativne posledice v odnosih z njimi. S pravno, gospodarsko in politično analizo evropske sosedske politike v Armeniji, Gruziji in Azerbajdžanu, spoznavanjem njenih prednosti in slabosti, ugotavljam perspektive za prihodnji razvoj. Za oblikovanje ključnih vidikov povezovanja je pomembno poznavanje zgodovinskih, etničnih, geografskih, kulturnih in političnih razlik ter poznavanje problematike območij z velikim varnostnim tveganjem kot so Gorski Karabah, Južna Osetija in Abhazija. Države Armenija, Azerbajdžan in Gruzija se nahajajo na pomembnem območju, kjer se prepletajo geostrateški interesi Rusije, ZDA, Turčije, Irana in v zadnjem času tudi Kitajske. EU se srečuje z novimi izzivi, med katerimi vedno večjo vlogo igra njena sosedska politika do tretjih držav. Ker je v primeru Južnega Kavkaza splošno zaznati obširnost evropskih virov, t. j. dogovorov in politik (pridružitveni sporazumi, sporazumi o partnerstvu in sodelovanju, finančni instrumenti, Vzhodno partnerstvo, Sinergija Črnega morja, sporazumi po sektorjih), v nalogi ugotavljam, ali bi bilo potrebno vzpostaviti enotnejšo in s tem preglednejšo sosedsko politiko do vsake posamezne države. ; The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is an instrument for governing relations with the EU's neighbourhood countries which are not to become members of the EU. In the South Caucasus, where Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia declared independence in 1991, the ENP was strengthened after 2003 with change of political structure in Georgia and after EU's enlargement further to the east with joinder of Romania and Bulgaria. A big part of Europeanisation of this region is based on promotion of the EU's values as being »the only right way« of developing societies, through strengthening human rights and liberties, democracy, liberalisation, the rule of law, voluntary cooperation and gradual integration of these countries into the EU's political, legal and economic framework. In this master's thesis I am looking for an answer to a question whether such way of promoting European values will result in cooperation with all the neighbouring countries or whether it might bring negative consequences in the EU's relationship with them. With legal, economic and political analysis of the ENP in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan and with identification of the ENP's advantages and disadvantages, I am trying to find possibilities for its further development. Understanding historic, ethnic, geographic, cultural and political differences and understanding problems coming from areas considered major security risks, such as Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, is important for developing key areas of cooperation. Countries Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are located in the important area where geostrategic interests of Russia, USA, Turkey, Iran and recently China intersect. The EU has been facing new challenges, one of them being the increasing importance of its policy towards the neighbouring countries. As there has been a significant amount of European sources, such as arrangements and politics (e.g. association agreements, partnership and cooperation agreements, financial instruments, Eastern Partnership, Black Sea Synergy, sectoral agreements) in the South Caucasus, I am discussing in this thesis whether there should be a more unified and consequently more transparent neighbourhood policy for each partner country.

V želji po globalnemu in gospodarskem napredku ter iskanju rešitev za okoljske izzive je Evropska unija ustanovila skupno Evropsko kohezijsko politiko, ki izvršuje ukrepe in instrumente na nacionalni ravni. Ena izmed posledic skupne Evropske kohezijske politike v Sloveniji so posebni centri, ki omogočajo stičišče različnih organizacij, kjer se nove ideje prenašajo v gospodarski trg. Gre za inovacije predvsem na področju mobilnosti, trajnostnega okolja, tehnologije, kemije, farmacije. Takšne inovacije prinašajo večji izkoristek materialov, storitev in boljše zdravje, z velikim poudarkom na nizkoogljično družbo. S takšnimi instrumenti se poveča dodana vrednost finančnega vlaganja v takšne centre, hkrati pa spodbuja sodelovanje gospodarske, akademske in raziskovalno razvojne sfere. Namen naloge, da z analizo Javnega razpisa za sofinanciranje vzpostavitve in delovanja kompetenčnih centrov za razvoj kadrov v dveh izvedenih obdobjih dokažemo, kako pomembno je financiranje takšnih instrumentov. Ustvarjajo visoko stimulativno okolje za iskanje rešitev in odpravljanja izzivov, s takšnim načinom dela pa ljudje pridobijo reference, kompetence, višajo konkurenčnost svoje države in pridobijo izkušnje s širšim razmišljanjem in sodelovanjem. ; In pursuit of global and economic progress or finding solutions to environmental challenges, the European Union has set up a common European cohesion policy that implements measures and instruments at national levels. One of the consequences of the common European cohesion policy in Slovenia are special centers, which enable the junction of various organizations, where new ideas are transferred to the economic markets. These are innovations mainly in the field of mobility, sustainable environment, technology, chemistry and pharmacy. Such innovations bring greater use of materials, services and better health services, with a strong emphasis on low–carbon society. Such instruments increase the added value of financial investment in such centers, while encouraging the participation of economic, academic and research development spheres. The purpose of the task is to demonstrate the importance of financing such instruments by analyzing the Public Tender for Co–financing the Establishment and Operation of Competence Centers for Personnel Development in two implemented periods. They create a highly stimulating environment for finding solutions and tackling the challenges, and with this way of working people acquire references, competences, increase the competitiveness of their country and gain experience with wider thinking and cooperation.

