Suchergebnisse

Predmet doktorske disertacije je upravljanje zunanjetrgovinske politike države ob upoštevanju delovanja nadnacionalnih entitet, pri čemer je naš osrednji cilj identificirati optimalen način realizacije nacionalnih interesov v okviru nadnacionalne entitete (tj. Evropske unije). Zunanjetrgovinska politika je eno izmed najstarejših ekonomskih področij, o katerem so tekle resne akademske razprave že v Antični Grčiji pred več kot 2000 leti. Vendar o razvoju svetovne trgovine kot sistematičnem globalnem načinu trgovanja govorimo šele od 15. stoletja dalje. Za boljše razumevanje področja v doktorski disertaciji najprej opredelimo teoretska izhodišča, v okviru katerih predstavimo teorije mednarodne menjave ter analiziramo vlogo države in ekonomske diplomacije skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (merkantilizem, liberalizem, protekcionizem, intervencionizem ter obdobje liberalizacije in globalizacije). Kot najpomembnejše teoretično izhodišče od Davida Ricarda dalje identificiramo ugotovitev, da svet ni ničelna vsota – vse države z zunanjo trgovino pridobivajo. Kljub temu da so države skozi različna zgodovinska obdobja (glede na gospodarske razmere) vodile različne zunanjetrgovinske politike (protekcionistične ali liberalne), teorija in praksa potrjujeta, da liberalna zunanjetrgovinska politika povečuje konkurenčnost gospodarstva. Študije ekonomistov (Sachs in Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey v Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) namreč kažejo, da države z liberalno zunanjetrgovinsko politiko dosegajo višjo gospodarsko rast od tistih s protekcionistično. Kot potrditev teze navajamo izsledke analiz, ki kažejo na višje stopnje gospodarske rasti v t. i. hitro rastočih gospodarstvih (državah BRIICS ‒ Braziliji, Rusiji, Indiji, Indoneziji, Kitajski in Južni Afriki). Slednje so na podlagi liberalizacije trgov v zadnjih dvajsetih letih dosegale višje stopnje gospodarske rasti od razvitih gospodarstev. Glede na to da je predmet disertacije zunanjetrgovinska politika v okviru Evropske unije (EU), ki jo Slovenija sooblikuje, se v okviru analize ukrepov osredotočimo na ukrepe zunanjetrgovinske politike EU, vlogo nacionalnih in nadnacionalnih (vladnih in nevladnih) akterjev ter povezavo vsebin z drugimi politikami. Ključni akterji v procesu formalnega delovanja na področju zunanjetrgovinske politike EU so: Evropska komisija (Direktorat za trgovino), Svet EU (Odbor za zunanjetrgovinsko politiko, Coreper in Svet za zunanje zadeve), Evropski parlament ter nevladni akterji (združenja, nevladne organizacije) kot nadnacionalni akterji in (vladni in nevladni) akterji na nacionalni ravni držav članic EU. Prioriteta zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je multilateralna zunanja trgovina, vzporedno pa potekajo pogajanja s številnimi državami oz. regijami za sklenitev preferencialnih trgovinskih sporazumov. Med ukrepi zunanjetrgovinske politike EU je pomembna še Strategija dostopa na trg, v okviru katere se dosegajo sinergije na podlagi okrepljenega partnerstva med Evropsko komisijo, državami članicami in gospodarstvom. Ugotavljamo, da postaja v obdobju globalizacije zunanjetrgovinska politika izrazito večplastna ter da izginjajo meje med zunanjimi in notranjimi politikami. Na primeru pogajanj t. i. Razvojne agende iz Dohe, ki potekajo v okviru Svetovne trgovinske organizacije, potrdimo tezo o prepletanju pogajanj na različnih ravneh (bilateralni, regionalni in multilateralni) in vsebinski povezanosti zunanjetrgovinske politike z drugimi politikami (z razvojno, s kmetijsko ipd.). Slednje potrjujejo tudi strateški dokumenti EU (Strategija Evropa 2020 ; Trgovina, rast in svetovne zadeve ter Globalna Evropa: konkurenčna v svetu), v katere je zunanjetrgovinska politika vključena kot pomemben sestavni del politike konkurenčnosti. ; The doctoral thesis focuses on a country's external trade policy management in relation to the processes witin subnational entities. Our main goal is to identify an optimal approach to realizing national interests in the context of a subnational entity (i.e., the European Union). External trade policy is one of the oldest economic policies. The first discussions on trade issues started among philosophers in Greece 2000 years ago, but global trade as a systematic process emerged in the 15th century. At the beginning of the doctoral thesis, the focus is on the theoretical background ‒ theories of external economic co-operation. We analyse the role of the state and economic diplomacy in different historical periods (mercantilism, liberalism, protectionism, interventionism, liberalisation and globalisation). The most important theoretical finding is (discovered by David Ricardo and confirmed in subsequent theories) that all states, engaged in external trade, gain (we talk about the so called positive sum). Although countries led different external trade policies during various historical periods (liberal or protectionist), theory and experience show that the liberal external trade policy increases competitiveness of an economy. Studies of several economists (Sachs and Warner 1995, 35 ; Frey 1984 ; Pruslecki 2008, 5 ; Krueger 1980, 289) also confirm, that countries with a liberal external trade policy record higher growth rates than those in favour of protectionism. Emerging economies (the so called BRIICS countries ‒ Brasil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China, and South Africa) record higher growth rates in the last twenty years – after liberalising their markets. We analyse the European Union (EU) external trade policy measures, the role of national and subnational (state and non-state) actors, and the interconnectedness of the external trade policy and other national policies. The key actors in the formal process of creating EU external trade policy are: European Commission (Directorate General for Trade), Council of the EU (Trade Policy Committee – formerly 133 Committee ; Coreper, Foreign Affairs Council), European Parliament, non-state actors (associations, non-governmental organisations (NGOs)) as well as actors in the member states (state and non state actors: ministries, diplomatic network, business associations, chambers of commerce, NGOs, etc.). The priority of the EU external trade policy is multilateral trade – successful conclusion of the WTO Doha Development Agenda. In parallel, EU is negotiating preferential trade agreements with several countries and regions. One of the most important trade policy measures is also Market Access Partnership, where active involvement of member states and the business sector is expected. Globalisation has changed the patterns of global economic co-operation and global trade. External trade has become more complex (linked to the competition, energy, environment and sustainable development policies) and the number of actors (state and non-state) involved in the policy has increased significantly. The boundaries between external and internal policies disappear as well. We show the interactions between different actors, negotiating levels, and policies on the World Trade Organisation Doha Development Agenda case, where the positions of the negotiations have to be agreed on at different levels: national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral. External trade policy is an important part of the EU strategic documents (Global Europe: competing in the world, EU 2020), and therefore an important element of the competitiveness policy. The thesis also confirms that the role of economic diplomacy in trade issues has gained importance during the last twenty years. Saner and Yiu (2003) argue that the main function of the post-modern economic diplomacy is representation in the international organisations and influence on other countries' policies.

