香港大学では、機関リポジトリである「香港大学スカラーズ・ハブ(研究者網の中核)」推進に向けた強固な手法を構築するために、様々な取組みがおこなわれてきました。香港の主要な研究資金提供機関である、大学補助金委員会(University Grants Committee)からの要請により、香港大学は現在、全ての学部に対して「知識交換(Knowledge Exchange)」への参加を義務付けています。この取組みには、香港大学が知識と技術を生み出し、それらを企業、政府および地域社会と共有するという活動が含まれています。スカラーズ・ハブを香港大学における「知識交換」の牽引役とするために、現在香港大学に属している各研究者のウェブページ「ResearcherPages」が開設されました。このページでは、現在のビブリオメトリクスおよびスコーパスとウェブオブサイエンスからの共同研究者の目録をインポートすることができます。共同研究者、文献引用者、そしてダウンロード数を表した図が、各著者毎に構築されており、データベースのフィールドには、各著者の契約研究分野およびメディア対応分野・言語が表示されます。スカラーズ・ハブでは、一貫性のある形で、香港大学の全ての研究者の指標を閲覧することができます。香港大学の「知識交換」に従事する必要性、同分野の研究者の中で突出したいと願う自然な気持ちが、指標そして読者数を増加させようという、香港大学の著者の強固な意欲を生み出しているのです。この結果として、スカラーズ・ハブへの論文登録数は増加しています。 ; At the University of Hong Kong, several endeavours have converged to create a robust method of populating its institutional repository, "The HKU Scholars Hub". At the request of the main funder of research in Hong Kong, the University Grants Committee, HKU now requires all its faculties to show "Knowledge Exchange (KE)", which includes the act of making HKU generated knowledge and skill sets accessible to business, government and the community. In order for the Hub to become a vehicle of HKU KE, ResearcherPages for each current HKU researcher have been added, which import current bibliometrics and lists of collaborators from Scopus and Web of Science. Maps of collaborators, citers, and downloads are created for each author. Fields are displayed for each author, for contract research, and subjects on which media spokesmanship are available. The Hub shows these metrics in a consistent manner for every HKU researcher across the university. The need to comply with HKU KE, and the natural desire to stand out among one's peers has created strong incentive among HKU authors to increase these metrics, and their readership. The population rate of the Hub has increased accordingly. ; published_or_final_version ; Digital Repository Federation International Conference 2009, Tokyo, 3-4 Dec 2009, p. 90-95
The Global Nutrition Report (GNR) provides a global profile and country profiles on nutrition for each of the United Nations' 193 member states, and includes specific progress for each country. It will be a centerpiece of the Second International Conference on Nutrition (ICN2) in Rome on 19-21 November, organized by the UN Food and Agriculture Organization and the World Health Organization. ; Supplementary Online Materials ix Acknowledgments x Abbreviations xii Executive summary xiii Chapter 1 ntroduction 2 Chapter 2 Nutrition Is Central to Sustainable Development 7 Chapter 3 Progress toward the World Health Assembly Nutrition Targets Is Too Slow1 5 Chapter 4 The Coexistence of Different Forms of Malnutrition Is the "New Normal" 22 Chapter 5 The Coverage of Nutrition-Specific Interventions Needs to Improve 29 Chapter 6 Interventions Addressing the Underlying Determinants of Nutrition Status Are Important, but They Need to Be More Nutrition sensitive 38 Chapter 7 The Enabling Environment Is Improving, but Not Quickly Enough 47 Chapter 8 The Need to Strengthen Accountability in Nutrition 56 Chapter 9 What Are the Priorities for Investment in Improved Nutrition Data? 67 Chapter 10 Key Messages and Recommendations 71 Appendix 1 The Nutrition Country Profile: A Tool for Action 75 Appendix 2 Which Countries Are on Course to Meet Several WHA Targets? 77 Appendix 3 Which Countries Are on Course for Which WHA Targets? 79 Appendix 4 Donor Spending on Nutrition-Specific and Nutrition-Sensitive Interventions and Programs 84 Appendix 5 How Accountable Is the Global Nutrition Report? 