Prispevek v luči slovenskega predsedovanja Svetu EU v prvi polovici leta 2008 predstavi institucijo Svet EU in organizacijske, posredniške, politične in nacionalne vloge, ki jih uresničuje predsedujoča država. Obravnavan je slovenski gozdno-politični okvir, ki vpliva na usmeritev za posamezno vlogo inpredstavljena teza, da sta za Slovenijo najpomembnejši organizacijska in nacionalna vloga. V okviru nacionalne vloge je pomembno pridobiti nove ideje za vsebino gozdne politike in znanja o procesu njenega oblikovanja na domači ravni in ravni Unije. ; In the light of the Slovenian presidency of the EU Council in the first half of the year 2008, the contribution presents the Council of the European Union (the EU Council) as an institution and the organizational, mediatory, political and national roles performed by the presiding state. The framework of the Slovenian forest policy is discussed, which influences the policy regarding each individual role, and the thesis presented by which the most important roles for Slovenia are the organizational and national role. Within the national role it is important to acquire new ideas regarding forest policyas well as the skills and knowledge regarding the drafting of forest policy on the level of the state and the EU.

Cepljenje otrok je v Sloveniji po zakonu obvezno in starši nimajo možnosti za svobodno odločitev glede tega. Področje obveznega cepljenja po teoriji Foucaulta spada v biopolitično oblast s primesmi disciplinarne oblasti. Ta vrsta oblasti ima nadzor nad vsemi biološkimi procesi, kot so razploditev, rodnost in smrtnost, nivo zdravja, trajanje življenja, dolgoživost, hkrati pa vrši tudi nadzor nad vsemi pogoji, ki na te procese vplivajo. Gre za celoten sistem intervencij in urejevalnih kontrol, biopolitika populacije. To je oblast vzpodbujanja, usmerjanja, reguliranja in nadzora, preko katere se upravlja telesa in življenja. Šole, vojašnice, zapori, psihiatrične institucije so se razvili kot instrumenti regulacije populacije, prav tako pa med te instrumente spadata javno zdravstvo in obvezno cepljenje, ki omogočata podvrženje teles in nadzor populacije. Obvezno cepljenje je v zahodnem delu Evrope večinoma prostovoljno, medtem ko v Sloveniji in državah južne in vzhodne evrope vlada obvezno cepljenje. V primeru neupoštevanja zakona o obveznem cepljenju so starši v prekršku, zaradi česar je zagrožena denarna globa. ; In Slovenia immunisation of children is mandatory by law and parents do not have the freedom to make the decisions regarding it. In Foucault's theory compulsory immunisaton falls under the biopolitical power with elements of the disciplinary authority. This type of authority has power over all human biological processes, such as procreation, fertility and mortality, level of health, length of life, and longevity, while at the same time posessing the power of control over all the conditions, that influence these processes. This is a complete system of interventions and regulatory controls, the biopolitics of the population. This is the authority of encouragement, guidance, regulation and control, through which bodies and lives are managed. Schools, barracks, prisons, psychiatric institutions have been developed as instruments of population regulation as well as public healthcare and mandatory vaccinations, which enable subjection of bodies and population control. In western European coutries vaccination is mostly voluntary, while in Slovenia and other southern and eastern European countries immunisation is mandatory. Failure to comply with the law is a misdemeanor with the threat of a monetary fine.

Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.

Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.