Evropska sosedska politika (v nadaljevanju ESP) je politika urejanja odnosov s sosednjimi državami EU, ki jim ni bilo ponujeno članstvo v EU. Na Južnem Kavkazu, kjer so po letu 1991 nastale države Azerbajdžan, Gruzija, Armenija, se je sosedska politika okrepila po letu 2003, ko se je spremenila politična struktura v Gruziji in, ko se je s pridružitvijo Romunije in Bolgarije EU širila še bolj proti vzhodu. Velik del »evropeizacije« te regije temelji na širjenju pojma EU »kot edino pravega« razvoja družbe s pomočjo človekovih pravic in svoboščin, demokracije, liberalizacije, urejenega pravnega reda in prostovoljnega skupnega sodelovanja ter na postopni integraciji teh držav v politični, pravni in gospodarski red EU. V magistrski nalogi iščem odgovor na vprašanje ali je ta način promocije evropskih vrednot učinkovit za povezovanje z vsemi sosednjimi državami ali pa utegne imeti negativne posledice v odnosih z njimi. S pravno, gospodarsko in politično analizo evropske sosedske politike v Armeniji, Gruziji in Azerbajdžanu, spoznavanjem njenih prednosti in slabosti, ugotavljam perspektive za prihodnji razvoj. Za oblikovanje ključnih vidikov povezovanja je pomembno poznavanje zgodovinskih, etničnih, geografskih, kulturnih in političnih razlik ter poznavanje problematike območij z velikim varnostnim tveganjem kot so Gorski Karabah, Južna Osetija in Abhazija. Države Armenija, Azerbajdžan in Gruzija se nahajajo na pomembnem območju, kjer se prepletajo geostrateški interesi Rusije, ZDA, Turčije, Irana in v zadnjem času tudi Kitajske. EU se srečuje z novimi izzivi, med katerimi vedno večjo vlogo igra njena sosedska politika do tretjih držav. Ker je v primeru Južnega Kavkaza splošno zaznati obširnost evropskih virov, t. j. dogovorov in politik (pridružitveni sporazumi, sporazumi o partnerstvu in sodelovanju, finančni instrumenti, Vzhodno partnerstvo, Sinergija Črnega morja, sporazumi po sektorjih), v nalogi ugotavljam, ali bi bilo potrebno vzpostaviti enotnejšo in s tem preglednejšo sosedsko politiko do vsake posamezne države. ; The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) is an instrument for governing relations with the EU's neighbourhood countries which are not to become members of the EU. In the South Caucasus, where Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia declared independence in 1991, the ENP was strengthened after 2003 with change of political structure in Georgia and after EU's enlargement further to the east with joinder of Romania and Bulgaria. A big part of Europeanisation of this region is based on promotion of the EU's values as being »the only right way« of developing societies, through strengthening human rights and liberties, democracy, liberalisation, the rule of law, voluntary cooperation and gradual integration of these countries into the EU's political, legal and economic framework. In this master's thesis I am looking for an answer to a question whether such way of promoting European values will result in cooperation with all the neighbouring countries or whether it might bring negative consequences in the EU's relationship with them. With legal, economic and political analysis of the ENP in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan and with identification of the ENP's advantages and disadvantages, I am trying to find possibilities for its further development. Understanding historic, ethnic, geographic, cultural and political differences and understanding problems coming from areas considered major security risks, such as Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, is important for developing key areas of cooperation. Countries Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia are located in the important area where geostrategic interests of Russia, USA, Turkey, Iran and recently China intersect. The EU has been facing new challenges, one of them being the increasing importance of its policy towards the neighbouring countries. As there has been a significant amount of European sources, such as arrangements and politics (e.g. association agreements, partnership and cooperation agreements, financial instruments, Eastern Partnership, Black Sea Synergy, sectoral agreements) in the South Caucasus, I am discussing in this thesis whether there should be a more unified and consequently more transparent neighbourhood policy for each partner country.

V želji po globalnemu in gospodarskem napredku ter iskanju rešitev za okoljske izzive je Evropska unija ustanovila skupno Evropsko kohezijsko politiko, ki izvršuje ukrepe in instrumente na nacionalni ravni. Ena izmed posledic skupne Evropske kohezijske politike v Sloveniji so posebni centri, ki omogočajo stičišče različnih organizacij, kjer se nove ideje prenašajo v gospodarski trg. Gre za inovacije predvsem na področju mobilnosti, trajnostnega okolja, tehnologije, kemije, farmacije. Takšne inovacije prinašajo večji izkoristek materialov, storitev in boljše zdravje, z velikim poudarkom na nizkoogljično družbo. S takšnimi instrumenti se poveča dodana vrednost finančnega vlaganja v takšne centre, hkrati pa spodbuja sodelovanje gospodarske, akademske in raziskovalno razvojne sfere. Namen naloge, da z analizo Javnega razpisa za sofinanciranje vzpostavitve in delovanja kompetenčnih centrov za razvoj kadrov v dveh izvedenih obdobjih dokažemo, kako pomembno je financiranje takšnih instrumentov. Ustvarjajo visoko stimulativno okolje za iskanje rešitev in odpravljanja izzivov, s takšnim načinom dela pa ljudje pridobijo reference, kompetence, višajo konkurenčnost svoje države in pridobijo izkušnje s širšim razmišljanjem in sodelovanjem. ; In pursuit of global and economic progress or finding solutions to environmental challenges, the European Union has set up a common European cohesion policy that implements measures and instruments at national levels. One of the consequences of the common European cohesion policy in Slovenia are special centers, which enable the junction of various organizations, where new ideas are transferred to the economic markets. These are innovations mainly in the field of mobility, sustainable environment, technology, chemistry and pharmacy. Such innovations bring greater use of materials, services and better health services, with a strong emphasis on low–carbon society. Such instruments increase the added value of financial investment in such centers, while encouraging the participation of economic, academic and research development spheres. The purpose of the task is to demonstrate the importance of financing such instruments by analyzing the Public Tender for Co–financing the Establishment and Operation of Competence Centers for Personnel Development in two implemented periods. They create a highly stimulating environment for finding solutions and tackling the challenges, and with this way of working people acquire references, competences, increase the competitiveness of their country and gain experience with wider thinking and cooperation.