86 Appendix 6 Availability of Data for Nutrition Country Profile Indicators 88 Notes 91 References 95 PANELS Panel 11 Types of Nutrition Investment, Lawrence Haddad 4 Panel 21 Nutrition and the Sustainable Development Goals—No Room for Complacency, Michael Anderson 11 Panel 22 Some New Data from India: What If?, Lawrence Haddad, Komal Bhatia, and Kamilla Eriksen 12 Panel 23 How Did Maharashtra Cut Child Stunting?, Lawrence Haddad 13 Panel 24 Can Improving the Underlying Determinants of Nutrition Help Meet the WHA Targets?, Lisa Smith and Lawrence Haddad 14 Panel 41 Malnutrition in the United States and United Kingdom, Jessica Fanzo 25 Panel 42 Regional Drivers of Malnutrition in Indonesia, Endang Achadi with acknowledgment to Sudarno Sumarto and Taufik Hidayat 26 Panel 43 Compiling District-Level Nutrition Data in India, Purnima Menon and Shruthi Cyriac 27 Panel 44 Targeting Minority Groups at Risk in the United States, Jennifer Requejo and Joel Gittelsohn 28 Panel 51 Measuring Coverage of Programs to Treat Severe Acute Malnutrition, Jose Luis Alvarez 37 Panel 61 Trends in Dietary Quality among Adults in the United States, Daniel Wang and Walter Willett 41 Panel 62 How Did Bangladesh Reduce Stunting So Rapidly?, Derek Headey 43 Panel 63 Using an Agricultural Platform in Burkina Faso to Improve Nutrition during the First 1,000 Days, Deanna Kelly Olney, Andrew Dillon, Abdoulaye Pedehombga, Marcellin Ouédraogo, and Marie Ruel 45 Panel 71 Is There a Better Way to Track Nutrition Spending? 48 Panel 72 Tracking Financial Allocations to Nutrition: Guatemala's Experience, Jesús Bulux, Otto Velasquez, Cecibel Juárez, Carla Guillén, and Fernando Arriola 49 Panel 73 A Tool for Assessing Government Progress on Creating Healthy Food Environments, Boyd Swinburn 51 Panel 74 Engaging Food and Beverage Companies through the Access to Nutrition Index, Inge Kauer 52 Panel 75 How Brazil Cut Child Stunting and Improved Breastfeeding Practices, Jennifer Requejo 54 Panel 81 Scaling Up Nutrition through Business, Jonathan Tench 61 Panel 82 How Civil Society Organizations Build Commitment to Nutrition, Claire Blanchard 62 Panel 83 Building Civil Society's Capacity to Push for Policies on Obesity and Noncommunicable Diseases, Corinna Hawkes 63 Panel 84 Can Community Monitoring Enhance Accountability for Nutrition?, Nick Nisbett and Dolf te Lintelo 64 Panel 85 National Evaluation Platforms: Potential for Nutrition, Jennifer Bryce and colleagues 65 Panel 86 The State of African Nutrition Data for Accountability and Learning, Carl Lachat, Joyce Kinabo, Eunice Nago, Annamarie Kruger, and Patrick Kolsteren 66 ; PR ; IFPRI1; CRP4; B Promoting healthy food systems ; DGO; A4NH; PHND ; CGIAR Research Program on Agriculture for Nutrition and Health (A4NH)
Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America is probably one of the most oftreferred books today in the United States. It is widely seen as the best book ever written on this country, its words endlessly quoted by different political camps which claim the book as their own. This article examines the ways in which the American have read this magnum opus of the Frenchman, especially during the last few decades, on the assumption that their reading is reflecting their perceptions on contemporary American society and its future. The aim of this article is twofold. First, it tries to show that Democracy has long been read in America as an (or, in not a few cases, the) important source to reflect on a remedy for an increasingly "individualistic" and thus "despotic" American society. What the American have commonly found a solution to this problem out of reading the book is the restoration of the tradition of self-government, which is highly hailed by Tocqueville as an admirable feature of American society. Second, this article aims at showing that, although the different political views between conservatives and liberals (one of the most visible political divisions in this society today) are surely affecting the American reading of Democracy, this is only one aspect of the story. Many Americans, whatever their political tendencies are, end up calling for the revival of a self-governed American society as a consequence of studying the book. This common 'conclusion' derived from their reading could be interpreted as a proof that the image that America is the country built on citizens' active participation in public affairs is widely shared among the American themselves. In this considerably diverse society that could fragment at any time potentially, the image has thus been contributing to keeping it in unity, probably to not a small extent.
