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In distance education, the student's high educational autonomy and active participation in the learning process are key features of the educational process that contribute to the concept of self-regulated learning in this environment, as they make the learner responsible for acquiring the knowledge through fact-finding and reflective learning practices. In this context, the work looks at the contribution of the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings in supporting self-regulated learning strategies in the education environment of the Hellenic Open University. In particular, the purpose of the work is to explore how the Written Works and Group Consultative Meetings activate the mechanism for the expression of self-regulated learning for apprentices in the context of the educational autonomy that the OR offers through its curricula. The investigation is based on the literature review of distance education and self-regulated learning. The conclusions of the survey show that written work and group consultative meetings in the OR are areas for teaching, communication, collaborative management and evaluation negotiations and therefore important pedagogical tools to support self-regulated learning and, in particular, self-assessment strategies, self-monitoring, search for information, search for assistance and time management, which demonstrates the need for effective planning and organisation in providing them. ; Στην εξ αποστάσεως εκπαίδευση η υψηλή μορφωτική αυτονομία και η ενεργητική συμμετοχή του μαθητευόμενου στην διαδικασία μάθησης αποτελούν κυρίαρχα χαρακτηριστικά της εκπαιδευτικής διεργασίας που συντείνουν στην έννοια της αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον αυτό, δεδομένου ότι καθιστούν υπεύθυνο τον μαθητευόμενο για την κατάκτηση της γνώσης μέσα από πρακτικές διερευνητικής και ανακαλυπτικής μάθησης. Στο πλαίσιο αυτό, η εργασία μελετά τη συμβολή των Γραπτών Εργασιών και των Ομαδικών Συμβουλευτικών Συναντήσεων στην υποστήριξη στρατηγικών αυτο-ρυθμιζόμενης μάθησης στο περιβάλλον εκπαίδευσης του ...

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Kostas Raptis, Merchants in Imperial Austria during the 'Long' Nine­teenth Century This article, which draws mainly on the Archives of the Austrian Ministry of Commerce, as well as on contemporary works and modern li­ terature, focuses on the examination of the historical course of merchants (above all the whole sale traders and the well suited shopkeepers and retail merchants) in Old Austria as a distinctive group within the Central European bourgeoisie. The contribution of the merchant­magnates (Großhändler) to the industrialization of the Austrian Half of the Habsburg Empire and the formation of a powerful business class, the importance of the involvement of businessmen from abroad in Austrian wholesale and foreign trade, the grip of the state and imperial allegiance in the commercial sector, the social position and the political activity of merchants– primarily at local and regional levels –as well as the attitudes of the multi­ethnic merchant class towards all kinds of nationalist movements in the late nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries, are the central issues of this essay. Merchant­magnates, among whom many of foreign provenance or/ and not of Catholic faith (Protestants, Jews and Greek­orthodox) established themselves as the most active entrepreneurial group within the Austrian bourgeoisie during most of the nineteenth century (at least until the 1870s), since they exploited promptly every new opportunity to accumulate and augment their capital and income: in industry, banking, insurance and other share­holding companies, transport, shipping and real estate. The bourgeois status of the Austrian merchants is confirmed for the same period by their participation in all sorts of (bourgeois) associations, their subscription to public benefit causes, their charitable and philanthropic activities. The imperial state's favorable disposition towards entrepreneurs in general and merchants in particular, its recognition and reward of their contribution to the Austrian economy and export trade, of their mercantile knowledge and professional experience, as well as of their charity and philanthropic work, are documented in the appointment of honorary consuls of Austria abroad or of consuls of foreign states in the capital and cities of the Monarchy, the conferring of the highest social distinctions on merchants by Emperor Franz Joseph through award of medals, honorary titles and titles of nobility or the merchants' collaboration with the Ministry of Commerce as elected members and officials of chambers of commerce, as experts, special advisers and commission agents. In addition to the merchants' indirect relations with politics there were direct ones too, in other words their active participation as elected representatives, primarily to municipal councils and secondarily to the local and imperial parliaments of Austria after the constitutional reforms of 1860­1861. During the so­called era of liberalism, from the 1860s up to the mid­1880's, it was mainly german­speaking merchants, who, together with industrialists and other middle class groups, dominated in most towns, whereas in the three decades which preceded the First World War –an era of increasing anti­semitism and nationalism– they had to share power with new emerging petit­bourgeois strata (among them many shopkeepers). The article concludes with a remark on the upheavals caused to the merchant world by the two World Wars and national­socialism, which destroyed the unified economic space of Austria­Hungary, nationalized its cosmopolitan bourgeoisie and finally led to the expulsion, material depravation or/and extermination of such a dynamic and prominent group, like the Jewish merchants and entrepreneurs, followed by the abolition of the capitalist economy by the new socialist regimes in Central and East­Central Europe after 1945.