Prispevek v luči slovenskega predsedovanja Svetu EU v prvi polovici leta 2008 predstavi institucijo Svet EU in organizacijske, posredniške, politične in nacionalne vloge, ki jih uresničuje predsedujoča država. Obravnavan je slovenski gozdno-politični okvir, ki vpliva na usmeritev za posamezno vlogo inpredstavljena teza, da sta za Slovenijo najpomembnejši organizacijska in nacionalna vloga. V okviru nacionalne vloge je pomembno pridobiti nove ideje za vsebino gozdne politike in znanja o procesu njenega oblikovanja na domači ravni in ravni Unije. ; In the light of the Slovenian presidency of the EU Council in the first half of the year 2008, the contribution presents the Council of the European Union (the EU Council) as an institution and the organizational, mediatory, political and national roles performed by the presiding state. The framework of the Slovenian forest policy is discussed, which influences the policy regarding each individual role, and the thesis presented by which the most important roles for Slovenia are the organizational and national role. Within the national role it is important to acquire new ideas regarding forest policyas well as the skills and knowledge regarding the drafting of forest policy on the level of the state and the EU.

Cepljenje otrok je v Sloveniji po zakonu obvezno in starši nimajo možnosti za svobodno odločitev glede tega. Področje obveznega cepljenja po teoriji Foucaulta spada v biopolitično oblast s primesmi disciplinarne oblasti. Ta vrsta oblasti ima nadzor nad vsemi biološkimi procesi, kot so razploditev, rodnost in smrtnost, nivo zdravja, trajanje življenja, dolgoživost, hkrati pa vrši tudi nadzor nad vsemi pogoji, ki na te procese vplivajo. Gre za celoten sistem intervencij in urejevalnih kontrol, biopolitika populacije. To je oblast vzpodbujanja, usmerjanja, reguliranja in nadzora, preko katere se upravlja telesa in življenja. Šole, vojašnice, zapori, psihiatrične institucije so se razvili kot instrumenti regulacije populacije, prav tako pa med te instrumente spadata javno zdravstvo in obvezno cepljenje, ki omogočata podvrženje teles in nadzor populacije. Obvezno cepljenje je v zahodnem delu Evrope večinoma prostovoljno, medtem ko v Sloveniji in državah južne in vzhodne evrope vlada obvezno cepljenje. V primeru neupoštevanja zakona o obveznem cepljenju so starši v prekršku, zaradi česar je zagrožena denarna globa. ; In Slovenia immunisation of children is mandatory by law and parents do not have the freedom to make the decisions regarding it. In Foucault's theory compulsory immunisaton falls under the biopolitical power with elements of the disciplinary authority. This type of authority has power over all human biological processes, such as procreation, fertility and mortality, level of health, length of life, and longevity, while at the same time posessing the power of control over all the conditions, that influence these processes. This is a complete system of interventions and regulatory controls, the biopolitics of the population. This is the authority of encouragement, guidance, regulation and control, through which bodies and lives are managed. Schools, barracks, prisons, psychiatric institutions have been developed as instruments of population regulation as well as public healthcare and mandatory vaccinations, which enable subjection of bodies and population control. In western European coutries vaccination is mostly voluntary, while in Slovenia and other southern and eastern European countries immunisation is mandatory. Failure to comply with the law is a misdemeanor with the threat of a monetary fine.