As of 2021, Europe is entering a new period in two respects. One is that the COVID-19 virus effect that has continued since 2020 has be controlled due to the vaccine program, and the world after COVID-19 has become visible. The other is that the rift between the United States and Europe, which emerged during the four-year U.S. Trump administration, is showing signs of healing with the birth of the U.S. Biden administration, and is able to produce a unity that regards China as a common enemy. Otherwise, there are still many unstable factors in the situation surrounding Europe. Regional powers such as Russia and Turkey, which had been the target of democratization support from Europe, have become more authoritarian, and instead, have intervened in Europe in various ways, threatening European values such as democracy and human rights. However, Europe's greatest threat is within not without. The possibility that the right wing will take power in major European countries cannot be ruled out, in which case the existence of the G7 and EU itself will be threatened. It is also a concern that the nature of European populism has changed from the former "politics to gain popularity" to a politics that controls and manipulates citizens.
This article examines whether mayors' social capital increases local governments' performance. Putnam suggests that politicians' social networks with residents may deteriorate political transparency and thus decrease performance. However, no direct relationships have been clarified. So, we focus on the Philippines as a case and conduct a survey on national representative 300 cities and municipalities in 2011. We find that (1) by distributions, among three indexes of performance as dependent variables, valuing fundamentals of governance have the highest scores. Social governance and administrative governance follow. Among mayors' networks as independent variables, mayors meet residents most, and local politicians, provincial politicians, and the central government officers follow. (2) By regression analyses, meeting residents promotes social governance, while meeting central government officers increases administrative governance. Multi-level analyses support these results. Therefore, mayors' social capital increases local governments' performance. Yet different social capital promotes different performance.
Rintaro Takeda a Japanese writer who had been assigned and ordered by the Japanese army as a member of the propaganda unit in Java. The previous study on Rintaro Takeda and his interaction with Indonesian writers focuses on his relationship with Armijn Pane. Armijn Pane is a famous Indonesia writer who had been known as a founder of new Indonesian literary movement, "Pujangga Baroe". In Takeda's essay of "Jawa Sarasa" (1944), Armijn Pane was introduced by Takeda as the brother of the great poet Sanusi Pane. Sanusi Pane had the reputation of being the Indonesian writer who most actively collaborated with the Japanese military during the Second World War. The present study aims to reveal the relationship between Takeda and Sanusi Pane with respect to their ideas on Asian culture. Pane was the chief editor of the literature magazine Keboedajaan Timoer ("Oriental Culture") and head of the Central Cultural Office (Keimin Bunka Shidosho) during the Japanese occupation. In Pane's earlier works during the Dutch colonial period, he included aspects of his own experience in India, and the writings were strongly influenced by the famous Indian poet Rabindranath Tagore. According to Pane, India was a representation of ancient Javanese culture (Hindu-Buddhist culture) and became an inspiration for his concept of ideal culture. From an analysis of Sanusi Pane's works, such as Kertadjaja and Sandyakalaning Majapahit, it is clear that his depiction of glorious Javanese empires of the past contains his ideas of nationalism and notions about the superiority of old Javanese culture. Sanusi's idea were similar to those of Kokuzo Okakura, who inspired most of the Japanese propagandists in Indonesia, including Rintaro Takeda.
