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The enactment of the Workplace Relations Act 1996 by the Howard Government represented an acceleration in the pace of industrial relations reform. Amid these significant and widespread legislative developments, little attention was paid to the plight of groups traditionally disadvantaged in the labour market-including Indigenous people. The Australian Workplace Industrial Relations Survey (AWIRS) 1995 is the first publicly released data set that permits analysts to directly examine the industrial relations environment in firms that employ Indigenous Australians. Information from the AWIRS employee survey and AWIRS Employee Relations Managers survey are used in the analysis.

In this article, I analyse a critical factor confronting Australian higher education—the involvement of Indigenous people in leadership and governance within universities. First, I examine the importance of this key factor in addressing the educational aspirations of Indigenous people at universities. Secondly, I discuss the results of a survey I conducted in 2012 on the approaches of universities towards the participation of Indigenous people in university leadership and governance. I argue that despite the demonstrable importance of this key factor, universities have clearly failed to genuinely address Indigenous leadership and governance. I also compare the results of the 2012 survey with the results obtained from similar previous surveys I conducted in 2000 and 2007.

"There is a need for a greater level of awareness about the behaviours and circumstances that affect Indigenous community safety and the services available to communities to deal with them. Information in this report will help create an evidence base for developing initiatives that build on the resilience and capacity in Indigenous communities."

AbstractMany mining operations are on or near Indigenous land, and the strong level of investment during the recent mining boom may have disproportionately affected Indigenous communities. This article examines changes in local Indigenous employment, income and housing costs to identify any localised 'resource curse' for Indigenous communities and the Australian population at large. Census data are used to show the mining boom has improved employment and income outcomes, but increased average housing costs. While the average increase in income has generally offset the increase in costs, housing stress for low‐income households has increased as a result of the mining boom.

This article considers how changing media practices of minority groups and political and media elites impact on democratic participation in national debates. Taking as its case study the state-sponsored campaign to formally recognise Indigenous people in the Australian constitution, the article examines the interrelationships between political media and Indigenous participatory media - both of which we argue are undergoing seismic transformation. Discussion of constitutional reform has tended to focus on debates occurring in forums of influence such as party politics and news media that privilege the voices of only a few high-profile Indigenous media 'stars'. Debate has progressed on the assumption that constitutional change needs to be settled by political elites and then explained and 'sold' to Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Our research on the mediatisation of policymaking has found that in an increasingly media-saturated environment, political leaders and their policy bureaucrats attend to a narrow range of highly publicised voices. But the rapidly changing media environment has disrupted the media-driven Recognise campaign. Vigorous public discussion is increasingly taking place outside the mainstream institutions of media and politics, while social media campaigns emerge in rapid response to government decisions. Drawing on a long tradition in citizens' media scholarship we argue that the vibrant, diverse and growing Indigenous media sphere in Australia has increased the accessibility of Indigenous voices challenging the scope and substance of the recognition debate. The article concludes on a cautionary note by considering some tensions in the promise of the changing media for Indigenous participation in the national policy conversation.

Intro -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Abbreviations and acronyms -- Acknowledgements -- Author affiliations -- 1. Introduction: Developing the National Disability Insurance Scheme -- 2. Disability in the Indigenous population -- 3. Disability support services: Indigenous users and barriers to access -- 4. Current dataset gaps and limitations -- 5. Delivering disability services -- 6. Existing evaluations of service delivery models -- 7. Providing a disability workforce -- 8. Key issues for disability service delivery models for remote Indigenous communities -- References -- Appendix 1: Projection methodology for Remote Service Delivery Areas -- Appendix 2: How Indigenous persons with a disability were identified in the NATSISS, Census and SDAC -- Appendix 3: Key questions to inform NDIS and mapping to available data -- Appendix 4: Data sources on disability for the Indigenous population -- Appendix 5: Attachment tables -- CAEPR Research Monograph Series.

At a time when Indigenous political movements in Australia insist that settler authorities reckon with powerful claims for treaty, recognition of sovereignty and Indigenous political representation, one is inevitably drawn to consider possibilities for political change. How can decolonisation be more than metaphor in a settlercolonial situation? What are the horizons of justice? These questions are central to Tim Rowse's Indigenous and Other Australians since 1901, which, in surveying and reflecting on the past 118 years of Australian settler-colonial policy thinking and practice, historicises the narrowing confines within which emancipation might be imagined or actualised.

Impetus for attempting to delineate 'real' private sector employment derived from concerns regarding the shortcomings of data on this issue identified by the review of the Aboriginal Employment Development Policy (AEDP). In seeking to address these concerns, private sector employment is defined here as consisting of activities that do not depend primarily on government funding for their existence. Using census data, two methods are employed to estimate change in the number of Indigenous people employed in this redefined private sector in 1986 and 1991. The first, a residual approach, uses a mix of census statistics and administrative data sets. The second is based on judicious scrutiny of detailed industry tables from the census cross-classified by private sector employment. Revised statistical limits of Indigenous employment in the private sector are produced with intercensal growth substantially deflated. This paper considers the determinants of employment income for Indigenous Australians compared with non-Indigenous Australians. Ordinary Least Square (OLS) regression techniques are applied to 1991 Census data to consider the question: does the lower income of these Indigenous people reflect differences in their factor endowments (like education) rewarded in the labour market, or are they rewarded differently for the same set of endowments than are non-Indigenous Australians. The results show that the main source of lower incomes for Indigenous Australians was their smaller endowment of human capital characteristics. The paper concludes with a discussion of the policy implications of these results.