Nasprotno prevladujoči obravnavi Turčije kot najstarejše kandidatke za članstvo v Evropski uniji (EU) in turški zunanjepolitični strategiji do Zahodnega Balkana, ki predvideva delovanje kot partnerica EU, to delo analizira Turčijo kot neodvisnega zunanjepolitičnega akterja. Na podlagi dveh raziskovalnih vprašanj o normativnih elementih turške zunanjepolitične strategije preverjam hipotezo, da zaradi t. i. plitke evropeizacije na Zahodnem Balkanu po letu 2009 prihaja do večanja turškega normativnega vpliva v tej regiji. Kot kontrolno spremenljivko obravnavam deklaratorni odmik EU od širitve na Zahodni Balkan leta 2014. V teoretskem delu naloge konceptualiziram normativni zunanjepolitični vpliv in izdelam lasten analitični model normativnih elementov zunanjepolitične strategije. Po opisu zgodovinskega konteksta zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU in Turčije na Zahodnem Balkanu v empiričnem delu sledi največji doprinos naloge k znanosti: analiza in interpretacija primarnega dokumenta – zunanjepolitične strategije Turčije (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), za katero sem zagotovil prvi prevod v angleščino. Nato še identificiram in analiziram zunanjepolitične akcije Turčije, pri katerih merim normativni vpliv na družbe, trge in države regije in ga kritično ovrednotim. Ugotavljam, da ni mogoče sklepati na večji normativni vpliv Turčije v regiji zaradi plitke evropeizacije. Normativni vpliv Turčije na države je bil namreč največji med leti 2009–2012, ko je z mediacijo v srbskem delu Sandžaka in vzpostavitvijo tripartitne platforme dosegla željen ugled velike sile iz otomanskih časov. Vendar pa po letu 2013 ta vpliv upade, saj nekatere države regije izražajo večja nasprotovanja turškim zunanjepolitičnim vrednotam ali uporabljenim sredstvom. Normativni vpliv na trge in na družbe regije je sicer konstanten ; prek agencije TIKA, inštituta Yunus Emre, verske institucije Diyanet in TV nadaljevank Turčija promovira svoje družbene vrednote: muslimanska vera, diaspora, patriarhalnost in ugled velike sile. ; Contrary to the dominant consideration of Turkey as the oldest candidate for membership in the European Union (EU) and Turkey's foreign policy strategy towards the Western Balkans, which envisions acting as the EU's partner, this work analyzes Turkey as an independent foreign-policy actor. On the basis of two research questions on the normative elements of the Turkish foreign policy strategy, I am testing a hypothesis that after 2009, due to the shallow Europeanization in the Western Balkans, one observes an increase of the Turkish normative influence in this region. As a control variable, I consider the declaratory withdrawal of the EU from Western Balkans enlargement efforts in 2014. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I conceptualize the normative foreign policy influence and construct my own analytical model of the normative elements of the foreign policy strategy. Following the description of the historical context of the EU and Turkey's foreing policy in the Western Balkans, the empirical part is followed by the biggest contribution of this thesis to science: analysis and interpretation of the primary document - Turkey's foreign policy strategy (Disisleri Bakanligi, 2018), for which I provided the first translation into English. I then identify and analyze Turkey's foreign policy actions, where I measure the normative influence on societies, markets and countries of the region, and offer its critical evaluation. Findings show that it is not possible to ascertain that shallow Europeanization causes greater normative influence of Turkey in the region. Turkey's normative influence on the countries was the largest between 2009-2012, when, through mediation in the Serbian part of Sandžak and the establishment of a tripartite platform, when the state achieved the desired reputation of a great power from Ottoman times. However, after 2013, this impact declined, as some countries in the region are more likely to oppose Turkey's foreign policy values or application of instruments. The normative impact on the markets and on the societies of the region is constant ; through TIKA Agency, Yunus Emre Institute, religious institution Diyanet and TV series Turkey promotes its social values: Muslim faith, diaspora, patriarchate and reputation of great power.

Cilj magistrskega dela je ugotoviti, ali je skupna zunanja in varnostna politika Evropske unije primeren okvir za izvajanje mirovnih operacij. V prvem sklopu sem preučil pogodbeni razvoj, institucionalni okvir ter glavni strateški dokument SVOP. V drugem sklopu sem se osredotočil na same vojaške operacije SVOP, v okviru katerega sem preučil zgodovino in razvoj operacij, vpliv vojaških operacij na podobo EU kot varnostnega akterja ter način planiranja in financiranja vojaških operacij. Na koncu drugega sklopa sem izpostavil tudi ključne izzive, ki se pojavljajo pri vzpostavljanju in izvajanju mirovnih operacij v sklopu SVOP. V tretjem sklopu sem se osredotočil na operacijo EUFOR Althea. V začetku sklopa na kratko opišem zgodovino samega konflikta in predstavim grožnje varnosti in stabilnosti Bosne in Hercegovine, nato pa se osredotočim na samo operacijo in opišem njen mandat, proces planiranja, obseg sil in njihovo organizacijo ter naloge, ki jih izvajajo. Tudi v tem sklopu na koncu izpostavim pomanjkljivosti in kritike, ki so se pojavile skozi obdobje izvajanja operacije. Pri analizi operacije Althea sem ugotovil, da se le-ta giblje med delno uspešno in uspešno. Pri primernosti SZVP za izvajanje mirovnih operacij sem ugotovil, da ima ta za izvajanje res širokega spektra mirovnih operacij kar nekaj pomanjkljivosti. Ker sta SZVP in z njo SVOP medvladne narave, je opaziti, da se področja, ki so v pristojnosti samih institucij EU, razvijajo hitreje od področij, na katerih imajo večjo prisotnost same države članice. Moja glavna ugotovitev je, da je SZVP primerna predvsem za izvajanje manjših in manj intenzivnih mirovnih operacij. ; The aim of the master's thesis is to determine whether the common foreign and security policy of the European Union is an appropriate framework for the launching of peacekeeping operations. The first content set analyses the contractual development, institutional framework, and the main strategic document of CSDP. In the second set, I focus on the CSDP military operations. In this context, I examine the history and development of operations, the impact of military operations on the image of the EU as a security actor, and the way in which military operations are planned and financed. At the end of the second set, I also point out the key challenges that arise in the establishment and implementation of CSDP peacekeeping operations. In the third set, I focus on the EUFOR Althea operation. At the beginning of this final set, I briefly describe the history of the conflict and the threats to security and stability of Bosnia and Herzegovina, followed by the focus on the operation itself—its mandate, planning process, force and organization as well as the tasks carried out. Furthermore, this section points out the shortcomings and criticisms that arise during the course of operation. Analysing operation Althea, I have found out that it ranges from semi-successful to successful. With regard to the suitability of CFSP for the conduct of peacekeeping operations, I have found that it has quite a few shortcomings for the conduct of a considerably wide array of peacekeeping operations. As CFSP and CSDP are intergovernmental in nature, it can be observed that the areas under the responsibility of the EU institutions are evolving faster than the areas where the majority of the responsibility lies upon the member states. My main finding is that CFSP is particularly suitable for carrying out smaller and less intensive peacekeeping operations.