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Leonidas Kallivretakis, The Greek Dictatorship in the conjuncture ofthe 1973 Middle East War The purpose of this article is to explore a widely­held «urban legend¬, namely, that the Papadopoulos' military regime was overthrown in November 1973 by the Americans, because the Greek dictator refused to assist the United States' supply effort in support of Israel during the Arab­Israeli war in October 1973. This assumption holds a prominent position in the wider realm of various conspiracy theories, which seek simplistic explanations of complicated dramatic events. By following in detail the unfolding of events step­by­step, by thoroughly scrutinizing all available material and highlighting the contradictions they reveal, the author concludes that there is no hard evidence supporting the above theory surrounding Papadopoulos' ouster.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Eleni Fournaraki, «Wherefore deprive her of the vote?». Universal male suffrage and the exclusion of women from politics in 19th century Greece Through study of the Greek case, this article tries to explore the exclusion of women from political rights in the context of liberal democracy as a historiographical problem. In contrast to the vast majority of representative states at the time, political circumstances prevailing in Greece led to the constitutional establishment of universal male suffrage in 1864, though not without provoking the discontent of a sizeable portion of the political scene for several years thereafter. According to «conventional» historical accounts, there can be no doubt that women's exclusion from «universal suffrage» in 1864, while not explicity articulated in the Constitution or any pertinent legislation, was regarded as self-evident. Furthermore, prior to 1910-20 the possibility of attributing the vote to women did not preoccupy party politics, while a suffragist movement did not appear before the Inter-war period. Our own approach can be summarized as follows: exploration of the meaning of women's exclusion from political rights in a democratic conjuncture that assured those rights to all adult men may reveal the full dimensions of the conflict dynamic that democratic conquests presuppose. In the first place, this dynamic applies to men themselves, or more precisely to the less privileged among them. As empirical data reveal, the question of women's political rights, even if acquiring those rights was not an existing possibility, could appear as a constructive element of the political discourse: women's exclusion could have been put forward as one of the issues in the argument against universal male suffrage. It is precisely the self-evident and trivial nature of this exclusion together with that of children which could offer a more convincing argument against the conception of suffrage as a natural right. A lack of internal coherence and consistency in the argument of the advocates of «universal suffrage», could be pointed out through the emphasis, conversely, on the irrationality of a regime that guaranteed political participation down to the very last «illiterate» or «vagrant» man, while depriving all women of the vote, especially those who had the ability to possess and administrate property. Support for suffrage for those women was not totally absent from such argumentation, which served to reveal the contradictions that women's exclusion from political rights brought to the heart of the modern system for the legitimization of sovereignty. Through examination of the arguments employed by the science of constitutional law to justify exclusion, we observe a broader process of redefinition and rationalization of the existing gender hierarchy, in modern terms. Crystallized in the last quarter of 19th century, this process appealed to the notion of the biological and psychological «specificity» of «female nature)) in order to legitimize the incompatibility of women as a whole with politics.