In 1942, proletarian writer, Takeda Rintarō, was sent from Japan to the Dutch East-Indies (Indonesia) as part of the Sendenbu (propaganda squad), where he led the literature section in the Keimin Bunka Shidōshō (cultural center) in Jakarta. Jawa sarasa documents Takeda Rintaro's activities and cultural experiences in Java, Indonesia, after he returned to Japan in 1944. Most Japanese literature and cultural writings about Nanyō or Nanpō ("South Islands" - South Asia and the Pacific, including Indonesia) from this era reference the concept of Imperialism in Asia. In the pre-war period, stereotypes such as dojin (local primitive) and tōmin (islander) defined South Island people as being lesser than or "other" than the Japanese people. Japanese literary depictions of tropical Eden's and exotic "uncivilized people" reflect similar perceptions and writings by Western authors towards Asia in the 19th century. This paper explores Takeda Rintarō's perspectives of "otherness" in prewar discourses about Indonesia. Through the influence of "The Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere" propaganda concept, the ideology of "sameness" was becoming a hegemonic cultural idea in Takeda's writings about Indonesia. Conversely, however, Takeda's depiction of the double-occupation of Java, with the political rule of Holland and economic domination of daily life by Chinese immigrants, implied criticism of Japan's administrative policies regarding economic exploitation in Java. Takeda's criticisms of Japanese policy are bedded in his emotion for the nature, culture and people of Indonesia.
The Japanese government published a list of the 1,945 most commonly-used basic kanji in 1981. This database contains 27 seperate descriptions (cells) of each basic Japanese kanji which cover such fields as classification, frequency of use, number of strokes, pronunciation, etc.
The conflict environment is changing, and—after almost two decades of continuous COIN, stabilisation and counterterrorism missions—government and public opinion in western and allied countries are unlikely to support continued large-scale or long-duration missions of this type. Yet history demonstrates that such missions are, and are likely to remain, some of the most frequent and geographically widespread. Likewise, ground forces are critical for success in COIN and stabilisation missions, due to the need to interact closely with local government and populations, which implies the need to establish and maintain a physical presence in the area of operations, which in turn implies the need to survive and prevail in a close combat environment, which only ground forces can do. Thus, despite their unpopularity, ground forces can expect (and must be prepared) to continue engaging in these types of operations. However, the same factors that have enhanced the threat in recent decades—in particular, connectivity and the ability to conduct collaborative and remote engagement— also create opportunities for new operating methods for ground forces conducting COIN and stabilisation. These include the ability to deploy only a small element forward on the ground, conducting SFA and FID tasks, while supporting it with a QRF and other enablers that remain offshore in a sea-base or in regionally-deployed FOBs. In such a scenario the main force might be withheld from the theatre of operations and either deploy for a brief initial period only, or not at all. For a force operating in this manner, protected mobility and communications would remain essential, as would the ability to access and deliver precision fire support when required. Deployed forces would probably be modular to a very low level, operating in a mesh of multi-role, semi-autonomous small teams supporting each other and swapping roles as needed. Traditional intelligence, engineering, civil affairs, psychological operations and military governance capabilities would remain essential, but might be called forward as needed. Ultimately, however, while ground forces will almost certainly continue to play a central role in counterinsurgency and stabilisation operations, the way they perform this role, the organisation and equipment with which they do so, and the environment in which they conduct such missions is likely to change, and keep changing, into the foreseeable future.