Makroregionalne strategije Evropske unije (EU), kot orodje kohezijske politike, predstavljajo celosten okvir, katerega namen je reševanje skupnih izzivov, ki se pojavljajo na določenem geografskem območju. Državam članicam EU, kot tudi tretjim državam, je tako omogočeno skupno spopadanje s težavami in večji izkoristek skupnih potencialov. Naloga temelji na predpostavki, da sodelovanje držav Zahodnega Balkana (ZB) znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pripomore k njihovemu lažjemu vključevanju v EU. Namen naloge je proučiti usklajenost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike EU ter prispevati k razumevanju zunanje dimenzije kohezijske politike. V teoretičnem delu naloge opredelim ključne koncepte s področja zunanjepolitičnega delovanja EU. V empiričnem delu najprej preverim koherentnost makroregionalnih strategij EU in širitvene politike z vidika ciljev in sredstev teh politik. Nato s primerjalno analizo koherentnost teh dveh politik merim z vidika napredka držav ZB pri pristopnih poglavjih glede na posamezna vsebinska področja makroregionalnih strategij. Usklajenost ciljev in sredstev makroregionalnih strategij in širitvene politike, možnost koriščenja znanja, pridobljenega na podlagi sodelovanja znotraj makroregionalnih strategij pri pristopnem procesu držav ZB ter ne nazadnje viden napredek pri pristopnem procesu pokaže, da makroregionalne strategije krepijo pristopni proces držav k EU. ; The European Union's (EU) macro-regional strategies, as the cohesion policy tool, represent an integrated framework aimed at addressing the common challenges that arise in a given geographical area. This allows EU Member States, as well as third countries, to tackle problems together and make greater use of their common potential. The thesis is based on the assumption that the participation of the countries of the Western Balkans (WB) within macro-regional strategies helps to facilitate their integration into the EU. The aim is to examine the coherence between EU macro-regional strategies and the EU enlargement process and to contribute to the understanding of the external dimension of the cohesion policy. In the theoretical part of the thesis, I define key concepts in the field of EU foreign policy action. In the empirical part, I first check the coherence of the EU macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy in terms of goals and means of these policies. Then with a comparative analysis I measure the coherence of these two policies in terms of progress of WB countries in accession chapters according to individual content areas of macro-regional strategies. The coherence of the goals and means of macro-regional strategies and enlargement policy, the possibility of using the knowledge gained through cooperation within macro-regional strategies in the accession process of WB countries and last but not least visible progress in the accession progress show that macro-regional strategies are strengthening EU accession process.

Mednarodno sodelovanje držav članic Evropske unije je izrednega pomena za učinkovito delovanje Unije. Predvsem pa je ključnega pomena za kakovost življenja ljudi znotraj držav članic. Eno izmed pomembnejših področij sodelovanja, ki zagotavlja kakovost življenja in varnost državljanov, je sodelovanje med policijami držav. Dotično sodelovanje ni samo pomembno, ampak že kar nujno glede na globalne razsežnosti kriminalitete. Države članice priznavajo varnost svojih državljanov kot eno od glavnih vrednot in pravic. Z namenom zaščite te pravice in omejevanja kriminalitete je Evropska unija sprejela razne instrumente, ukrepe in pravne okvire na področju mednarodnega policijskega sodelovanja. Pomembno je tudi delovanje raznih agencij Evropske unije, katerih namen je krepitev in usmerjanje sodelovanja med policijami držav članic. Primeri tovrstnih agencij so na primer Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, odbor COSI, SEPA, CEPOL itd. V nalogi je predstavljena tudi vloga in delovanje Slovenije v omenjenih agencijah ter njene aktivnosti na področju policijskega sodelovanja. To poteka na različne načine in na raznih področjih. Načine, oblike in področja sodelovanja sem poskušala predstaviti na primeru policijskega sodelovanja med Slovenijo in Italijo. ; The international cooperation of the Member States of the European Union is of utmost importance for the effective functioning of the Union. Above all, it is crucial for the quality of life of people within Member States. One of the most important areas of cooperation that guarantees the quality of life and the safety of citizens is the cooperation between the police of the countries. The cooperation in question is not only important, but rather necessary, given the global dimension of criminality. Member States recognize the safety of their citizens as one of the main values and rights. In order to protect this right and to limit criminality, the European Union has adopted various instruments, measures and legal frameworks in the field of international police cooperation. It is also important that the various European Union agencies work to strengthen and direct cooperation between the police of the Member States. Examples of such agencies include Europol, Interpol, Sirene, Frontex, COSI, SEPA, CEPOL, etc. The paper also presents the role of Slovenia in these agencies and its activities in the area of police cooperation. This is done in a variety of ways and in various fields. I tried to present ways, forms and areas of cooperation in the case of police cooperation between Slovenia and Italy.