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Panayotis Stathis, Rethinking the 1821 Greek Revolution. A reading of Ni­kos Theotokas, The Life of General Makriyannis: History and Memoirs Nikos Theotokas' most recent book on Makriyannis is a characteristic specimen of new trends in the study of the Greek revolution of 1821, which shift emphasis from battles and politics to society. Theotokas uses as main analytical categories the antithetic notions of "tradition" and "modernity". However, Theotokas follows a less rigid and more sophisticated approach of this scheme. Instead of treating people of the traditional and modern world in a static way, he explores how they interacted, and emphasizes the dynamic nature of their relationship during the transitional period of the revolution. Theotokas' study on Makriyannis comprises a double venture. On the one hand it constitutes a historical biography of the General, while on the other it examines the long process of writing (1829-1852) his memoirs. Through this parallel narrative, Theotokas reveals how Makriyannis' changing attitude towards facts stated in the memoirs is modified by the specific historical conjuncture in which each of these facts is narrated by the author. The earliest parts of the text, written in the aftermath of the revolution, comprise a mixture of traditional and modern political discourse, in which the responsibility for both the negative developments of the war and of civil conflicts is often attributed to the traditional social elites. However, under the King Otto's reign, Makriyannis' expectations concerning his new position in the post-revolutionary society were gradually disappointed. Thus, in the latter parts of the memoirs Makriyannis clearly formulates a moralistic interpretation of the political developments, according to which the outlandish, selfish and warless politicians seized power and treated unfairly the pure fighters of the revolution who gave everything for its success.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The aim of the current study is an attempt to address the problem which emerged in the Hellenic Society during the years of the inter war as well as the first post civil war period, due to the change of the calendar. The introduction, from the Hellenic Church, of the new (Gregorian) calendar in 1924 created a strong reaction among the believers wich resulted to the creation of a new movement, named Greek Religions Community of Genuine Orthodox Christians (C.O.Ch.). This conservative minority, having had a great influence, insisted in the reinstatement of the old calendar and caused important conflict in the Hellenic society. The issue is examined from a political viewpoint, since the G.O.Ch. functioned as a pressure group towards the governments, demanding the free exercise of their religious duties. The governments appeared rather uncourageous in facing the problem, as they relied on G.O.Ch's vote. However, there had been systematic chasing persecutions against their clergymen, with them arrested or sent to the exile, facts which aggravated the problem. In this article, we also attempt to analyse the ideological stigma of the G.O.Ch. movement as their moved against all innovations of West-European origin and they declared their dedication to the traditional customs. Another aspect of the issue, concerns the so-called Macedonian issue and since the Church as well as many politicians considered the G.O.Ch. as being Serving the Yugoslav propaganda between the Slavonic-speaking minority of Macedonia, given that the Serbian Church maintained the old calendar. The C.O.Ch. Church attempted to defend itself against those accusations claiming that the change of the calendar served the political plans on the northern neighbours.

Soil, as the primary receptor of anthropogenic urban contamination acts as a sink for a variety of toxic and other hazardous substances. It constitutes, therefore, an indicator of contamination and may be utilised geochemically to assess environmental quality of urban and suburban areas. In Nafplion, an urban and suburban area of 50 km2 , was investigated using for the first time in Hellas an integrated approach with all available geoscientific techniques to make an in-depth environmental impact assessment. One of these techniques was applied geochemistry, which mapped the geochemistry of surface soil (0-10 cm) with 144 samples, collected on a regular grid of 500 x 500 km. The following fifty determinands were measured on the soil samples: Ag, Al, As, B, Ba, Be, Bi, Ca, Cd, Ce, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Ga, Ge, Hg, K, La, Li, Mg, Mn, Mo, Na, Nb, Ni, P, Pb, Rb, Re, S, Sb, Sc, Se, Sn, Sr, Ta, Te, Th, Ti, Tl, U, V, W, Y, Zn, Zr, pH, electrical conductivity and grain-size distribution. The aim of the geochemical study was to distinguish, as far as possible, the origin of chemical elements, and (i) to classify them as geogenic or anthropogenic; (ii) to delineate contaminated areas, and (iii) to assess potential future impacts of human activities on soil. Interpretation of the resulting geochemical patterns has shown that those of Al, Fe, Be, Ce, Cr, Co, Ga, Ge, K, La, Li, Mg, Nb, Ni, Rb, Sc, Sr, Tl, V, Y, W and Zr are of geogenic origin, since they are directly related to parent rocks, whereas patterns of As, B, Ba, Bi, Ca, Cd, Cu, Mn, Mo, Na, P, Pb, S, Sb, Sn, Th, U and Zn are interpreted as being of dual origin, geogenic and anthropogenic. In this paper, the geochemical distribution of only five elements shall be described, i.e., Pb, Zn, Cu, Ni and Na. This case study was indeed very interesting, since for the interpretation of some patterns, even the military history of the area had to be unravelled. ; Soil, as the primary