The United States suffers political and social polarization at its worst since the Civil War. Is Trump the "result" or the "cause" that accelerated this malaise? As a former Washington correspondent who covered the Trump administration last four years, I tried exploring answers for this American self-questioning. Trump-style governance, so-called Trumpism, has been characterized with its unique communication style to inspire anti-elite ressentiment among American public especially for white male middle-class who feel themselves less and less belongings to mainstream in their country. This communication sometimes takes the form of "dog whistle" aiming at Trump's core supporters or at other times takes the form of sense of complicity sharing misinformation intentionally. The anti-elite undercurrent and the partisan confrontation which accelerates political polarization have been fostered in the US even since before the rise of Trump. In this respect the Trumpism can be called the "result". On the other hand, it is also pointed out that Trump would be the "cause" which overturned the hierarchical order of policymakers, bureaucrats, experts and major media institutions playing himself destroying the existing order. In addition, the Covid-19 pandemic played a major role in amplifying its effects. This reminds us of importance of further exploration to find out how infectious disease has caused significant impact on the state of democracy.
Wong, Ying Suet. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 120-131). ; In English with some Chinese and Japanese; abstract also in Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter One: --- Introduction --- p.3 ; Literature Review --- p.7 ; Structure --- p.10 ; Notes on Sources --- p.13 ; Chapter Chapter Two: --- Venereal Disease Policies in the Metropole and Their Colonies --- p.15 ; The Case of Britain --- p.16 ; VD Policy in the Metropole: The case of Britain --- p.16 ; VD Policy in the Colonies: The Case of Colonies under Britain --- p.23 ; The Case of Japan with Reference of Britain as the Pioneer Policy Maker --- p.28 ; Chapter Chapter Three: --- Venereal Disease control in the Metropole --- p.31 ; Legislation --- p.32 ; Institutions --- p.44 ; Education and Social Discussion --- p.49 ; Resistance --- p.55 ; VD control in the Japanese Military Force --- p.60 ; Summary --- p.67 ; Chapter Chapter Four: --- Venereal Disease Control in Colonial Taiwan --- p.70 ; Legislation --- p.72 ; Licensed prostitution system --- p.72 ; The VD Prevention Law --- p.79 ; Education and Social Discussion --- p.84 ; Before the VD Prevention Law in Japan in 1927 --- p.84 ; Education and Public Discussion of VD after the promulgation of the VD Prevention Law in 1927 --- p.90 ; The Changing Discourse of VD --- p.95 ; Summary --- p.100 ; Chapter Chapter Five: --- "Sex, Gender, Class, Race and Colonialism" --- p.101 ; Taiwanese Women´ةs image: Scapegoating --- p.101 ; Medical Development: State Medicine and Local Elites --- p.106 ; VD Control in the Military in Taiwan --- p.109 ; Summary --- p.111 ; Chapter Chapter Six: --- Conclusion --- p.114 ; Bibliography --- p.120
The conflict over Kashmir has been a core issue between India and Pakistan since their independence. It is not only just a territorial conflict but also the core issue of the region, which has been changing along with the regional and international environment. In particular, after the 1990's, the people of Kashmir committed to armed resistance, which has become the focus of the risk to regional and international security because both India and Pakistan are nuclear powers. Resolution of this problem is quite difficult because it would require committing to the ideas of national integration of both countries. Specifically, for India, it is secularism; for Pakistan, it is the two-nation theory. However, the people of Kashmir want to choose their own destiny—integration with neither India nor Pakistan. India promised Kashmir a degree of freedom and democracy under article 370 of the Indian Constitution; however, for the time being, these right have been curtailed. To resolve this issue, two main plans have been presented by both countries; a referendum and the partition of Kashmir along the Line of Control. But, these ideas disregard the right of self-determination or the nationalist sentiment of the people of Kashmir. Recently a new idea emerged based on the notion of shared sovereignty. The history of discord between India and Pakistan has caused critical anxiety for regional peace and stability. However, there will is hope that a constructive solution to this problem can be found in the future through continuity of dialogue and negotiation between the two countries. We as an international society surrounding these nations, we should maintain a supportive stance for continued cordial dialogue.