Magistrsko delo je osredotočeno na področje zanesljive oskrbe z energijo, ki zraven trajnosti in konkurenčnosti predstavlja enega izmed treh ključnih ciljev evropske energetske politike. Natančneje opredeljuje gospodarski pomen in cilje zanesljive oskrbe, tveganja, povezana z zanesljivo oskrbo, kakor tudi Akcijski načrt EU za varnost preskrbe in solidarnost pri preskrbi z energijo. Zanesljivost oskrbe je eden izmed ključnih ciljev energetske politike Evropske unije (v nadaljevanju EU), zato je posebna pozornost namenjena tudi evropski energetski politiki, njenemu nastanku, ciljem in potencialnim ukrepom kakor tudi trenutnemu stanju in izzivom energetike v EU. Slednja se danes namreč sooča z vrsto izzivov, med katerimi največji izziv predstavlja visoka uvozna odvisnost, zato je bistveno, da EU ukrepa zdaj in s skupnimi močmi, da bi si zagotovila konkurenčno, trajnostno in predvsem zanesljivo oskrbo z energijo. V ta namen si pospešeno prizadeva oblikovati skupno energetsko politiko. Ker je tudi Slovenija članica EU, magistrsko delo podrobneje predstavlja tudi izhodišča in cilje energetske politike Slovenije, zanesljivost oskrbe v Sloveniji ter njene cilje in pomen. Praktični del magistrskega dela analizira energetsko uvozno odvisnost EU in Slovenije ter vlogo obnovljivih virov energije (v nadaljevanju OVE) pri zagotavljanju zanesljive oskrbe. S pomočjo statistične primerjave, obogatene s tabelaričnimi in grafičnimi prikazi, so predstavljeni proizvodnja, viri in poraba energije v EU in v Sloveniji, kar je osnova za nadaljnjo analizo, tj. analizo uvozne odvisnosti kot glavnega pokazatelja zanesljivosti oskrbe. Predstavljena je vloga OVE pri zagotavljanju zanesljive oskrbe z energijo, hkrati pa so analizirani dejavniki, ki povzročajo razlike med državami članicami EU glede izkoriščanja OVE. Posebna pozornost je namenjena tudi napovedim za prihodnost na ravni EU kot tudi v Sloveniji. Na ravni EU sta podrobneje analizirana dva scenarija, ki analizirata evropske energetske trende do leta 2030, t. i. referenčni scenarij in scenarij Baseline 2009. Za napovedovanje energetske prihodnosti Slovenije pa so natančneje predstavljene in analizirane dolgoročne energetske bilance do leta 2030, izdelane za več scenarijev. Poseben poudarek je na projekcijah kazalnikov za spremljanje zanesljivosti oskrbe v Sloveniji. Za boljše razumevanje sta na začetku magistrskega dela predstavljena nastanek in razvoj EU ter v okviru tega Slovenija kot članica EU. ; Master's thesis is focused on the area of security of energy supply, which is next to sustainability and competitiveness one of the key objectives of the European energy policy. It specifies the economic importance of the objectives of security of supply, and the risks associated with the supply, as well as the EU Energy Security and Solidarity Action Plan. As already stated, the security of supply is one of the key objectives of EU energy policy, therefore, special attention is also given to the creation of the European energy policy, its objectives and potential actions, as well as the current situation and challenges of the energy sector in the EU. Today the EU is facing with number of challenges, among which the biggest challenge is the high import dependency, so it is essential for Europe to take action now and work together to ensure a competitive, sustainable and above all, reliable energy supply. To this end, the EU accelerated its efforts to develop a common energy policy. Because Slovenia is also a member of the EU, master's thesis also presents origins and objectives of the Slovenian energy policy, security of supply in Slovenia and its objectives and importance. In its practical part master's thesis focuses on the analysis of the energy import dependence of the EU and the Republic of Slovenia and the role of renewable energy sources (RES) to ensure security of supply. With the help of statistical comparisons, enriched with tabular and graphic representations are presented production and consumption of energy in the EU and Slovenia, which is the basis for further analysis, i.e. analysis of import dependence, as the main indicator of security of supply. It is also presented the role of RES in providing security of energy supply, and analyzed the factors that cause differences between the EU Member States on the exploitation of RES. Special attention is also given to the predictions for the future, both at EU level as well as in Slovenia. At EU level two scenarios to analyse the Europe's energy trends by 2030 are presented, the so-called reference scenario and baseline 2009 scenario. To predict the energy future of Slovenia long-term energy balances by 2030, designed for more scenarios, are presented and analyzed. Special emphasis is placed on the projected indicators for monitoring the security of supply in Slovenia. For a better understanding of master's thesis is at the beginning also presented the formation and development of the EU as well as Slovenia, as an EU member.

Namen magistrskega dela je bilo proučiti stanje ozaveščenosti glede sistema navzkrižne skladnosti. Ravno tako je bil namen proučiti možnosti poenotenja postopkov v izvajanju sistema, identificirati dobre prakse med deležniki in jih kot skupek dobrih praks, združenih v smernice, predstaviti vsem deležnikom, z namenom postati učinkovitejši v upravljanju kontrolnih sistemov. Pri tem smo kot osnovo za izboljšanje sistema analizirali izvedbeni model obstoječega sistema navzkrižne skladnosti, proučili akreditacijska merila, ki jih mora izpolnjevati plačilna agencija in jih nadgradili z zahtevami novega standarda ISO 9001:2015. Pri standardizaciji procesov smo sledili merilom, ki prispevajo k učinkovitejšemu upravljanju kontrolnih sistemov in ugotovitve združili v prepoznane pomanjkljivosti sistema ter predloge za izboljšanje delovanja modela za dosego večje učinkovitosti sistema vodenja in uspešnejšega izvajanja sistema. Precizen odgovor na učinkovito upravljanje nadzora je v raziskavi opredeljen kot rezultat primerljivosti ugotovitev rednih sistemskih kontrol izven sistema subvencij z ugotovitvami kontrol v subvencijskem modelu. Ugotovili smo, da idejna zasnova modela deluje, vendar pa je mogoče z uporabo predlogov izboljšav obstoječega modela in odpravo izpostavljenih pomanjkljivosti učinkovitejše upravljati kontrolne sisteme znotraj skupne kmetijske politike. V okviru magistrskega dela smo izvedli kvalitativno raziskavo s pomočjo intervjujev z udeleženci vodstvenega in operativnega nivoja deležnikov modela ter s kvantitativno raziskavo. Ta je temeljila na spletnem vprašalniku, posredovanem kmetijskim svetovalcem, kmetom in potrošnikom. Na osnovi raziskave, izvedene z deležniki modela navzkrižne skladnosti, smo ugotovili, da je bistvenega pomena za uspešno skupno politiko uskladitev ciljev kmetijske, okoljske in naravovarstvene politike, ki s svojim zakonodajnim okvirjem, smernicami in ukrepi bodisi neposredno bodisi posredno vplivajo na področje navzkrižne skladnosti. Te s svojim zakonodajnim okvirjem, smernicami in ukrepi bodisi neposredno bodisi posredno vplivajo na področje navzkrižne skladnosti. Izkoristiti je potrebno prožnost politik na ravni EU kot tudi specifike naše države ter postaviti jasno srednje ročno in daljno ročno strategijo kmetijstva, z načrtovanimi in ciljno naravnanimi ukrepi, ki jih podpirajo vse ključne politike in so v interesu kmetov ter hkrati dovolj stabilni v času. Usmerjenost k temu cilju bo privedla do skladnosti s standardi, trajnostnega razvoja kmetijstva, kakor tudi večje združljivosti skupne kmetijske politike s pričakovanji kritične družbe na splošno. Navedeni elementi so bili prepoznani kot cilji politike navzkrižne skladnosti. ; The purpose of the Master thesis was to examine the state of awareness of the cross-compliance system. It was also intended to examine the possibility of standardization of the system implementation procedures, to identify best practices among shareholders and to present these to all shareholders as a set of good practices joined in guidelines, in order to become more efficient in the management of control systems. The implementation model of the existing cross-compliance system was analyzed as a basis for the improvement of the system. Furthermore, the accreditation criteria to be met by a paying agency were also examined and upgraded with the requirements of the new ISO 9001: 2015. The criteria that contribute to more effective management of control systems were followed during the standardization processes. In order to achieve greater effectiveness of the management system and more effective implementation of the system the findings were combined in the identified deficiencies of the system and proposals for improving the functioning of the model. Within the study the precise answer to the effective management of controls is defined as a result of the comparability between findings based on regular system checks outside the subsidy system and findings of controls in the subsidy model. As established the concept of the model is in place. However, with the application of proposed improvements of the existing model and the elimination of the exposed weaknesses the control systems within the Common Agricultural Policy could be managed more effectively. In the framework of the Master thesis the quantitative survey and the qualitative research were carried out, the latest through interviews with managerial and operational level of shareholders model. The quantitative survey was based on an online questionnaire submitted to agricultural advisers, farmers and consumers. The results of the research conducted with shareholders of the cross-compliance model showed that harmonization of objectives concerning agricultural, environmental and conservation policy is essential for a successful common policy. The legislative frameworks, guidelines and measures of the above mentioned policies have either direct or indirect influence on the scope of cross-compliance. It is necessary to take advantage of the flexibility of policies at EU level as well as the specifics of our country and to set clear medium term and long-term agriculture strategy, with planned and targeted measures that are supported by all key policies, in the interests of the farmers and sufficiently stable in time. Direction towards this goal will lead to the compliance with standards, the sustainable development of agriculture and will make Common Agricultural Policy more compatible with the expectations of critical society in general. These elements are identified as the cross-compliance policy objectives.