receptor of anthropogenic urban contamination acts as a sink for a variety of toxic and other hazardous substances. It constitutes, therefore, an indicator of contamination and may be utilised geochemically to assess environmental quality of urban and suburban areas. In Nafplion, an urban and suburban area of 50 km2 , was investigated using for the first time in Hellas an integrated approach with all available geoscientific techniques to make an in-depth environmental impact assessment. One of these techniques was applied geochemistry, which mapped the geochemistry of surface soil (0-10 cm) with 144 samples, collected on a regular grid of 500 x 500 km. The following fifty determinands were measured on the soil samples: Ag, Al, As, B, Ba, Be, Bi, Ca, Cd, Ce, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Ga, Ge, Hg, K, La, Li, Mg, Mn, Mo, Na, Nb, Ni, P, Pb, Rb, Re, S, Sb, Sc, Se, Sn, Sr, Ta, Te, Th, Ti, Tl, U, V, W, Y, Zn, Zr, pH, electrical conductivity and grain-size distribution. The aim of the geochemical study was to distinguish, as far as possible, the origin of chemical elements, and (i) to classify them as geogenic or anthropogenic; (ii) to delineate contaminated areas, and (iii) to assess potential future impacts of human activities on soil. Interpretation of the resulting geochemical patterns has shown that those of Al, Fe, Be, Ce, Cr, Co, Ga, Ge, K, La, Li, Mg, Nb, Ni, Rb, Sc, Sr, Tl, V, Y, W and Zr are of geogenic origin, since they are directly related to parent rocks, whereas patterns of As, B, Ba, Bi, Ca, Cd, Cu, Mn, Mo, Na, P, Pb, S, Sb, Sn, Th, U and Zn are interpreted as being of dual origin, geogenic and anthropogenic. In this paper, the geochemical distribution of only five elements shall be described, i.e., Pb, Zn, Cu, Ni and Na. This case study was indeed very interesting, since for the interpretation of some patterns, even the military history of the area had to be unravelled.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Papathanassiou, Illegitimate Children and Foster Children in the Eastern Alps: Research Directions and Perspectives This article deals with the history of illegitimate and foster children (usually also illegitimate) in the region of Eastern Alps (Austria) between the mid-18th and the early 20th centuries. During that period these childrens' number, though not stable, remained considerably high in absolute and relative terms. The paper discerns three basic trends in literature on the subject and comments on their results: a) Studies related to an international historical debate on bastardy in Europe and trying to explain impressive statistical data by pointing to social and economic factors, such as the domination of animal husbandry, the system of inheritance, the family system, labour organization and the so-called «agricultural revolution» in Europe. b) Studies on legislation, on official politics regarding single mothers and illegitimate or foster children, as well as studies on public institutions taking care of illegitimate children and their mothers from the second half of the 18th century on. Austrian law did not provide clearly for illegitimate children until the civil code was enacted in 1811 and only in 1919 a new law came into being regarding illegitimate and foster children together. c) Studies in a «history from below» direction, regarding people and their experiences but clearly not dominating the field in terms of numbers as well as analytical breadth. This essay suggests a more systematic approach in this last direction, particularly by comparing social groups, for example illegitimate children with peasant children, illegitimate children in rural with illegitimate children in urban environments, illegitimate foster children with other foster children in rural Austria, single mothers born and grown up as illegitimate children themselves with single mothers born and grown up as peasant daughters etc.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; This paper discusses the politics of historical interpretation as manifested in E. P. Thompson's The Making of the English Working Class. The discussion addresses two main areas of interest:a. The structure of the conceptual framework that organises historical narration and grounds historical analysis and interpretation. It is argued that this framework is based on his insistence on the privileged character of historiography as a field of knowledge and as a critical perspective for social and political perspective on the one hand. The conceptual framework also consists of Thompson's conviction that in the process of class formation experience is the sine qua non historical catalyst that intervenes between the social being (modes of production) and class consciousness. These analytical inclinations are explored with reference to Thompson's engagement with the discussion over marxist reductionism on the one hand, and althusserian structuralism on the other.b. Finally, an attempt is made to trace the particularities of the historical context within which Thompson's perspective was shaped, as well as the influence that his work has had on the orientations of social studies during the period of the 1970s and 1980s.