Pojem administrativna ovira lahko razložimo kot nekaj, kar lahko posamezniku ali organizaciji onemogoča doseganje zastavljenih ciljev v njegovem vsakdanjem življenju. Posebno pozornost v magistrski nalogi smo tako namenili predstavitvi različnih evropskih programov, ki se ukvarjajo s problematiko zmanjševanja administrativnih ovir tako na nivoju EU, kot tudi na nacionalni ravni držav članic. V okviru magistrske naloge smo se osredotočili ravno na črpanje sredstev kohezijske politike EU ter na podlagi podatkov raziskave poskušali pokazati, kje se še možnosti za odpravo administrativnih ovir ter kje so tiste slabosti oz. ovire, ki jim do sedaj nismo pripisovali dovolj velike pozornosti, čeprav se v procesu administrativnega vodenja projektov z njimi vsakodnevno srečujemo. Na ta način bomo dosegli še dodatno poenostavitev postopkov in povečali uspešnost pri črpanju sredstev iz strukturnih skladov EU. V nalogi obravnavani raziskovalni problem, se nanaša na upravljanje s projekti v fazi njihovega izvajanja, v okviru katerega smo se osredotočili na administrativno in finančno poročanje. Z izvedeno raziskavo smo preučili tri sklope vprašanj, ki se nanašajo na administrativne ovire pri projektnem poročanju, organizacijsko strukturo kohezijske politike in rezultate uspešnosti Slovenije pri črpanju sredstev evropske kohezijske politike. Slovenija je primerljivo uspešna z drugimi evropskimi državami pri črpanju sredstev EU, kar smo v sklopu izvedene raziskave dokazali na podlagi analize absorbcijske uspešnosti kohezijske politike. Prav tako Slovenija izkazuje nizek delež administrativnih stroškov glede na ocenjene vrednosti povprečnega deleža bruto domačega proizvoda, ki ga predstavljajo administrativni stroški in je v tem kriteriju izmed primerjanih držav najuspešnejša. S problemom črpanja evropskih sredstev so se ukvarjale vse zadnje slovenske vlade, zlasti v finančni krizi pa so nekako končno priznale, da so to pravzaprav edina dodatna razvojna sredstva, ki jih država lahko pridobi, od njene usmerjenosti in absorbcijske sposobnosti pa je hkrati tudi odvisno, kako uspešno jih bo uspela počrpati. ; The concept of an administrative burden can be explained as something that makes it impossible for an individual or organization to achieve the objectives pursued in their everyday life. Special focus of this master thesis is dedicated to the presentation of different European programs which deal with the problem of reducing administrative burdens at the EU level and also at the national level of individual Member States. The present master thesis focuses particularly on the absorbtion of funds of the EU cohesion policy, and on the basis of the research data attempts to show where there is still potential for the reduction of administrative burdens and where there are those weaknesses or barriers that have not yet received enough attention, although we face them daily in the process of administrative management. In this way we can achieve further simplification of the procedures and enhance efficiency in the disbursement of funding from the EU Structural Funds. The research problem of the thesis relates to the management of projects at the stage of their implementation, in which we focus on administrative and financial reporting. During the survey we considered three main questions related to administrative burdens in the phase of project reporting, organizational structure of the cohesion policy and on the results of the Slovenian performance in the absorbtion of EU cohesion policy funds. Slovenia shares comparable success with other European countries in absorbing EU funds, which was proved on the basis of the analysis of absorbtion efficiency of the Cohesion policy carried out in the framework of this research. Slovenia also shows a considerably low share of administrative costs in relation to the estimated value of the average share of the gross domestic product represented by these administrative costs. In terms of this criterion Slovenia is the most successful country from the countries we compared. All the recent Slovenian Governments have dealt with issues relating to the absorbtion of European funds, especially during the last financial crisis, when they finally recognized that these funds are actually the only additionally available developmental funds the state can obtain. The state's orientation and absorbtion capacity will thus show how successful it will be in the future in absorbing these funds.