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; The article examines contemporary museums as a special educational environment for the development of subjects' (especially children's) historical knowledge, on the basis of the analysis of a) different museums and different approaches to history education, in terms of their epistemological background, and b) relevant research results. It is supported that the use of museum objects and collections as historical sources and their interpretation as historical evidence can introduce subjects to History as an «episteme», enable them to realise historical uncertainty, historical relativity and historical questioning, recall and develop historical knowledge in close relation to historical thinking and skills. Carefully organised educational programmes that aim to develop subjects' historical knowledge within a museum environment may also have great political significance, if they enable subjects to realise their right and abilities in «breaking», investigating, «reading» and interpreting historical, cultural and social codes, and to articulate and communicate their own speech.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Maria Damilakou, The image of the gaucho in the argentine society (1830- 1940): ideological uses and historiographie approaches This article attempts to show the different images of the gaucho, symbol of the argentine pampa, that predominated the local society as long as to associate them to the different interpretations of the historical past and the process of construction of the argentine national identity. This process required contacts, confrontations and interchanges among different social groups and sectors, such as the lower classes, the intellectual and political elites, the marginal rural element and the new coming immigrants. The construction of the gaucho's image was a long process, extended from the first half of the 19th century until the peronist years. From the «heroic son of the earth» who stood up the Spanish conquerors during the Revolution of 1810, he became the «barbarian of the desert» through the discourse of the illuminated elite that, during the second half of the 19th century, undertook the national organization of the country, its fast modernization and the creation of «obedient citizens». During the same period, the popular culture provided a different aspect of the gaucho, especially through the figures of Martin Fierro and Juan Moreira: the gaucho now became the center of a large cultural phenomenon that was picturing the rural way of life, codified common experience and expectations and became a form of resistance to the process of modernization. Later, in the 1910s, the image of the «obedient» Martin Fierro was adopted by the cultural nationalism of the period and used as the symbol of the argentine national identity and as the incarnation of the argentine essence and soul. At last, the leftwing forces adopted the gaucho as the symbol of the oppressed social groups, whereas the nationalist movements of the 1930s used his image in order to support their revisioned interpretations about the national historical past.

Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos». ; Kostas Sarris, Chrysanthos Notar as and the publication of "Dodekavivlos" by Dositheos of Jerusalem: a case of false publication date (1715 / c.1722)The article focuses on «Dodekavivlos» by Dositheos the patriarch of Jerusalem (1641-1707). His historiographic work was published after his decease by the Greek publishing house of Anthime in Bucharest. The book was edited by his nephew and successor to the patriarchical throne of Jerusalem Chrysanthos Notaras and the publisher and future bishop of Wallachia Mitrofanis Grigoras. The study concentrates on the false date of publication noted under the title of "Dodekavivlos", that is to say, October 1715, whereas, in reality, the book was published between 1721 and 1723. In the first part of the article, the process followed during the edition and the publication of the book is depicted. Moreover, the outset of the aforementioned procedure as well as the publication date of «Dodekavivlos» is determined. In this context, some aspects of history of the publishing house Anthime are clarified whilst the publishing work and the technical impediments confronted by a Greek publishing house in the Rumanian Principalities in the turning point of the 18th century are delineated. The second part of the article attempts to formulate a cohesive and comprehensive interpretation of the false publication date. Both the polemic character of the content of «Dodekavivlos», which due to the rivalry over the religious establishments of the Holy Land, was of political nature, and Chrysanthos Notaras' correspondence along with the historical background of the publication can conduce to some conjectures over Chrysanthos' decision not to record the real date but an earlier one as well as the choice of the particular date of the title. According to the interpretation brought forward, Nicolaos Mavrokordatos' potential political ventures played a significant role. Also, telltale, though of less importance, is the fact that the name of the publisher and bishop of Wallachia Anthimos Iviritis is not recorded under the false date of the title of «Dodekavivlos».

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Nassia Yakovaki, The «Traité des trois imposteurs)) and the European Enlightenment The aim of this article is to present the obscure but fascinating story of the production and diffusion of the Traité des trois imposteurs, the best seller of the clandestine literature in Europe during the first half of the 18th century and to discuss the new and to some extent controversial interpretations that the study of this text has provoked as far as the understanding of the European Enlightenment is concerned. The importance of this text derives, first of all, from its subversive ideas: it offers a bold and straightforward attack on all three monotheistic religions (Judaism, Christianity and Islam) by rejecting the principle of revelation and by pronouncing their founders as «impostors», while attributing the appearance of organized religions to political interests. Yet, the significance of this text goes beyond its content: the conditions of its production as well as of its circulation offer to modern historical research the chance to explore an «underground universe», peopled by relatively unknown figures, working among the middlemen of the publishing world. These circles —as it seems— had the readiness to respond creatively to a turbulent religious and political environment, to adopt rigid philosophical stands and to step into radical politics. Historical research has recently succeeded in investigating the complicated issues of the origin, dating, authorship and circulation of this notorious text and in disentangling the thread connecting this late 17th century production with the medieval legend of the «imposture». Crucial among these findings is on the one hand the bond that links the Traité with the works of Spinoza and on the other the connection between the production of the text and a group of people in late 17th and early 18th century Holland. The interesting questions concerning the general understanding of the era of «the crisis of the European consciousness» that the historical scholarship about the Traité has raised have already led to the formation of a new, stimulating, yet controversial historiographical trend which elaborates a new interpretation of the Enlightenment, around the idea of an early and radical Enlightenment (Margaret Jacob, 1981 and 2003, Jonathan Israel, 2001).

Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism. ; Dimitrios Stamatopoulos, The Church as State: representations of the Orthodoxmillet and the model of constitutional monarchy (second half of thenineteenth century)The institutionalised introduction of secular elements into the administrationof the Patriarchate of Constantinople after the ratification ofthe General Regulations (1860-1862) created the conditions for the emergenceof a discourse aimed at the internal reorganization of ecclesiasticalinstitutions based on the state model. This model was adopted not onlyby reform-minded circles but also by representatives of the clericalistwing, each with completely different political aims. The model of constitutionalmonarchy appeared as the most «functional» for solving thecentral political problem posed by the clericalist wing in the discussion:how could a regime of patriarchal centralization be applied without confutingthe essence of reform. This model of constitutionality prevailednot only because the reformers preferred it as an alternative version ofrestructuring the millet but because the clericalists espoused and promotedit in the form of a state model: that of the constitutional monarchy.And their aim was not only to prevent the domination of thelay element but also to avoid the formation of a public sphere, whichin any case in Eastern and Southeastern Europe was inherent in theemergence of a discourse on nation and nationalism.

Δεν παρατίθεται περίληψη στα ελληνικά. ; Tonia Kafetzaki, Female Contention and Communist Commitment: Working Women in the Midwar Novels and Essays of Galateia Kazantzaki The paper examines the representations of working women in the midwar novels of Galateia Kazantzaki (1881-1962), the relation of these representations to the author's political views on female labor —as articulated in two essays written in the same period—, as well as the manner in which her views are integrated into the discussion of these issues during this time period, specifically in the confrontation between the radical feminists, the socialists and the communists. G. K. was a writer with an enduring interest in the social status of women, an intellectual who actively participated in the debates of the Left regarding the role of art, and unswerving in her commitment to the communist movement. Including women in her work, she intended to denounce the decay of the bourgeois system that imposes upon women additional forms of exploitation, to tackle issues regarding the status of her female contemporaries and to examine women's labor in relation to women's emancipation perceived as a change in mentality and morals. Her prose in its entirety, literary and political, is an interesting expression of female contention in the period between the wars, an expression consistent with the basic tenets of the communist party, conversant with the views of the radical feminist scene, and showing a clear proximity to socialist opinions. Revealing a broader and more liberal attitude regarding women's labor and women's issues than the political party she is affiliated to, she chiefly expresses her concern for attaining a new female ethos, a new consciousness.