The financial crisis and its consequences in European societies show the weaknesses of the current economic system. Especially in the so-called peripheral countries we can notice a dramatic increasing in unemployment, reduced public spending and security, poverty, evictions, etc. The neoliberal policy followed by most European governments offers little chance for a solution to this problem. ; Finančna kriza in njene posledice v evropskih družbah kažejo na pomanjkljivosti sedanjega gospodarskega sistema. Še posebej v t. i. obrobnih državah se dramatično povečujejo brezposelnost, nižanje porabe, občasnost del, prisilno preseljevanje delovne sile, revščina, deložacije itd. Neoliberalna politika, ki ji sledi večina evropskih vlad, ponuja malo možnosti za rešitev nastale situacije.

This paper analyzes the issue of nations without states in contemporary Europe between the Atlantic and the Urals. The political map of the continent comprises forty-seven countries, most of which are nation-states. However, the cultural mosaic of Europe is far more complex; there are around fifty ethnic groups (in addition to historical, territorial, or indigenous ethnic minorities and an enormous number of immigrant ethnic communities) lacking a state-based organization. Together, these people add up to 78 million, or almost 15% of the European population. Twenty-seven groups can be considered nations without states; they are culturally and ethnically based and have various forms of territorial integrity and political organization. However, they did not create a state organization, despite many attempts by some through history. Without a state organization, those communities have poorer opportunities to protect their folk culture and to reproduce various elements of ethnic identity. This is why they seek territorial autonomy or independent statehood through nationalist movements. In many cases, these ambitions are encompassed in regional movements. These movements have been popular in Europe, particularly because the idea of a "Europe of regions" as part of the European Union has had broad political support and acceptance. However, it has not actually succeeded. The EU and Europe as a whole are still a Europe of (nation)-states. In general, regional movements have been successful and through this some nations without states have attained part of their political ambitions in the form of territorial autonomy. The regionalization of former centralist states (e.g., Spain and the United Kingdom) increased the chances of ethnic survival for the Catalans, Basques, Scots, and Welsh. On the other hand, the regionalization of nations without states represented territorial division, a kind of "divide and rule" strategy serving to reduce their ambitions towards national independence. The territorial and political reconstruction of nation-states has been successful, but it did not solve all ethnic problems. The European political map reveals another interesting phenomenon: a double state for some nations. These are particularly typical for the Balkans. Because of political and territorial development after the Second World War and during the transition period in the 1990s and beyond, the principle of immutable political borders (logically encompassing the creation of new nation-states as well) led to further political and territorial divisions and (in fact, paradoxically) fragmentation. Some of these "inner" autonomous territories are functioning as de facto states. The cases of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus or Republika Srpska in Bosnia-Herzegovina are good examples of these processes. This development has not garnered much political support in most European countries or at the EU level. However, it is an undesirable reality and is certainly one of changes among the political and territorial (or even greater) challenges for the Europe of tomorrow. It forces a reexamination of the phenomenon and value of nations. The existence of nations without states represents a potential for the creation of new (nation) states.

Ko slišimo za pojem korupcija, takoj pomislimo na zlorabo javne službe za doseganje lastnih koristi. Posamezniki in podjetja podkupujejo administrativne uslužbence, da le-ti uredijo zadeve, ki morajo biti rešene. Gre torej za izsiljevanje rent od gospodarskih udeležencev in posledično od ekonomije same izključno za zasebne koristi politikov in uradnikov. Tovrsten pristop k obravnavanju pojava je v zadnjih letih začrtal popolnoma novo smer analiziranja in merjenja korupcije. Korupcija se predstavi v popolnoma novi podobi, v kateri posamezniki, skupine oziroma podjetja vplivajo na formulacijo zakonov, ali celo spreobračajo že oblikovana pravila igre, da bi si s tem zagotovili pomembne ugodnosti. Korupcija je in vedno bo obstajala v svetu, edina razlika je v tem, da se z razvojem družb spreminja, prevzema bolj prefinjene oblike, zaradi katerih jo je težje odkrivati in preprečevati. Vse bolj razsežne in destruktivne posledice, ki jih ima korupcija na gospodarsko rast in družbeno stabilnost, nujno zahtevajo praktične strategije omejevanja korupcije. Problem korupcije se ne omejuje na določeno regijo, kajti z njenimi grožnjami se ubadajo tako razvite države kot tudi države v razvoju in tranzitne države. V postsocialističnih državah so sočasni procesi razvijanja tržne ekonomije, oblikovanja novih političnih in socialnih institucij ter prerazporejanje družbene lastnine ustvarili rodna tla za pojav korupcije. Zaradi kompleksnosti fenomena in predvsem zaradi vse večjega zavedanja, da vzroki za prevzem države presegajo golo neučinkovitost in šibkost državne uprave, je potrebno za razumevanje in odpravljanje state capture razsvetliti problem širših strukturalnih povezav, kot so interna organizacija političnega sistema, odnosi in zveze med ključnimi državnimi institucijami, interakcije med podjetji in državo ter povezave med državo in civilno družbo. ; When we think about corruption, an image quickly comes to mind of abuse of public office for private gains. Individuals and firms are bribing bureaucrats to »get things done«. Behind this view lies an understanding of the state extracting rents from the economy for the exclusive benefit of politicians and bureaucrats. Such an aprroach has had a powerful impact on the way corruption has been analyzed and measured in recent years. Corruption has taken on a new image – that of individuals, groups, or firms manipulating policy formation and even shaping the emerging rules of the game to their own, very substantional advantage. Corruption has always existed across the world and it will never disappear, the difference is that has become more sophisticated and thus more difficult and costly to detect. With the increasing recognition across the globe of the damaging effects of corruption on economic growth and social stability, the demand for practical strategies to reduce corruption has grown dramatically. The problem is not confined to any particular region, and developed, developing and transition countries alike are confronting these challenges. In postcommunist states the simultaneous processes of developing a market economy, designing new political and social institutions and redistributing social assets have created fertile ground for corruption. With regard to complexity of phenomena and with increasing recognition that the roots of state capture extend far beyond weaknesses in the capacity of government, we need to be aware of factors underlying the persistence of corruption that is broader structural relationships, including the internal organization of the political system, relationships among core state institutions, the interactions between the state and firms, and the relationship between the sate and civil society.